Skip to main content

Full text of "History of Fort Wayne, from the earliest known accounts of this point, to the present period. Embracing an extended view of the aboriginal tribes of the Northwest, including, more especially, the Miamies ... with a sketch of the life of General Anthony Wyane; including also a lengthy biography of ... pioneer settlers of Fort Wayne. Also an account of the manufacturing, mercantile, and railroad interests of Fort Wayne and vicinity"

See other formats



it 



Gc M. L, 

977.202 

F77b 

1143263 



3ENHAUC ^ - ^^i-l-^o 



G-c 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 02301 6733 




^it/, 



^^'^- -fAobetr £ Co. ChiC^^' 



l^- 




GEK-EAUOSY COLUECTION 

HISTORY 



OP 



Q RT W AY N E , 

FROM 

THE EARLIEST KNOWK ACCOUNTS 

OF 

THIS POINT, 
TO THE PBESENT PERIOD. 

EMBRACING AN EXTENDED VIEW OF THE ABORIGIXAL TRIBES 
OF THE NORTHWEST, INCLUDING, MOKE ESPECIALLV, 
THE MIAMIES, OF THIS LOCALITY-THEIR HABITS, 
CUSTOMS, ETC.— TOGETHER WITH A COMPREHEN- 
SIVE SUMMARY OF THE GENERAL RELATIONS 
OF THE NORTHWEST, FROM THE LATTER 
PART OF THE SEVENTEENTH CEN- 
TURY, TO THE STRUGGLES OF 1812-14; 

WITH A SKETCH OF THE 

LIFE OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE; 

INCLUDINa ALSO A LENGTHY 

BIOGRAPHY OF THE LATE HON. SAMUEL HANNA, 

TOGETHER WITH SHORT 

SKETCHES OF SEVERAL OF THE EARLY PIONEER 
SETTLERS OF FORT WAYNE. 

AI.SO AN ACCOUNT OF THE 

MANUFAOTVRING, MERCANTILE, AND RAILROAD INTERESTS 

OF FORT WAYNE AND VICINITY. 

BY W A li L A C E A « B R I C E . 

VnTH ILL USTI(r1 TIOJTB. 

PORT »\«1W^, IJy^If: 

D. W. JONES & SON, STEAM B0< )K and JOB PRINTERS. 
1808. 



Entered, according to act of Congress, on the 26th day of February, 1868, 

By Wallack A. Bbice, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for 

the District of Indiana. 



1143263 



TO TTIE CITIZENS 

OF THB 

CITY OF FORT WAYNE AND VICINITY, 
Farmers of Allen County, 

AS AN HUMBLE TKIBUTE OF KSTEEM, 

This Volume u most Kindly dedicated, 

BV THE AUTHOR. 



» 



^a§^^^ 




PREFATORY REMARKS. 



When I first thought to gather together and arrange the material with which to 
form the History of Fort Wayne, I had little comprehended the magnitude and 
extent of the field or matter thereof; and after receiving the ready and liberal assur- 
ances and aid of a large mass of the citizens of Fort Wayne in substantial subscrip- 
tions thereto, and made known my intention to issue the work, I soon found myself 
encompassed on all sides by a vast store of information and facts, from which to 
draw and form the material for the work. 

Though, from an early day, widely known as a point of great interest and im- 
portance, both as to its aboriginal renown, throughout the northwest, for many con- 
secutive years ; and the whites, for nearly a century before the war of 1812, yet, 
aside from a few short, hastily-written, and very incomplete sketches of the place 
and adjacent localities, no one had ever ventured or been sufficiently aroused to the 
Importance and value of such a volume, to write and arrange the history of this 
old carrying-place, and former center of Indian life, in view of which, the French, 
the English, and the American soldiers had so long successively stood guard. 

Having procured many valuable documents, old and rare, horn which to draw 
much of interest for the work, and received also much important information from 
those of the Pioneer fathers and mothers among us, who still survive to tell the 
story of 

" tbe early times out west, 
>;< « * * « * 
In thp days when thet were Pioneers, 
Fifty years ago," 

I readily saw that, to do justice to so extended a body of matter, time would not 
only be required to put it into readable form, but much care needed in the sifting 
and selection of the material; and so, with large perseverance and a determination 
not to slight or overlook any important feature of the work, during the latter part 
of May and first of June last, I began industriously to devote myself to the task of 
writing and arranging the matter for the volume, often, during the warm months 
of summer, repairing to the woods in the vicinity, writing much of the work upon,' 
the o-round, where, in former years, were to be seen many Indian lodges, and also 
contiguous to points where the early skirmishes between the Indians and whites 
had occurred. 

Thus pushing forward, filling several hundred pages of paper, by the latter 
part of September, I found my task about complete, and the MSS. in the hands 
of the printer. 

In my efforts to obtain information, I am ple.ised to say that many not only 
freely told me all the important facts they could call to mind, but kindly e.xtondoJ 
to me the use of valuable books, papers, &c. Among these I may name Cn;i3. 13- 



Prefatory Remarks. vi 

Lasselle, Esq., of Logaiisporl, Ind., John P. Hedges, Esq., Hon. J. W. Borden, 
Louis Peltier, T.N. Hood, Dr.J.B. Brown, J. L. Williams, Esq., Mr. J. J. Comparet. 
Mrs. Griswold, Mrs. Laura Suttenfield, and others. 

Among the historical works referred to, and drawn from, I have been par. 
ticularly careful to "keep good company," and have used the material of those 
volumes only which have well sustained a reputation for accuracy, some of which 
have long since gone out of print. Among these, I may mention " The History of 
the Late War in the Western Country," by Col. Kobt. B. M'Afee, who was here 
with the army during much of the war of 1812 and '14 — (this volume is now fifty 
years old); Butler's " History of Kentucky " — 183G; Drake's " Life of Black Hawk" 
— 1833 ; " The Hesperian, or Western Monthly Magazine " — 1838 ; " The American 
Pioneer;" "Wau-Bun, the 'Early Day' in the Northwest; " "Western Annals;" 
Sparks' "American Biography," "States and Territories of the Great West; " Park- 
man's "Historyof the Conspiracy of Pontiac;" Dillon's " History of Indiana;" Judge 
Law's "Address" — 1839; etc., etc., together Avith a number of papers containing inter- 
esting and valuable sketches. 

Much more might have been added to the work ; but the price charged for it 
would not well admit of an enlargement beyond the number of pages presented. 
In actual amount of matter, however, the pages being "solid," it will not fall far 
short of many works of a similar character, which, though containing a less number 
of lines on each page, are yet much more bulky and voluminous. Indeed, so ex- 
tensive wore many of the facts and matter generally from which the woric has been 
drawn, that, in some instances, I have been compelled to leave out and cut short 
much matter that I should liked to have presented in the present issue. But all 
will "keep," very well, subject to a further call by the public. 

In the latter part of this volume, the reader will find, together with some other 

matter of interest, several sketches of early settlers of Fort Wayne, conspicuous 

among which will be found a very lengthy Biography of our late most beloved 

and lamented fellow-citizen, Hon. Samuel Hanna, from the able pen of his old 

friend and companion, one of Port Wayne's most worthy and respected citizens, 

G. W. AVood, Esq. A short sketch of the father of Charles B. Lasselle, Esq., " the 

first white man born at Ke-ki-ong-a," Avill be found in this part of the work ; one 

also of Mr. H. Kudisill, father of our county Auditor. But all will be read with equal 

care and interest by the reader. Thanking the citizens generally, of Port "Wayne 

and Allen county, including especially the publishers of each of our city papers, 

tor the interest manifested in behalf of the work, and the liberal aid extended to it 

in the form of subscriptions, I trust, in return, the volume ma^- not only prove a 

source of much interest and value to all, but be successful in rescuing from a com- 

\^^^ parativu oblivion the historic importance to which Fort Wayne is so justly entitled. 

WALLACE A. BKICE. 
Fort Wayne, Ind., Dec, 1867. 



BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. 



4 



SKETCH OF THE LIFE 

OP 

GE^^ERAL AI^THONY WAYKE. 



*•' Lives of TEUE men all remind us 
We can make our lives sublime, 
And, departing, leave behind us 
Foot-prints on the sands of time." 



Anthony Wayne was not alone a valiant officer and soldier. He was a 
moral hero. His frontal brain was large, and tlie crown of his head well 
expanded. Largely intuitive, ever thoughtful, sagacious, and resolute of 
will ; his soul was imbued with a large feeling of benifieence as well as de- 
termination — a high admiration of the beautiful and picturesque in nature. 
While clinging to the sword, as a means of safety, he was disposed to invite 
his antagonist to join in a council of peace. Always on the look-out — 
cautious and most prudent in his movements — bold, intrepid, and fearless, 
when called to the field of battle, his opponents were sure, sooner or later, 
to come to defeat. He was, by nature and organization, a soldier, a tac- 
tician, a hero. Somewhat scholarly, he wrote not only a fair hand, but an 
agreeable diction ; and was noted for his laeonicism.* , Born with the 
great spirit of true Freedom deeply impressed upon him, at an early age he 
became imbued with the importance of freeing his country, and making it 
an asylum for the out-growth, establishment, and perpetuation of un- 
sullied liberty, free institutions, and good government. Thus actuated 
and impelled, the name of Anthony Wayne is found among the first to 
lead the way at the commencement of the American Revolution ; and 
when, a few years after the long struggle for Independence, the West called 
for the services of one equal to the emergency of the time, he was soon 
sent to her relief; and the country, after the lapse of a few months, sub- 
sequent to his movement thither, was made to rejoice under a new reign 
of peace and safety. f 

The grand-father of Wayne was an Englishman by birth, who left his 
native country during 1681, and removed to Ireland, where he devoted 

*At the capture of Stony Point, he addressed the following to Gen. Washington : 

Stony Poiwt, 16th July, 1776, 2 O'clock, A. M. 
Dear f!i",Ni^RAL: — The fort and garrison with Col. .Johnson are ours. Our officers anij 
men behaved like men who are determined to be free. Yours most sincerely 

Gen. Washington. ANT'Y WAYNE. 

fSee Chapter XII of this volume. 



Biography of Gen. Anthony Wayne. ix. 

himself to agriculture for a period of several years. Entoring the army 
of William of Orange, against King James, the exile, in 1G90, he f(m<:ht 
at the battle of the Boyne, and took part in the siege of Limerick, making 
himself quite servicahle to the state, for which he s^eems never to have l.een 
duly rewarded, and becoming eventually much dissatisfied with the gen- 
eral relations of his adopted country, at the age of sixty-three he Ici't 
Ireland, and ventured upon a voyage across the Ocean, reaching Pennsyl- 
vania in 1722. With the new country he was much pleased, and soon 
purchased a farm and settled in Chester county of that state ; and it was 
here that his grand-son and name-sake, the subject of this sketch, was 
born, on the 1st of January, 1745. 

But little is known of the early life of Wayne, further than he was 
accounted a " pretty wild boy," and from his youth seemed to have had a 
o-reater fondness for the art and peril of war than any thing his mind could 
be called to. For this pass-time and amusement, he lorsook school, sc'hool- 
books, and gave little heed to much earnest advice. His uncde, Orilbert 
Wayne, to whom Anthony was sent as a pupil to acquire the common 
rudimekts of an education, wrote to his father as follows concerning his 

nephew: ^ . , ,. , i 

^ ''I really suspect," said he, "that parental affection blinds you; and 
that you L^e mistaken youi' son', capacity. What 1- -ay be l.s 
nualifiedfor I know not; but one thing I am certain of, that he will 
S'fmake'a scholar. He may make a soldier ; he - akeady dis- 
tracted the brains of two-thirds of the boys under my direction, by rehersals 
oAlules and sieges &c. They exhibit ^ore^^^V^^^n.^^^^ 

::^: laS^VtS^'liSwds, and others with bl^ck^eye. During 
• i- A ^c fVo ii«m1 o-ames and amusements, ne nas inc ooy& ^.m 
noon, instead oi tne usual games au^-i i candid 

hard work, if failing to conduct himselt •{i"^\'^,^"^'.,. rehearsals, and 

over his ^ham battling, e-ti-;^^^-^^; .^^^rof'hl^fathei- for 

building of mud forts. ^^^ ^,!^^"f;'' '^ ,1 ,„,.a,d were deeply impressed 
whom he entertained a strong aflect on an re a d we ^ ^^^^^^I^^ ^^.^ 

upon tim a^dheresoWtoretuin^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^ 

studies, and fo^-^^^^^ ^^! ^^■^V. himself dili-ently to his studies for a 
him. Thus acting a'^'i^JPP^y^"^^ V^'^,^ compd to admit that he had 
period of eighteen mon hs, his ^^"f;^.^^"^/^^^^^^, ,- but tliat " he merited 
Ltonly '' acquired all that his mast^couW^^^^^^^^ .^^^^^.^^ j^.^ 

the me'ans of higher and more f^'^;^^!^^ at the 

father at once to ^'^'J^^^^^^ *« t,? ; ^^^^^^ 

ageofeighteenyears hehadacqu^iredan xt de ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^_^^ 

and Mathematics. Returning again to lus J> 



upon the business of land surveying. 

It was a 
Britain and 



°^:.ate Ct— d,';Wc. placed Nova Scotia ,u .ho 



X. History op Fort WAYiirB. 

possession of the former, and the British government at once bethought 
to colonize her newly acquired territory; and associations soon began to 
be formed in some of the older provinces with a view to colonizing these 
newly acquired regions. Prominent among these was a company of mer- 
chants and others, from Pennsylvania, embracing among their number 
Benjamin Franklin, and through the recomendation of Franklin, young 
Wayne, then in his twenty-first year,was readily chosen special agent to visit 
the newly-acquired territory, to examine the soil best adapted to agricul- 
tural pursuits, and to gain information as to " the means of commercial 
facilities connected with it." Upon this important mission young "Wayne 
not only soon embarked and performed the duties thereof most satis- 
factorily to all concerned, but was continued in the trust till the year 1767, 
when the difficulties, then assuming a serious attitude between the mother 
country and the colonial settlements of America, had the effect to 
break up the enterprise and call the attention of the colonists to matters 
of self-defense directly within the colonial settlements. 

Returning again to Pennsylvania, young Wayne, in 1767, was united 
in wedlock to the daughter of a distinguished merchant in Philadelphia, 
of the name of Benjamin Penrose, whither he soon returned to Chester 
county, and again embarked in the occupation of surveying, engaging 
also in agricultural pursuits when a short cessation or pause in his profes- 
sion occurred ; and in this latter vocation he is said to have " found much 
to gratify his taste." 

Continuing to menace the colonies, and insist upon her policy of tax- 
ation, up to the period of 1774-5 — to which time we find Wayne still 
engaged in the business of surveying and farming — Great Britain was at 
length met with a formidable front by the colonists, who had determined 
to resist the further aggressions of the king and Parliament of the British 
government, even to the sword. Indeed, matters had now assumed such a 
shape as to leave no room or hope for escape on the part of the colonial 
settlements ; and WAYNE was among the first to step forward and de- 
clare for a positive stand against the further encroachment of the 
British Crown, 

The events now surely leading to a long and severe struggle against 
the mother country, in which he was to take so active a part, had years 
before, when but a boy, been foreshadowed in his ardent love of military 
sports — his fondness for the erection of redoubts and mud forts, of which 
his uncle so earnestly complained ; and seeing largely the importance 
of readiness for such a campaign, Wayne began at once to withdraw him- 
self from all political assemblies of the country, and devote himself to 
the organization and instruction of military bodies. In this he was not 
only wise, but successful ; for, within the period of six weeks, he was 
able to bring together and form a company of volunteers, " having," says 
the account,* from which the foregoing was principally drawn," more the 
appearance of a veteran than of a military regiment." 

The energy and capacity of Wayne had now begun to attract public 
attention; and during the early part of January, 1776, the Continental 
Congress readily conferred upon him the title of Colonel, and gave him the 
command of " one of the four regiments required from Pennsylvania, in 
reinforcement of the northern army." In his new capacity, he was ever 

^Prepared hy his son, Isaac "Wayne, and first published in a work printed in 
Philadelphia some years ago, called " The Casket.'' 



BiOGRAPHr OF Gen. Anthony Waynk. xi. 

noted for his diligence and activity, and his eiforta were always attended 
with marked success. 

The regiment under his command having been speedily raised and 
equiped, he soon took up his line of march for Canada ; whither he arrived 
about the latter part of June, (76,) and formed a part of Thompson's 
brigade, at the mouth of the river Sorel. Major-General Sullivan, then in 
command of the northern army, arrived at this point about the same pe- 
riod of Wayne's arrival, and learning that the British commander had 
sent a detachment of some six hundred light infantry to the westward, a.s 
far as the village of Trois Rivieres, unattended by any relief corps, a plan 
was at once agreed upon for the capture of the detachment and post, 
and establishing there a formidable battery, " which, if not sufficient en- 
tirely to prevent the ascent of the British armed vessels and transports 
to Montreal, might, for a time so embarrass the navigation, as greatly to 
retard their progress thither."* 

Accordingly, on the 3rd of July, with St. Clair's, "Wayne's and Ir- 
vine's regiments, Major Sullivan dispatched Thompson to a little village on 
the south side of the St. Lawrence, called Niccolete, which stood nearly 
opposite to the village of Trois Ptivieres. 

Learning " that a place called the White-house (still nearer to the as- 
sailants than Trois Rivieres) was occupied by an advanced guard," and 
Thompson, a tactician of the old school, being of the opinion that 
" troops acting offensively should leave no hostile post in their rear," 
bec'au to move in the direction of the supposed position of the enemy, 
but soon found that the point was unoccupied. 

After the loss of much time and the encounter of many perplexities, 
besides placing his men in a fair position for a surprise and capture, 
Thompson now directed the troops to return to the place of their landing. 
Havin"', for some hours previous, been shielded by the night, the dawn 
now began to appear, and the enemy caught sight of the detach- 
ment, and were soon driving it from point to point, until, at length, 
the troops under Thompson were compelled to seek safety in a consider- 
able morass, " from which he had just extricated himself," whore " he and 
afew others," were soon captured ; and Col. St. Clair, second in command, 
havin"-, about the same time, been disabled in one' of his feet, the fur- 
ther ^direction of the forces remaining fell upon Col. Wayne; and 
though badly wounded, so successful was he in the conduct of the move- 
men t^ that he soon gained the western side of the river Des Loups, 
and rapidly made his" "way along the northern bank of the St. Law- 
rence, to the village of Berthier," gaining the American camp at the 
mouth of the river Sorel in safety. _ 4 

Late in June, General Sullivan began to perceive, from the move- 
ments of the British, that his position was no longer a safe one ; and im- 
mediately issued an order for the evacuation of the fort of the borel, and 
a retreat upon Lake Champlain. , . • . j- 

In this movement Wayne and the Pennsylvania regiments were di- 
rected to cover the rear. So close was the enemy, in this move. -th:. 
the boats latest getting into motion were not beyond the reach o musket 
shot, when the head of the enemy's column eutered the for . W ^tl^out tur- 
ther molestation or alarm, the army, on the 17th of July, succeeded in 
reaching Ticonderoga. 
■St. Clair's narrative. 



XII. History of Fort Wayne. 

Thus we see, in the very out-set of the struggle for Independence, how 
our hero, step by step, made himself most serviceable to his country and, 
laid the foundation for lasting renown. 

The command of the northern troops, now devolving upon Gen. Grates* 
who, learning of the perilous condition of Washington, " with eight regi- 
ments," marched " to the aid of the Commander-in-chief," leaving the 
post of Ticonderoga in the command of Col. Wayne, with a force of two 
thousand five hundred men — an arrangement that not only proved most 
pleasing to the troops under him, but highly agreeable to Congress, which 
body, in order the better to encourage and sustain the appointment, soon 
conferred upon Wayne the title of Brigadier-General, continuing him in 
command of Ticonderoga until the following spring, at which period he 
was called to the ranks "of the main army under Gen. Washington, reach- 
ino: headquarters on the 15th of May, 1777, where he was at once placed 
at the head of a brigade " which," said Washington, " could not fail under 
his direction to bo soon and greatly distinguished." 

We now find Wayne connected with nearly every important movement 
of the Revolution; and though, as on occasions already referred to, closely 
pursued or surrounded, he yet, sooner or later, was ever the successful 
leader or actor in every engagement. 

After the retreat of the British from Philadelphia, in June, 1777, we 
find the corps under Wayne, with those of Sullivan, Maxwell, and Morgan, 
sent in pursuit, of which, two alone (Wayne's and Morgan's) were enabled 
to follow up the retreat, of whom Washington, in his report to Congress, 
said : " They displayed great bravery and good conduct ; constantly ad- 
vanffing on an enemy far superior to themselves in numbers, and well se- 
cured by redoubts." 

At the battle of Brandywine " Wayne was assigned the post of honor, 
that of leading the American attack; a service he performed with a gal- 
lantry now become habitual to himself and the division he commanded."* 

At the famous engagement of Stoncy Point, Wayne's own escapes are 
stated as " of the hair-breadth kind.'f Shortly after capturing and 
entering the fortification of the enemy, he was struck by amuskot-ball on 
the head, which, caused his fall ; but he immediately rallied, crying out, 
" march on, carry me into the fort ; for should the wound be mortal, I will 
die at the head of the column." 

This engagement, considered " the most brilliant of the war," is said to 
have "covered the commanding general (Wayne) with laurels;" of whom 
Washington, referring to this occasion, said in' his report to Congress: 
"To the encoumiums he (Wayne) has deservedly bestowed on the officers 
and men under his command, it gives me pleasure to add that his own 
conduct throughout the whole of this arduous enterprise merits the warm- 
est approbaticn of Congress. He improved on the plan recommended by 
me, and executed it in a manner that does honor to his judgement and 
bravery ; " and Congress tendered him a vote of thanks for his valiant 
eiforts on the occasion in question. In addition to these, Wayne was the 
recipient also of many complimentary letters from men of distinction at 
the time, one of which, from Gen. Charles Lee, will serve as illustrative, 

*Sparks' Biogvapliy, vol, 4. 

jSo intrepid and daring was he, that early in the cain]iaigu of the Revolution he re- 
ceived the appelltition of Mad Anthony, and evei- afterward retained the title, by which 
he is still familiarly known and called. 



Biography op Gen. Anthony Wayne. xm. 

perhaps-, of their general tenor. Said Mr. Lee: " what I am going to say 
you will not I hope consider as paying my court in this your hour of 
glory; for, as it is at least my present intention to leave this continent, I 
can have no interest in paying my court to any individual. What I shall 
say therefore is dictated by the genuine feelings of my heart. I do most 
sincerely declare that your assault of Stony Point is not only the most 
brilliant in my opinion, throughout the whole course of the war on either 
side, but that it is the most brilliant I am acquainted with in history; the 
assault of Sehweidnitz by Marshal Loudon, I think inferior to it. I wish 
you, therefore, most sincerely, joy of the laurels you have deservedly 
acquired, and that you may long live to wear them. With respectandno 
small admiration, I remain, &c." 

If a mutinous spirit arose among the troops at any time there were 
none better able to quell it than Wayne. Universally beloved and admired 
by all the privates under him, he readily exerted a salutary influence over 
them. This power of Wayne was strikingly illustrated during the 
fore part of January, 1781, soon after the distribution of the army for 
winter quarters. Shortly after the ordinary festivies of the day, " the 
whole division, with a few exceptions, was found in a state of open and 
decided insurrection, disclaiming all further obedience, and boldly avowing 
an intention of immediately abandoning the post, and of seeking, with 
arms in their hands, a redress of their grievances."* The aftair proved a 
serious one Every attempt to quell the movement seemed to have been 
met by blows—" wounds were inflicted and lives lost." The grievances 
complained of, were " clothing generally bad in quality, and always de- 
ficient in quantity ; wages irregularly paid, and in a currency iar below 
its nominal value ;^and, lastly, service greatly prolonged beyond the legal 
term of enlistment." 

The conflict closed about half-past eleven o'clock ; and being "O longer 
obstructed, the insurgents began a march toward Princeton ; and W ayne, 
then stationed in the neighborhood of Morristown, at some risk detei- 
mined to follow them and endeavor to bring them ^S^^ V^/^'^^ V " Hown' 
ciliatorv and dignified manner, overtaking the main body at Vealtown 
heat once began to open negotiations with some of the non-commissioned 
officers in whom he placed^'most confidence ; and it was not long before 
he succeeded in convincing them that, in order to succeed ^-^ ^'^^ 
a chan-e in their course and demeanor would be of the first nece>.ity- hat 
w thout such a course of order on the part of the ag-yed, nothing wlnit 
Tver could be eff-ected-urging the necessity of organizing a board or ap 
po nting a committee among them to set forth the grievances, and by a 
full and clear statement of their demands "—pledging himself to become 
i' zelus a/vocafe in their behalf, in " so far as the claims made should 
befounded injustice or equity.' •.. . ^owlnlv -in- 

These su-estions had the desired efl-ect; the committee ^^^ duly ap 
pointed! andlhe march towards Princeton was again begun, but in a man- 
ner much more orderly ^^^otZf c\v^v^otev of the "ood man and valiant 
Such was the power and force o^.^^'^aracter oi tne . emulate 

soldier after whom our thriving city is named , and may it 

hisexample. -„ . . , „„f iiotrino- rletermined to direct 

As early as 1777-8, the British government having cleterminea 

^Hazard's " Register of Pennsylvania." 



XIV. History of Fobt Wayne. 

some formidable operations against the industrial relations of tlie South, 
in the early part of April, 1781, Washington despatched Lafayette, " with 
twelve hundred regular infantry to Virginia ; and not long after, gave to 
the remains of the Pennsylvania line (about eleven hundred, commanded 
by Wayne, )a similar destination." We find Gen. Wayne engaging the Brit- 
ish at Green Spring, driving the enemy's pickets, and advancing in person 
to within some '■ fifty yards of the whole British army drawn up in order of 
battle, and already pushing forward flank-corps to envelope him." Deter- 
mining to make up in boldness what he seemed to have lost or was about 
to lose in a too near approach to the enemy's lines, he made a bold and sud- 
den move upon the enemy, and then retreated, which gave the British com- 
mandant to infer that it was an effort to draw his forces into ambush, 
which made so decided an impression in this direction, " that all pursuit 
of the American corps was forbidden." 

By some this movement was deemed rash ; but Washington, in a letter to 
the General, said : " I received, with the greatest pleasure, the account of the 
action at Green Spring." Gen. Greene said: "the Marquis gives you great 
glory for your conduct in the action at Jamestown ; and I am sensible that 
you merit it. that I had but had you with me a few days ago ! Your 
glory and the public good might have been greatly advanced." 

On the first day of January following this movement, by order of Gen. 
Greene, Gen. Wayne was sent " to reinstate, as far as might be possible, 
the authority of the Union within the limits of Georgia, with one hundred 
regular dragoons, three hundred undisciplined Georgia militia,and about the 
same number of State cavalrj"." 

Though greatly inadequate to the end desired, yet Wayne is said to 
have uttered no complaint or objection, but resolutely moved forward on 
his mission, bringing to bear his usual boldness and wisdom, sufficient, with 
this small force, to push "the enemy from all his interior posts," and to 
" cut off Indian detachments marching to his aid ; " intercepted the forays 
of the enemy's main body, and on the land side, penned him up, in a great 
degree, within the narrow limits of the town of Savannah ; and all in the 
"short space of five weeks.'" 

In a letter to Gen. Greene, bearing date Feb. 28, 1782, Wayne said : 
" The duty we have done in Georgia was more difficult than that im- 
posed upon the children of Isreal ; they had only to make bricks with 
straw, but we have had provision, forage, and almost every other aparatus 
of Avar, to procure without money ; boats, bridges, &c., to build without 
material, except those taken from the stump ; and, what was more difficult 
than all, to make wMg» out of tories. But this we have effected, and 
wrested the country out of the hands of the enemy, with the exception 
only of the town of Savannah. How to keep it without some additional 
force, is a matter worthy of consideration."^^ 

The British troops having evacuated Savannah about the 12th of July, 
Wayne, by order of General Greene, with the troops under his command, was 
recalled to South Carolina. In the letter, addressed to General Wayne, re- 
calling him from Georgia, Greene thus wrote : " I am happy at the approach- 
ing deliverance of that unfortunate country ; and what adds to ray happiness. 

-In a letter to a friend the General said : " In the five weeks we have been hero, not 
an officer or soldier with me has once undressed, except for the purpose of changing his 
linen. The actual force of the enemy at this moment is more than three time- that of 
mine. What we have been able to do has been done by manwive ngratherthan byforce." 



I\ 



Biography of Gen. Anthony Wayne. 



XV. 



is, that it will reflect no small honor upon you. I wish you to be persuaded. 
that I shall do you ample justice in my public accounts to Congress and the 
Commander-in-chief. I think you have conducted your command with "reitt 
prudence and with astonishing perseverance ; and, in so doing, you liavelullv 
answered the high expectations I ever entertained of your military abiiiiies, 
from our earliest acquaintance." 

Soon after the evacuation of Savannah, Charleston was given up by the 
British, which, after a treaty of peace, and an absence of seven years from his 
famil}^ Wayne again returned to his homestead in Chester county, Pennsyl- 
vania, truly one of the most remarkable men of his day, crowned, as li<' well 
deserved, with the blessings of a whole nation of free men, and noble women. 

Butl)is well known abilities, and the high esteem in which he was held bv 
his fellow-citizens, soon brought him before the public again, bnt in another 
capacity from that of a soldier. He was now elected a member of the Coun- 
cil of Censors ; and soon after this event he was honered with a seat in the 
Convention " called to revise and amend the Constitution of the State ; " in the 
discharge of which duties he acquitted himself with marked ability, and 
much to the satisfaction of the people. 

At the close of these duties, declining any further sem'ices of a civil or po- 
litical nature, prefering to lead a life of retirement rather than one of public 
distinction of any kind; and thus, principally employed in the pursuits of ag- 
riculture, was his time passed until, by the wish of Washington and the 
voice of the people, in the early part of 1792, Wayne was again called to the 
service of his country, and " appointed to the command of the legion and 
army of the West," the result of causes which the reader will find detailed in 
Chapters X, XI, and XII, of this volume. 

At the close of his labors in the west, returning to the east, " plaudits and 
thanks, public and private," were showered upon him; and "Congress, 
then in session, unanimously adopted resolutions highly complimentary to 
the General and the whole army." 

The year following the treaty of Greenville, (1796), being appointed sole 
commissioner to treat with the northwestern Indians, and also " receiver of 
the military posts given up by the British government, General Wayne again 
returned to the west ; and, alter a prompt au.d faithful discharge of the duties 
attached to these new functions, while descending Lake Erie from Detroit, he 
was attacked by the gout," where he soon after died ; and, at his own re- 
quest, (having previously been removed to the block-house) he was buried 
at the foot of the flag-staff of the garrison, with the simple inscription of " A. 
W." upon the stone that served to remind the inmates and the stranger of tlie 
burial place of the patriot, the hero, the soldier, and the man of true courage 
and remarkable foresight, Anthony Wayne. 

For thirteen years the remains of Wayne continued to repose beneath this 




ily burial ph.,-, - . 

county, Pennsylvania, the body was disinterred, still in a fine state of preser- 
vation, and removed as above, where a monument was raised to his memory 
by the " Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati," on which the vis;tani 
may still read on the north and south front thereof, the followmg niscriptiou ; 
" North front:— Major-general Anthony Wayne was boi-n at W aynesboi- 
ough, in Chester county. State of Pennsylvania, iL i^-- 1^-^^- ^•^"^'' '^ 'l'®- 
of honor and usefulness, he died in December, 1796,yt a military post on the 



XVI. 



History of Foet Wayne. 



shore of Lake Erie, Commander-in-chief of the Army of the United States. 
His military achievements are consecrated in the history of his country, and 
in the hearts of liis countrymen. His remains are here deposited. 

" South front: — In honor of the distinguished miUtary services of Major- 
General Anthony Wayne, and as an alfectionate tribute of respect to his 
memory, this stone was erected by his companions in arms, the Pennsylva- 
nia State Society of the Cincinnati, July 4th, A. D., 1809, thirty-fourth anni- 
versary of the Independence of the United States ; an event which constitutes 
the most appropriate eulogium of an American soldier and patriot." 

The accompanying portrait of General Wayne is from an old painting of 
him, and is doubtless very accurate, and will no doubt be highly prized by 
every cirizen of Fort Wayne and lover of his country into whose hands it 
should chance to fall. 

• Why a monument has not long ago been erected, on the site of the old 
fort, to the memory of this heroic and worthy man, including also Major 
Hamtrnmek, and the valiant soldiery under their command, I know not; but 
feel that, though so long forgotten or neo;lected, the work will yet be per- 
formed by the people of the city of Fort Wayne and county of Allen ; tlius 
enabling the strangeu visiting the historic scenes of our city and adjacent lo- 
calities to behold, instead of the old garrison, — whose only remains among us 
consists in a few plainly-Avrought canes, in the possession of a few of our citi- 
zens, preserved as mementoes of the fort so long over-looking the confiueuce 
of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, — a substantial and appropriate monument 
to the memory of Anthony Wayne and the brave men who dared to follow 
him to this ancient stronghold, that the then infant and enfeebled settlements 
of the west might enjoy peace and safety, and our beautiful country be ena- 
bled to march steadily on, as she has, to her present condition of growth and 
prosperity. 




'V' *i^ J: 






■5w|iFr 




\ ,>' 




[.STOEY OF FORT WAYNE, 

Vrnm tlje Earliest Kaowu Aecouals or ihl% PoHil to the ?r(*scnt rei'loil. 



" I watch the circle of the eteiuial jefti'.-. 

And read forever iii the storied pap;e 
One leiigthened roll of blood and wrong and tears — 

One onward step of Truth froni age to age." 
" The eternal siir^e 
Of Time and tide rolls on, and bears afar 
Oar bubbres ; and the old burst— new emerge, 
Laslied from the foam of ages ; while the gravPS 
Of empires heave but like some passing waves." 

CHAPTER I.— Pkelimikaky. 

Primitive traces-Si h.ati on, general appearance of the City, and .^vlality of <]l''^^'i)j" 
,,hev.Mnon-T],e"p;ioriou.goie"-i;c3 early advantage, both' o tho - 1 .Khan, u d 
the Wl.ites-The Key.to the Isortliwest-Early oecupalaon by the f^,-ench J. glnU, 
v-d AmericaTi— For centnries donbtkas the iiomc of the l>ed J.Ian— 11>_ pi ;•/- 

• lii^nd eari; .TI.eovery by the French-^Phe best route to tiu. ^---r^r-;;^;-^ 
Settlement at" Viaconne.-Tliis .point evidently visited before ;\ iue.:.iucf.--J.^. 
S^lk^r ourn.v a^x>t-ffis ioiiraalto Frontenac-B^stroute-D'Aviorr^ e:c peJi h^ 

^F'.dv''^?lJ^>- '.ti-Apiiaranee in 17M-Knglis!i and French rfettlenienV^- 
^iiv m;- ou^ries-Efft^rt? of the French-La Salk's voyage-New L.-ftnee- 
F;:^n^h liadbg po^t^First Mission among ^^^.^i-nie^Thexr temb.rv-l.djau 
]iL,,i:tv-H<;^mepin-The missiona.ri.)s and Miamie«-La =^J';f,^/*^l^^;^": ,„, 
Illinois Indians— kouds of the Ii-oquois, ?.tiami, and Illinois ^^^•'''^'•--^^"^"■j''f. ; ' 
. w' Kas£kia--^f^rade and trlffic-33est points-French ^ oyageurs and Ona- 
r^di^nStSitil^^^e here^Frenoh fort-Capt. d'VuH.ennes-The .agb.b 
lV,rt-Traeed by Wayne in l7<!4-itNoxK-Couchu>ive evidence. 

--- > — 'wl.: ■ 

r-f WPvJTE of tlie past-to preserve the. liistoric records of 
ii\a former a,e-to ctdl the good and tl.e trtu. ot ^J^^^ 
c '^^-erider o-reen a^'ain the memories and relations o cail.> (-Ky-, 
^:^';^ hSS^wSod and carnage had marked Hie heWs and t ,.■ 
^^' ^<^nfrithe periods c^one with ^ory rediic.. and mach 
the ri? S r^ulets^o run crimBon with the b OchI o he slam-i. 



hut to iu>vform a common 



dntyto a cornmon Immfinily 



*;» JlisToiM OF h'okT Waynk; 

The priuiitive traces and early evidences of barbaric and civil- 
ized life in this part of the State of Indiana are many and various ; 
;md the present site of the City of Fort Wayne, with contignoiu^ 
localities, is fulty and fairly entitled to Historic Ground ! 

Situated upon a point of land, the most elevated in the State, 
.I'^ort Wayne is very appropriately called the Summit City. The 
general face of the country surrounding is rolling and somewhar 
imeven, with here and there a considerable promontory, overlooking 
the beautiful streams and valleys in the region. With strong 
impregnations of iron and sulphur, the soil is variously composed 
.of rhe mo,»t valuable elements, admirably adapted both for farming 
and building purposes, — consisting of the loamy, sandy, clayey 
ijualitioK. Embodying much of the romantic and picturesque in 
nature, ijie surrounding aspect;? and scenery of the place never fail 
to awaken the liveliest admiration and curiosity of the stranger; 
while the general appearance of the city, itself, at the present pe- 
riod, wdth its numerous Iruit and shade trees, handsome dwellings 
and yards — beautiful shrubljery, and well cultivated gardf^ns, in 
seasons of verdure and flowers, is ever one of exceeding pleasant- 
lifss and beauty, alike to the hahita,/d and the momentary sojourner. 

From a very early period, with the Indians, it was a "glorious 
gate " " through which all the good words of" their "■ chiefs had to 
■pass from the north to the south, and from the ea^t to the west."'* 
At a later period in the history of events in America — in the strug- 
gle between barbarism and civilization — it became at once the 
pivotal point upon which the most important relations of the 
country turned, both for the advancing civilization of the time and 
rhe barbaric force against which it had to contend — the key, in 

FACT, 'I'O THE GrEAT NoKTIIWEST ! 

Early occupied as a military point of great importance, alike to 
the French, the English and our own Government, each, in turn, 
«\stablishing and maintaining a military post here, as a means by 
which to attain and exercise an extended control over the dcvstinieti 
and resources of the new world, "(juestions of infinite reach, inyolv- 
ing dominion, race, language, law and religion, have hung upon 
the petty display of military power at the junction of these rivers."t 

Hero the rod man had lived, doubtless, for centuries before the 
first civilized settlement in America had begun, — his squaws culti- 
\:iting the maze and performing the common hardships of life, 
wiiile he hunted tlie buffalo and wild game of the forest and prairie ; 

^' Littlf Turtle. t Jesse L. Williams, Esq. 

NoTi:: .ludge La^vr, in Jiis inteiv^sting Address, "The ColoJiial Histor}' of Vincennen," 
(Ind.) page 10, Bays : " It is a sinijiilur fact., yet no kss true, that tlie Waba-*li -vras 
known and navigated 1>v the whiter loii!;^ before the Ohio was known to exist. Indeed, 
:ill the maps — and I have seen two before the year 17.S0— call the Ohio at it:» eonllii- 
eaep \yith the Mis^irtsipjn, 'Onabache.' The reaKin is obviou«, when one retleots Jor a 
.«inj;le instant, tiiat tho whol.' i.-ouiNe of travel to tlie Siissiiwippi was either \>\ the Illi ■ 
:<fi!s or the Wabajih. Tlie only connnunicution with the Mie.siss.i]>pi was by thk Patxc h 
in itie latter part of the iTth and early in the 18th century, and was from the Lakfi<. 
Tiie priest and thr- soldier wt^re tli«' only travelers. They ascended the .Mnumee, CTO=;*- 
ed th'j I'oviji'lie, and deveended ilw Waba.^h to this; Post."' 



laiS {'OIXT Vlh'TTEn IlEPOTIR Y !.\'CE.\'.\l:>. ,'{ 

speared the (Isli in iho beautiful .streams o-lidinj,^ l)y: leisurely In.k- 
vd m the sunshine; devoted himseli to plays and oanicb • hud- 
died about tlic wigwam and the camp-fire- or went foi-th to seeiuv 
ihe trophies and lienors of war. 

Being situated at the head and terminus of tv/o considerable streanv^ 
(the St. Joseph and Maumee), the one llowing from the rof-lon of 
L;;ke Michigan and the other into Lake Erie^ direct from and into 
points near to and from vdiich the early w?/«<7^m?''S', missionaries, 
and traders sought so earnestly to extend tlieir efix^rts and discov- 
sn-ies — together with the fact, at an early period, of a strong rela- 
tionship ^ and doubtless frequent intercourse between, the'^trilies 
along those lakes and the Miamies of this part of their extended, 
territory, — it is not probable that this point could have long escaped 
their attention. And, as will be. seen in subsequent pages, then; 
exists the strongest evidence that the early French missionaries, 
explorers and traders, from Canada, had visited the junction of these 
rivers as early as 1680 to 1(j82-'3— and the probability is \-ery 
strong that they were here at a much earlier period. 

Judge Law, in his able Address, concerning the first settlement 
of Vincennes by the French, concludes it to have been about the 
year 1710 or itll ; and thinks it most probable in the first of the 
two years mentioned, "inasmuch," says he, "as tlie Fort must hav<! 
lieen ])uilt and garrisoned before an application was made for a, 
missionary." Now, the advantages of navigation, the nearness of 
this point to the Lakes, the extensive openings of this region,t and 
the fame it seems to have so long enjoyed as a "glorious gate," give 
to it a claim j^n'oH to that of the estdl^lishment of a Post and Mission 
at Vincennes. And it is not improbable, that a temporary mission 
Avas established here before or soon after the eventful year of 1G^1\ 
In the early part of 1680, LaSalie, having penetrated the west t<> 
a y)6int, which is uo^v known as Peoria, 111., where he built a lorl, 
which he called Crevecci;ur, (Broken Heart,) because of his former 
misfortunes, and soon finding himself without supplies and neces- 
^pary materials for the completion of ii ^-ess-el lie had tlien begun at 
\he foot ot Lake Peoria, in tiie month of March, of that year, deler- 
mining upon a plan to hasten the needed supplies, with but three 
attendants, he set out a-ibot towards Lake Erie, "following along the 
v/ater-shed, or divide, which st;perat.es the streams that How inro 
tiie Ohio river from those which flow into Lake Erie," and reached 

«The Masco'utens, says Gallatin, dweiling about Lake Michigan were a braiicli ol' 
the l^liamies. 

tThe followin??, from the "d.-iily journal of Wayne's campaign," will sliow tlie ap 
7'eai'aiiee of this point. On the arrival of t.lie annv here, iu 1794: 

"Camp MiAya Villages, Is'th Sei'TE3[I!EU. 17<)4.— Tlie army halted on iiusg:iouna 
at 5 o'clo(!k, p. m., being 47 miles from Fort Dt-fiance and 14 from ourlast encampment • 
there are nearly .190 a'ores of cleared lan<l lying in one body on the rivers St. -Jos.'i.li, 
St. Mary's and the Miami; there are fine points of land eontiguons to those rivers aif 
ioining the cleared ]--tnd. The rivers are navigable for small crafts in the summer, an. 
jn the'^winter there is water sutlieient for large boats, the land adjaecnt ferti!.- and \n <-A 
timbered, and from every appearane- it lias he<-n one of the largest selllem.-r,t-^ ina.i.- oy 
i;,r [iii-ii:«ris in this ennr.WV.'" 



4- IlrSTOlIV OF FoKT Wavis'k. 

Lis dcBLination in safety;* wliicli makes it qniic evident, togetlicr 
Vvdtb the fact of his having; spent the Autumn bf Hj^i) in the erection 
of a fort at the moutii of tlie St. Joseph's river, soundinci; the chan- 
nel of that stream, and estahlihsmg there " a depot for supplies 
and goods," that he was bj no means unacquainted, at an early 
period. of his efforts, with this region of the north-west. 

The reputed rival as well as co-laborer of La Salle, Louis Henne- 
pin, a Franciscan friar, of the llecollect variety, and said to have^ 
been very ambitious as a discoverer, as also daring, hardy, ener- 
getic, with other peculiarities closely allied thereto, as early as 
1G63— i speaks of the "Ilohio," and oi a route from the Lakes 
(noi'thern) to the Mississippi by the Wabash, the account of which 
lie had heard, and which Vv-as explored in lOTG. In Hennepin's 
volume of 1G98, is a journal, says the best accounts, said to be that 
sent by La Salle to Count F'rontenac, in 16S2 or 1083, which men- 
tions the roirle Jyy the Atcuanee and Wahash as tJie 'most direct to 
f he great western river^ (Mississippi:)! whicli makes it quite evi- 
dent that thisregion was not only early visited, but ti)at the route lead- 
ing through this immediate vicinity, was? often very early traversed 
by explorers, missionaries and fur-traders. And, in view of the 
navigable streams concentrating at this point ; the vast amount of 
I'nr that must annually have been accummulated here ; the 
great number of Lidians dwelling at this locality, and in the region, 
— that these adventurous and zealous spiiits should have early 
selected this as a favorable and most advanta,geous site, not only 
for the prosecution of the labors of the missionaiy and the accumu- 
lation of fur by the trader, but for the early establishment of 
a military post, seems most reasonable indeed, and requires but 
little conjecture to arrive at a somewhat definite conclusion as to 
the truthfulness of tlie question considered. 

Not only did the earliest of the French voyageurs and explorers 
consider this the most direct route to the great western river, Missis- 
sippi, but those of a later period seem to have universally regarded 
the route by the Miami or Omee villages, at this point, as the best. 
Says J. W. Dav/son, Esq., in his researches : "By reference to early 
liistory, we find that, in iTlG, among the routes of travel established 
by the French, was one from tlie head of Lake Erie, (now Manhat- 
tan, or its more successful rival, Toledo,) up the Maumoe river to 
the site of Fort Wayne, tlienco by portage \o the head of Little 
River, across the marsh now crossed by the Toledo, Wabash and 
We.-.tern railroad ; thence by Little River to the "Wabash, about nine 
miles below Huntington ; thence down the Wabash to the Ohio ; and 
tlionce to the Mississippi." And as late as 1759 the same route is 
iavored. Sa^v' s the same researches ; "• The next interesting referenco 
to Fort Wayne, is in 1759, and advises ns of a most distinguished 
expedition fitted out 'by M. d'Aubry, commandant at Illinois. The 

«•" Wc'stei'u An?ial8." pages lir^ an<163. 

+'' SuitvP iuid Torrit-ovifi.-. ol'tlio Grot^t. Wor-t,'' pa.2;?s B^ nr.il (!!'. 



Lest Iujute to the Mi^sissii'i'i. "> 

French having exliausted their supplies in Pennsylvania, and nnahlc 
to ^viths<■and the British, it was conceived by M'. d'Aubry to rein- 
force his brethern. Accordingly, a levey oi" 400 men, and 200,000 
lbs. of flour was raised atKas'kaslda,* and started I'rom there to 
Venango, Pa. ^Ft. Du Qnesne (Pittsburgh,) was abandoned, and 
hence the reinforcement could not go thence by the Ohio river. 
So he proceeded with his force down to the Mississippi; thence 
dovv'n that river to the mouth of the Ohio ; then up ihe Ohio to the 
month of Vv''abash ; then up the Wabash, to the mouth of Little 
Pdver ; then up that t^iream to the portage ; and then to Ft. Miami, 
(Ft. Y/ayne,) where they embarked stores and all on the Maumee ; 
then down the Maumee and along the shore of Lake Erie to Pres- 
que'Isle ; then across the portage to Le Boeuif ; then down French 
Creek, to Venango, Pa." 

From the founding, by the French, of the city of Quebec, in 
Canada, in 1G08, to 1703, for a period of more than one hundred 
and fifty years, the g'overnments of France and Great Britain, 
(the latter having begun a settlciment at Jamestown, in Virginia, as 
early as IGOT,) were most energetic and resolute rivals in many 
civil, military, and often sanguinary contests as to territorial limits 
colonel establishments, and the general trade and conmierce of the 
new world of North America.! 

in 1034, the missionaries, Breboonf and Daniel, joining a party 
of IParons, on their return from (,)uebec, after crossing the Ottov»'a 
river, established a mission near a bay of Lake Huron, where they 
are said daily toliavc rang a bell, calling the natives of the region 
to prayer, and who also " performed all those kindly offices which 
vv^ere calculated to secure the confidence and affection of the tribes 
on the Lake shores." 

As early as 1670, Great , Britain liad established, at difierent 
])oints, between the 3ild and 45th degrees of north latitude, as 
]!iany as nine colonial settlements in America; and it v/asi not until, 
about eighty years later that the English began to make a^y effort 
tov/ards a settlement west of the Allegheny mountains. 

In 1070, the French colonists in America had pere^evered in the 
extension of their settlements to the v/estward iTom Quebec, on the 
sJiores of the St. Lawrence, and the borders of lakes Ontario and 
Erie; and their missionaries and traders had succeeded in explo]-- 
ing th.e bordering regions of the northern lakes, to the west, as for as 
Lake Sn]jerior ; and stations, with a view to the Christianization of 
the Lidians, were established at several points, among a number of 
Indian tribes. To giyo protection and impetns to tlie fur trade, 
then connng to be very extensive in its operations, a number ol 

»That tliis point Tv'as visited before the estaljlishment of settloineiils at Ka^kaskia 
and Kidiolda, or other jtoiiits wostwjird, soeins to lie t^ern'rally aiiniitted by all tliu iiust 
tiuthojiic historical resfarchts t!iat the Avritor Jiai= had occasion to refer to. 

jFor a iiioro extended summary of these early periodr!. see ]$;nuTf.fr.'s liisVery ot 1 . 
S., Dillon's History of Indiattrt. Pai-kman's Cons!)iraey of Poiitiae, Sparks -< i.U'- ni I." 
Siille, Vol. 1, new'seiie.?, do. Life of Marcjuettc, ^fcc. , 



»') ]JjSTOKi" UF FoiM WayIv'E. 

blockade fovts and tradin.ir posts were also erected at various points 
best suited for sucli establishments. 

A little miuutia as to the eflbrts, trials, and disappointnicnts of 
tlieso primitive missionaries and others, in connection with other 
i:ioints, will here be oi interest to the reader, and tend to open a 
more extended view of the relations that surrounded, and, at an 
early period, evidently influenced, the destiny of the present sitna- 
lion and historic importance of the City of Fort Wayne. 

At the ]3eriod I noAV refer, Charles 11. was King of England, 
and Louis XIV, — purported to have been a most ambitious man,— 
Avas monarch of the French. A statesman of considerable ability, 
<_d' tlie name of Colbert, was minister of Finances to the latter, who 
is said to have inspirited the colonists of Canada with an arduous 
wish to widen their domain, as well as to increase the power of the 
French monarch. Thus animated and impelled, with the hope ot 
♦ 'Djoyingthe advantages and means of Christian civilization thoughr 
necessary to be exerted over tlie various Indian tribes of the west, at 
liiat early period, the civil and religious authorities of Canada were 
constrained "to engage earnestly in the support of the policy of in- 
creasing the number and strength of the forts, trading-posts and 
missionary stations in the vast regions lying on the borders of th(! 
rivers and lakes between Quebec and the head of Lake Superior." ' 

At this early period, the French civil and ecclesiastical authori- 
ties of Canada, having given considerable life to renewed action 
among the missionaries, "in the course of the years 1670, 1671 and 
1672,"' says Dillon, in his researches, "the missionaries, Claude Al- 
]oue;5 and Claude Dablon, explored the casternpart of Wisconsin, 
the north-eastern portion of Illinois, and, probably visited that part 
of Indiana which lies north of the river Kankakee. In the follow- 
ing year, M. Joliet, an agent of the Frenclf colonial Government, 
and James Marquette, a good and simple-hearted missi9nary, wlio 
had his station ar Mackinaw, explored the country h'ing about tlif 
bliores of Green Bay, and on the borders of Fox River, and the river 
Wisconsin, as far westward as the river Mississippi, the banks of 
v/hich they reached on the 17th day June 1672." In the following- 
month, on the r7th,many obstacles presenting themselves, they set 
out on their return to Canada, by way ^cf the Illinois river, and 
arrived at Green Bay, an outlet of Lake Michigan, in the latter 
part of the month of September, a distance of some 2.500 miles. — 
At a village of tlic Illinois Ind.ian3,*it is rclated,*they were feasted 
in a most friendly and hospitable manner, upon the choicest food of 
the tribe, consisting of roast bulfalo, fish, hominj^ and dog meat. 

i>ut the curiosity and desires of the French colonists in Canada 
did not cease with the return of the missionaries. In the early part 
of 16S2, Kobert Cavalier de La Salle, with a small exploring party, 
juade his way to the Illinois, and passed^dov/n^that stream lo the 
Mississippi, thence continuing his -s^oyage, — with short stoppages 
liere and there at the presentation of the friendly cakmiet or attack' 



A>,ciE>;r Tekkitouy of tj[E MiAiiii;?,. 7 

irom the shore by unfriendly Indians, etc.,— to the Gulf oi' IWexico 
where, on the 9th of April, 1G82, they erected a column and crosh! 
attaching thereto the arms of France, with the following inscription: 
^'- Louis the Great^ King of I^rance^ and Navarre^ reigns— the IV // 
of April, ^682." All being under arms, aft^r chanting the Ic 
Deum, they fired their ma^lfets in honor of the event, and made the 
air to reverberate with the shouts ot "Long live the Kino- 1 "at once 
taking forr^al possession of the entire country, to whicl^ they gav(> 
the name of Lov.isiane, in honor of their King, 

Soon alter this event, La Salle and his party returned to Canada, 
whither he souu after went to France, where he was received v/itli 
much favor by the King, and the account of his and those of JoHct 
and Marquette's discoveries were made known. And thus it was 
that Louis the 14t]i of France at once laid claim to the whole of 
the soil lying between Canada and New Mexico,* disregarding all 
]>rior or subsequent claims set up by Spain, by reason of the dis- 
r.overicii oif tliian Fence de Leon, in 1512, and Hernando do Sotu, 
during the years 1538 and 1542. 

Not long subsequent to the discovery of the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, the French government began to encourage the establislj- 
' meut of a line of trading posts and missionary stations in tiic 
country west uf the Allegheny mountains, from Canada to the Gulf 
of Mexico, whicli policy they seem to have sustained with moder- 
ate success during a period of some seventy-live years. The 
great/;r part of this long period of time, a few missionaiies pursued 
their labors, but with no lasting or general beneficial results, in so 
far, at least, as their etibrts related to the Indians of the west. 

In 1670, the same day that La Salle completed the erection of a 
ibrt at its mouth, the river St. Jose])h, of Lake Michigan, received 
the name of "the River Miamies," from the Indians of that name; 
and it was on the banks of this river that the ]>rincipa] station tor 
the instruction of the Miamies was founded, about that period; 
after which it was called " the St. Joseph, of Lake Michigati.'" 

Hennepin thus gave the account of the erection of the first 
French post within the territoryf of the MiamiesJ in 1670 : 

^Afterwards, for many y^ars, called Kew Fraxck. 

tLiUle Turtle, the distinguished chief of the Miamies, who lived here for many year'' 
Tvith his tribe, and died hei'e in 1,81'2, at the famous treaty of Greenville. (0.), JT96, 
tlius, in part, addressed (general Wayne regardiug tiie territory of )iis peoi)le : " You 
liave pointed out to us the boundary line between the Indians and the United Statet. ; 
but I now take the liberty to inform j'ou that that line cuts otY from the Indians a large 
portion of country which has been enjoyed by my forefathers from time inrmemoriol, 
without mrleitation or dispute. The priut of my ancestors' houf?es are everywher«' U. 
1>e seen in this portion. *"= * * * it is well known by all my brotlieir 
present, that my forefather kindled the first fire at Detroit ; from thence he extended hi-; 
lines to the lieatlwaters of Scioto; from thence to its mouth ; from thence to Ohicugu, 
oa Lake Michigan." From the earliest period we have of them, the Miamies have 
been a leading and most powerful tribe. 

;■• When the Miamis were iir.'^t nivited by the French authorities at Ciiieago. in 
1070." say? Mr. Clias. B. La8selle,in one of his interesting sketehes, relating tothr < iTiy 
hJBtorv of Fort Wayne, "they were a verv powerful Indian nation. A body ^f theni 
assembled near tliat place for war against the j.owerful Iro.^uis, (Five Nations), ul ih- 
lIudixjD, and the -till more ro^-crful Sioux, -.t *h-- Ut-p'^r Miina'-ppi, c<>Da;;l'rl ot at 



S ILSTUKY OF YiJliT AYayAE. 

"Just at tiio month of the river Miamis there v/as an emiRciico 
with a kind of platform naturally fortified. It Avas pretty higli and 
steep, of a triangular form— defended on two sides by the river, 
and on the other by a deep ditch, which the fall of the water had 
]nade. AVe' felled the trees that were on the top of the hill, and 
luiving cleared/the same from bushes for about two musket shot, 
\\'Q began to build a redoubt of eighty feet long, and forty teet 
Inroad, with great square pieces of timber, laid one upon another ; 
and prepared a groat number of stakes, of about twenty- five feet 
]<.)ng, to drive into the ground to' make our fort the more inaccessi- 
ble on the river side. Wg employed the whole month of November 
(ITlU/) about that work, which v/as very hard, though we had no 
other food but the bear's flesh our savao-e killed. These beasts arc 
very common in that place, because of tiie great quantity of grapes 
that abound there ; but their ilesh being too fat and luscious, our 
men began to be weary of it, and desired leave to go a hunting 
and kill some wild goats. M. La Salle denied them that liberty, 
Avhich caused some murmurs among them ; and it was but unwii- 
lingi}'- that they continued the work. This, together with the ap- 
]n-oach of the winter, and the apprehension that M. La Salle had 
that his vessel (the Griffin) was lost, made him very melancholy, 
tli.ough he concealed it as much as he could. We made a cabin 
wliereiu we performed divine service every Sunday; and father 
(.jabriel and 1, wdio preached alternately, took care to take such 
toxtsi as were suitable to our present circumstances, and flt to inspire 
us \vit]i courage, concord and brotherly love. * * * * Tlds 
ibrt was at last perfected, ai;d calle'ct Fort. Miamis. " 

This same u-ii«sionary, Hennepin, in IGSO, visiting some of tJio 
iuclian villages on the Illinois river, speaks thus of the peculiar 
i'.le.as, and manners of the savages he met there at that early period; 
Avhich niii'st gjvb the reader to infer that, tliongh the natives of tJio 
forest, i;i thQiYyuniuto red state, had but a poor sense of the Christi- 
anity (aught by tlie missionaries of the time, they yet possessed a 
shigular intelligence regarding life and tlie religious nature of man; 
;ind were, withal, strangely liberal in their views and actions toward 

'"lit three tliotisand, and wers under tlie head oi" a chieftain wlio never sallied forth 
ii:il, v;ith a bodjryuard of forty ■vvaniors. He coidd at any tiine lead into the field an 
ai-i)!_rof five ihonsand men." Of all their viUages," sayis lie, "lvodvi-on,n'-a was con- 
^^i^K■l■od by the Miiimis the most important, as it. vras tlie largest and most central of all 
liieir pos;;oi;siun£-:-being situated near the head waters of the Wabasli, the Miami, 
( MaTnnee),and the St. .!ose]>ti of Lake Michigan." Says Bancroft: "The Mianiis was 
;hc most powerful confederacy of tlie Avest, excelling the Six Ifations. (Iroquois.) 
:;( ;;> ^ Tlieir influence )'oaohed to the Mississippi, and they received 

iVequent visits from tribes beyond that river." As the messenger of St. Clair, xVn- 
ioiiie Gamelin,.,iu the spring of 17yO, jiroceeded from Vincennes toward this iioint 
^vi'li a view to friendly relations witii the Indians, he was told at the different villages 
ou his route to go to Ke-ki-ong-a. "You know," said they, "that we can terminate 
liitliing without theconsent of our hrotlicrs, the iliamies." "The impress of its name," 
::iy.-; Mv. Wiliiajns, of our<-ity, "ujjon so many western rivers, shows the predominance 
'.'f ijie tribe. The two Miaraies of tlie Oliio will ever per])etuyi,s; it. 'I'he Miami of 
Lake Erie (now Maiimee) was likewise named for the tribe. '' * * •'■ 
<)ur own Sfc, Mary's was marked 'Miamies' river,' on. the. rude skeleton map, made (o 
icpi-j.-ent tlie wesLcni couuliy at tlie time of Colonel BeU'pi'-t's cxpediti'ju in I7t>3." 



tliose differing; from tlieni. But the Indian was a rude child of 
nature— boril in the woods, with the great spirit of the forest deeply' 
impressed upon his soul. ■ He had ever seen the Great Father 

'• In clouds, and heard liini in the winds." 

Says Ilennepin :— "There were many obstacles that hindered the 
conversion ofthe savages, but in general the diiiiculty proceeds from 
the indifference they have to every thing. When one speaks to 
them oi the creation 01 the vforld, and ofthe mysteries of the 
Christian religion, they say we have reason; and they applaud, in 
general, all thatv/e say on the great affair of our salvation. They 
V70ulj think themselves guilty of a great incivility, if they should 
shov\^ the least suspicion of incredulity, in respect to what is proposed. 
But, after having approved all the discourses upon these matters, 
they pretend, likewise, on their side, that we ought to pay all possible 
defference to the relations and reasonings that they may mai<e on 
their part. A nd v/hen v\^e make answer that what they roll us is false, 
they reply that they have acquiesced to all that we said ; and that it 
is a want of judgement to interrupt a man that speaks, and to te][ 
him that he advances a false proposition. * * * The second 
obstacle which liinders their conversion, proceeds from tlieir great 
superstition. * * * The third obstacle consists in this, — 
tliat they are not fixed to a place. ■'• * *• 

The traders who deal commonly \ntli the savages, with a design to 
gain J)y their tralllc, are likewise another obstacle. * '•• '•• They 
tliinic of nothing but cheating and lying to become rich in a sho;t 
time. They use all manner of stratagems to get the furs of the 
^lavages cheap. They make use of lies and cheats to gain double, 
i f they can. This, without doubt, causes an aversion against a relig- 
ion which they see accompanied, by the professors of it, with so » 
many ariifices and cheats. " Continues the same missionary, "-the 
Illinois ( Indians ) will readily suffer us to baptise their children, and 
would not refuse it themselves; but they are incapable of any pre- 
vious instruction concerning the truth ofthe Gospel, and the efficacy 
ofthe gs,craments. Would I follow the example of some other mis- 
sionaries, I could have boasted of many conversions ; for 1 might 
f-asily have baptised all those nations, and then say, (as lam alraid. 
tl ley \lo, without any ground, ) that I had converted them. ''" '" * 
Our ancient missionary recollects of Canada, and those tliat suc- 
ceeded them in that vv'ork, have always given it for tlieir opinion, as I 
now o\vn it as mine, that the way to succeed in couverdug the bar- 
barians, is to endeavor to make them men, before we go about to 
make them Christians. * '^^ * America is no place to goto out of a 
desire to suffer martyrdom, taking the word ia a theological sense. 
The savages never put any Christian to death on the score of his 
religion. They leave everybody at liberty in belief; they like^ the 
outward ceremonies of our' church, but no more. * * " They 
do not kill people but in particular quarrels, orwlicn tlicy arc brn- 
ti^;]i or drunk, or in voxQivy^^, or inf^Uuated with a dream, or some 



'J<J lilSTOKY OF FuiiT AVayNK. 

oxtrayagant vision. They ar^ incapable of taking away any person's 
life out of hatred to his religion." 

The best, accounts agree that it was tlirough the agency and perse- 
vering exertions of missionaries, combined with the active and enter- 
])rising movements of traders, that amicable relations and a moder- 
ate trade were brought about between the colonists of Canada and the 
Miami Indians — which occurred before the end of the l7th century. 

M. de la Barre, governor-general of Canada, in 1684, in a re- 
monstrance to the English authorities, at Albany, complained that 
the Iroquois, or Five Nations, ( a league of friendship betvveen whom 
and the English, it was understood, then existed,) had been inter- 
meddling with the rights and property of French traders among 
1 ho western tribes. To which the Iroquois, upon learning of this 
remonstrance,' said their enemies were furnished with arras an<l 
rimmunition by the French traders ; and, at a subsequent council, held 
]»y M. de la Barro with tJic Five Nations, he accused the Iroquois, 
iSenecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, vath having 
jnistreated and robbed French traders going westward. To whicli 
Grangula, chief of the Onondagas, replied tliat they plundered none 
of the French, excepting those who took guns, powder, and balls 
to the Twightwees, ( or Miamis ) and Chicktaghicks. " These arms,"' 
said he, " might have cost us our lives. We have done less wrong, " 
continued he, in a spirit of upbraiding, " than either the English or 
Frencli, wlio haye taken the lauds of so many Indian nations." 

In this we have much of the true spirit and trials of those times, 
which will be Ibuad more in detail in man}^ of the prominent Jiisto- 
ries relating to colonial and subsequent periods. But the intima- 
tions of the cliief Grangula would seem to have been a forerunner 
of further and still more extended troubles between the French and 
llie Five Nations; * for, from 1689 to the treaty of Eys-\vick, in 1.697, 
vrars and contlicts, of an almost interminable nature, occur- 
red between the French colonists and the Five Nations, which, 
it is presumed, tended, in a large degree, to check the ainbitious 
and grasping ])olicy of Louis XlV, and also to prevent and retar<l 
the settlement of the French colonists in the Mississippi valley. 

Some time during the years 1680 and ITOO, a number of mission- 
aries, in succession, used strong endeavors to Christianize and other- 
Avise instruct the Illinois tribes ; and historical records state that a 
clmrch, consisting of a small number of French, with a few Indians, 
was established on the banks of the Illinois river, at t)r near 
the site of a fort called St. Louis, and founded by La Salle at an ear- 
lier period. 

The traders began early to form matrimonial alliances with the 
Indian women, and are said to have lived quite amicably with them. 

Attracted by a sense of beauty, and with a view to enterprise in 

* A cenUny before the signal defeats of Hia-mar and St. Clair, near this place, Clins. 
,H. La^ello, Etiq., in hisresf-arclies of the early liistory of Ft. Wayne, says : " la a contest 
■trhicb tliey, (the Miami Indians) -witli tlieir kindred, the Illinois, wajEied for thre.- 
<>r four years agaiubt the invinoit'lc Iroquoi?, of Ne^r Yoric, these ' Romans of Amer- 
ica' ( Ircq-ij:?!!, ; ^rcr; Tor.:tcd. " 



Eaulv Kke:vcji Skuilkme^t, 



11 



the accumulation of furs, a small body of French adventurers Iroiu 
the Illinois, near the close of the iTth century, moved toward and 
settled upon the borders of the Kaskaskia, a small river emptying; 
into the Mississippi, about one hunclred miles above the mouth of th<' 
Ohio, vv^here they founded the little villao-e of Kaskaskia. 

Among the first movements of t^e French in an effort to extend 
dominion over their western dependencies, from Canada, durin;;- 
the seventeenth century, were the establishment of small sotth" 
ments at Detroit and Michilimackinac, while many are said to 
have given themselves up wholly to a life of adventure, rauibl in- 
here and there, as their inclinations an>;l necessities impelled then'r, 
among the different tribes " north-west of the river Ohio."' 

Ainong these adventurous spirits, were to be found several ([uitM 
intelligent, as well as enterprising and ambitious men, who lived 
in daily hopes of realizing immense " proiits and advantages from the 
prosecution of the fur trade. " "This trade," says Dillon, in his 
interesting researches, "was carried on by means of men ^ who Averc 
liired to manage small vessels on the lakes, and canoes along the 
shores of the lakes, and on the rivers, and to carry burdens of mer- 
chandise from the different trading posts to the principle villages of 
the Indians who were at peace wdth the French. At' those ydaccs 
the traders exchanged their wares for valuable furs, with which they 
returned to the places of deposit. The articles of merchandise used 
hj the French traders in carrying on the fur trade, were, chieiiy, 
coarse blue and red cloths, line scarlet, gun's, powder, balls, knives, 
hatchets, traps, kettles, hoes, blankets, coarse cottons, ribbons, 
beads, vermillion, tobacco, spirituous liquors, etc. The poorest class' 
(;»f fur traders sometimes carried their packs of merchandise, by means 
of Leather straps suspended from their sJioulders, or with tht; 
straps resting against their foreheads. It is probable that som-' 
of the Indian villages on the borders of the Wabash were visited by 
a few of this class of traders before the French founded a settle- 
ment at Kaskaskia. It has been intimated, conjecturally, by a learned 
writer, ( Bishop Brute ), that missionaries and traders, before the 
close of the seventeenth century, passed down from the river St. 
Joseph, ' left the Kankakee to the west, and visited the Tippecanoe, 
the Eel river, and the upper parts of the Wabash. ' " 

" The Miami villages, " continues the same researches, "whi<'h 
stood at the head of the river Maumee, the Wea villages, which went 
situated about Ouiatenon, on the W^abash river, and the Piaulvcshaw 
villages which stoodon and 'about the site of Vinceiines, were, it 
seems, regarded by the early French fur traders as suitable places 
for the establishing of trading-posts. It is probable, that, before tlie 
close of the year 1 710, temporary trading-posts were erected at the 
sites of Ft. Wayne, Ouiatenon, and Vincennes. These points had, it 
is believed, been often visited by traders before the year ITOD.' 

During the year 1733, an affray having occurred " between some 
» CaWn'l by the French voi/<rjr.urs, enyayces, aud courrur.'i d^s bo!^. 



13 HlSTUKY OF FOKT WaYA-E. 

<lriinten yoiuifi' Ouiiitenons and t^vo or lliree French voyagcurs, in an 
siffair of trade," M. de Armand, with a small bod,y of militia, v/as 
ordered to make an attack upon the Oniatenons ; but, soon after his 
arrival at the Miami village here, was persuaded to forego his 
intentions upon that tribe, and a friendly intercourse was soon 
re-established between the French and the Owiatenons, whose villa- 
ges were near the present site of Lafayette, in this State. 

The late Judge Hanua, our esteemed fellow-citizen's, Hon. J. Yi. 
Borden and J. L. Williams, Esfj., in their interesting sketches of Fort 
Wayne, all make mention of a small Frencli fort that was early 
erected on the south bank of the St. Mary, not far from the canal 
acqucduct, and nea,r the residence of Judge McCrJloch. The histor- 
ical account of this fort is, that, as early as 1734:, the famous Captain 
D. M, D'Vjncennes, founder of Yincennes, Ind., Adsited this point in 
a military capacity, and erected the fort in question ; and Vincennes 
i:^ said then to have reierredto this loca,lity as " the kej^ofthe west." * 
How long this fort remained or was garrisoned by the French, it is 
now unknown. 

Two jT-ears later, in 173(), by order of Lis superior officer at New 
<)rleans, Monsieur d'Artaguette, "commandant for the King in Illi- 
nois," Captain Vincennes (or, as originally spelt, Vinsenne.) left his 
post at Vincennes with un expedition against the ChicKasaws. In a 
charge against this tril)e of Indians, with a small body of French, 
aided by about 1000 friendly Indians, Vincennes received a severe 
v/ound, and fell soon alter, and because of which, his Indian allies 
became disheartened and fled, leaving Vincennes, D'Artaguette, 
and the Je»uit, Senat, at the mercy of the savage foe ; and on the 31st' 
of M.ay, 1736, the three prisoners were lashed to the stake and burn- 
ed by tlieir Vvdly captors. 

Vincennes had visited Ihe Miamies at this point as early as 1705. 
M. de Vaudreiiille, at that jjcriod Governor-general of Candida, in a 

- Note. — Tt M-iil readily be seen b}' tlie rpador, tliat, attliis early period orihe Instory 
of our eonurry, the west, bea^nriiing, ns ve may say. Avith the AlleghanicK, and beyond, 
;jiid extending lotlie boraersof Mexico, wasan interminable forest, brokenonly by lakes,' 
v.-ater courses, and juT.irie regions ; and every point, in a general sense, was ajike a point 
of relationshi]) and i)iterest to the other ; while this, more erspeeiaily, botlitothe Indians 
and to the whites, was, beyond donbt, very early the key to the ]iorlh-west. As will be; 
seen, in subseunent ]">ages, thei'e Avas no point looked iipon Avith gi-eatoi' interest, or Aviiieli 
-was move beloved or mc)re resolutely and jealouslj' delendcd by the red )nan, againstany 
eneroaehment of a Avar-like natr.re, fi'om the first efforts of the formidable Iroqnois, or 
I'"ive Nations, of the east, in the latter part of the 17th century, to the strenuous efforts of 
Hariuar, St. Clair, Wayne, and Harrison; orwhieh wasmoreeagerly sought to be reached 
•md held by the whites, than tlie ancient site of tin; present populous city of Fort Wayne. 
Ill considering its history, therefore, from the earliest known period, up 1o the struggles 
of 1(^12-14, it is found atoneo connected, in some way, with every imnortant movement 
made in tlie north-vi'est ; and instead of forming an extensive Ajipendix, tlic connecting 
Ihilcs are preserved in futiVre chapters by tlie interweaving of the general CA'cnts of tlio 
north-west witli those more directly transpiring at tins ])oint, from the earjy efforts of 
];:iSalle to discover the iylississippi, to tlie latest period of warfare, etc., with the Indians 
,^i' (hi' Avest. And in thus blending the early and general events of the eoiintry, for a long, 
j; I'iii,! of year*, at once so intimately connected Avith thehistory ofFort \Vayne,-^preserv- 
i;ig A'aUiAble data, as Avel! as, in many instances, presenting the most important outlines 
of sieges, marches, etc., Ihe volume readily assumes a H:iu'e iiiU'i-esdng and valuable 
chnrattir. 



(AvrTAIN CVlXCExXNES. l;.> 

letter dated " QucLcc, 19th October, 1705, " said Lc iiad"soiityicur 
de Vinseiue to the Miamis." Another letter, written by M. dc 
rontcliartrain, to M. de Yaudremlle, bearing date " Versailcs, Otli 
June, 1T06," said: "His Majesty approves yonr sending Sicnr 
Jonqueres to the Iroquois, because he is esteemed by them, and has 
not the reputation of a trader; but yon ought not to have sent Siciir 
de Vincennes to the Miamis, nor Sieur de Louvigny to the Missili- 
maquina, as they are all accused of carrying on contraband trade. 
You are aware that tlie said Sienr de Louvigny has been punislicd 
lor that; and his Majesty desires tluit you cause Sieur de Vincenne.-. 
to be severely pnuislied — he having carried on an open and undis- 
guised trade. " In a letter from M. de Vaudreuille to M. de Pontcbar- 
train, dated Nov. 6,1712, the former says li(>, " liad again sentSiear 
de Vincennds to tlio Miami;. " In 1719, M. de Yinconnes was report- 
c(l to M. de Yaudreuille as having died at the Miami village here; 
l;ut this was a mistak(\ or it v/as another ofiic'er of that name. It 
vvas about this period that the French made some unsuccessful cflbrts 
to induce the Miamis to remove from their old homes here towards 
LaliO Michigan, or " to the river St. Joseph of Lake Michigan." 

The fort that stood on the east side of the St. Joseph, y\^as early 
knov/n as the English Fort, which was occupied by a small garrison 
of English troops subsequent to the ov'erthrott' of French rule in 
Canada, in 1760, — perhaps as early as 17G3 ; though the writer has 
been unable to gather any positive evidence that this stockade was 
built h]/ the English. Ail the accouhts I have of its early o.cctspa- 
tion lead to the conclusion that it was " taken possession of h-y the 
English '' soon after the close of the struggles in Canada jn 1760. 
Gen. Wayne traced both of these forts while here, in 1794 ; and Col. 
John Johnston, a sterling patriot of the west, traced " the dim out- 
lines " of the French fort in the vicinity of the canal acquoduct as 
late as 1800. 

Having thus, with other interesting facts and data, followed the 
missionary, trader, and explorer, in their devious windings and ambi- 
tious zeal for the redem.ption of savage souls on the one hand, and to 
become suddenly wealthy and famous by the accumulation of largo 
quantities of fur, and the discovery of new regions of territory and 
tributary streams, to the end that they might i3e greatly favoi-od by 
tlie King, on the other hand, we aie readily enabled to see, with oth- 
er essential reasons, how, at an early period, these zealous and 
ambitious adventurers found their way to this point, and established 
here their mission and trading posts; and why, at a later day, the 
French soldiers erected hero a stockade, and long stood guard in 
view of the confluence of these beautiful rivers. 



- CHAPTER It. 

'• The Past bears in her arms the Present and tlio Futmv. "' 

ri'imitiv*^ ast7ountsoftho New World — Ferocious animals — The [Masiodon — Exlniniailbn 
of bones near Huntertown — The differcTit tribes of Indians — Tiicir names — The 
Algonquin stock — The Indians and earlj'^ settlers — Civilization ever disliked by 
tlie Indian — The law of ehange — Derivation of Indian names — The force of bar- 
barie and civilized influenees — Indian love of his nativity — Amalgaraation — Tlie 
JVliamies in 1718 — The Indian race track — Agriculture among the Indians — The 
old cornfield — The old Apple-tr^e — Indianhabits — Ideas of Ireedom — Ke-ki-ong-a 
— Labors of the men — The Indian women — Indian eloquence — The Indian motlier 
— An incident — Offspring — Family government— -Love of war — Formidable 
character of the Indians in the latter part of the past century. 

* 

^^ HE MOST primitive works relating to the New World, were 
^^ noted for til e great credulity of their authors and highly cxag- 
(.•^)^;^^ erated accounts of the inhabitants — both iiian and beast. The 
^"^ country was considered a marvelous embodiment of the wildest 
'^ conditions of life, and possessed of a wealth as unfathomable as 
ihe land was broad, picturesque, and wild. 

Here, in the newly-discovered regions of North America, there 
%vere to be met, it Avas declared, a species of Lilliputians and men of 
gip-antic proportions — men not exactly without heads, wrote Lalitau, 
but wliose heads did not extend above the shoulders — a people 
subsisting, much as the camelion, upon the air — the black man liv- 
ing a life of concealment in the tropical forests — and that there were 
also tribes in the more northern boundaries of the New World, who< 
not unlike the ermine, wsrfe quite white ; alid it was such marvelous 
tnles and exagerated accounts, in part, at least, that awakened the 
curiosity of the inhabitants of the Old Woi-Jd, and at lengtli peopled 
Ihe now continent of North America with, to it, a now order of human 
beino's, destined to pave the way for a new and more glorious sense 
of civilization in all that pertains, let us trust, to the mental and phys- 
ical welfare of nian. 

That there were gigantic animals roaming over the land, is a well 
authenticated fact — the lion, the panther, the bear, the tiger, 
an<l, indeed, most of the wild, ferocious aniinals knovm to natural 
history, were, at the period referred to, and to a much later day, 
doubtless inhabitants of many parts of the New World. Tlie elk, 
which did not di?;app^^;n' till jibont 1H2.">. wp« ;iIso rommon. 1'hr* 



ImdiAj-kV A(:'corXT or Tii]: 3,i 



ASTODO.V. 



Indians gave accoiinfe* to e'arlytradors here and ut otJjer points of 
a Imo-o animal they cnllod the King of Beasts ; and when a.^kcd 
concerning its appearance, their answer was, that " it loolced like the 
white man's hay-stack— -ymy hig "—and said that it traversed the 
regions lying between this section of the present State of Indiana 
and Toledo, Ohio; and seemed to regret, when speakin^'- of it 
that it was no longer to be seen here — that the Avhite man had driveii 
it away. From former and recent exhumations of bonesf not far 
from Fort Wayne, it is evident that the accounts given to earh' 
traders and others, by the Indians, were not far from correct, at least 
in so far as the great size of the animals were concerned. In what 
sense they bore a resemblance, in organization and general struc- 
riire, to "the white man's hay-stack," is loit for the reader to con- 

J*'L't^"'t'- • C. Peltier. 

i-Tlie Fort Wayne Oa>?ette, of April 22 and Rq.tember 17, 1807, gave tliefollowJiuc 
(ifoount of thr- fxhunuition of bones in Noble eounty, near the ^"tU*'!' county line, an^l 
not far from Iluntertown, in this eounty, (Allen) whicli are evidently remains of tli.; 
irreat animals referred to years aso by the Indians here : 

•' iNTEKKSTiXtt DiscovEuy. — Dr. J. S. Fuller, of Ferry, Allen Co., Ind., linder date of 
April 20, 18G7, Avrites n't that thei^keleton of an elephant'was found a few day? p:jo, on th(; 
JarrnofWrn Thni.'^h, of Noble co., near the Allen county line, by some men who were 
^tigging a ditch. The discovery was made about four feet below the surface of the marsh. 
The skeleton is very large, and was found standing upright, vihich indicates; that the 
animal hafl mired in the mai-sh, and died in this po.sition. The doctor hart examined the 
lif'ad, under-jaw, hip bones, tusks, and other pieces ofthe skeleton, and is convinced tluit 
they are the remains of an elephant, buried there at least one hundred years ago. The 
bones are at the residence of Mr. Jas. Potter. 

•' If the above story is true, ( and we have no reason to doubt it, as the doctor is a reliable 
man ) the discovery is one of great interest. There was a ti'adition among the Indians 
who inhabited this region that Northern Indiana was once the home of elephants or some 
animal ofa similar size and appearance. W^ commend the case to the attention of our 
scientific men." — Ft. Wayne Gazette, April 29. 1867. 

" Th.e mastodon remains found near Hiiutertown prove to be more extensive and more 
interesting than at first anticipated. Part of three skeletons were broughtto townyestei- 
day, a male, female, and calf. No one skeleton is complete, but enough of each has been 
fuiind to detetrnine the .sex and age as above mentioned. Tlie lower jaw of the calf was 
exhumed entire. The teeth, small, and little worn, are the unmistakable signs of ' veal.' 
A qilantity of older and larger teeth, and part of a larger jaw wei-e found. Also five of the 
upper bones ofthe fore leg, two upper bones of the hind leg, two thigh bones, shouldi.r- 
blade, fragments of tusks, part of a skull, a quantity of ribs, and many other smaller 
bones. 

" Themastodon was an animal similar in size and appearance to theelephant, but lar 
ger and more massive in form. It belonged to the geological ])eriod immediately preeerd 
i ng the present, and is supposed to have been the last large animal which became extinct 
before the creation of man. It.-* averagesize.a.s determined from examination of remains 
found in various partsof the world, was about seventeen feet in length, and ejeven feet 
iniieight. Manj- skeletons have been found in this country, particularly in New York 
and New Jersey, where the search for them has been more thorougii than in other States. 

" The skeletons above alluded to were found in a corn field on the farm ofa Mr. Thrush , 
about four miles from Huntertown,in what was once a deep marsh. Twenty or thirty 
veari* ago, the proprietor saj-s, it would not have been safe for manor beast lo enter it. 
"The bones were found in an area of about forty feet in diameter, from tlu'ce to four feet 
below thesurface, in a stratum of light clay covering a layer of IjIuc clay. Tlie top .soil 
is a black muck, even now fit for cultivation onlj- in dry seasons. 

"■ As to how they got into tlie mire, various theories can be framed. A fri-nd whohas 
given thesubject some profound thought, suggests that the calf was ' teething.' and crawl ■ 
i'd into the mai-shfor something toeo'ol its gums, and sticking fast.the old couple follow 
ed To rescue it, and met with a like fate. The last half of this theory, we guess, 
will pass muster. . . 

" Theremains. weundei'stand, will V taken to Chjeairo, for mnrecaivfnl examinatiou 



X''> IIlSTc'UY i)F FoilT Tv'ayXK. 

The uniibrmity of tlio al)orip,iniil trii)esor Nortli America, in 
tlieir primitivG stai^o, — takin"- Oharlovoix' as among liio earliest 
and best accounts of thorn — seem at once evident and conclusive'; 
and their hahits and customs — institutions and primitive organic 
reiations — seem to have possessed a common identity and hearing. 

In an early comparison of the great number of dialects among 
the various triljcs on the continent, it was discovered that not mort^ 
than eight radically distinct tongues were to be found in the wliole 
territoi-y lying east of the Mississippi river; and but five of these 
continue to constitute the iangua^-es of nations yet remaining; 
■\rhile, of late years, it is discoveral)lc that but throe only of those; 
Rorve to remind the reader that the tribes^ speaking them have well- 
nigh become extinct.* _ ^ 

The Algonquin,! or primitive Indian tongue, vras not only con- 
sidered the most extended, but the most exhnberarit in dialect. It 
Was the Algonquin which welcomed the early settlers of Plymouth 
and Roanoake ; and was heard, says Bancroft, " from the Bay of 
Gaspo to tlie Vailey of the Dcs Moines; from Capo Fear, and, it 
may be, from the JSaA'annah, to the land of the Esquimaux ; from 
the Cumberland river of Kentucky, to the southern banks of the 
Mississifjj^i ; and " was spoken," continues the same writer, " though 
not exclusively, in a territory that extended through sixty degrees 
of longitude, and more than twenty degrees of latitude." 

From the earliest accounts known, the Indian \vas ever disposed to 
shun the settlements of the white man. He loved his native haunts, the 
w^oods, the hills, and the vales of America. He was indigenous to 
the soil— he knev/ no other land. From the first troubles with the 
settlements at James'.'own and Pljmiouth, to those of a later period, 
springing up at other points, both east and west, the tribes seem:e(l 
over imbued with tlie, jjelief that the v/liite man would eventually 
overrun thier hunting-grounds, and at length pusli tlie red uuin far 
towards the setting sun. IIov/ truly thought and said the India.n, from 
one period to another, may now be most clearly seen. Such is the 
force of civilization — audi the destiny o'fthe nnadvancing, mipro- 
f^ressive, uncivilized of the earth, e'en to the lowest kingdom of 
animal life. 

Seeking to find new liunting-grounds, new regions of soiHvherein 
to ph^nt their maize and cultivate the other products common to 
Indian life, nnoDtruded by the Vvdiite man, at an early period, the 
tribes of the east began gradually to move westward and south- 
ward; while many clans very early abandoned their old Imntinp- 
grounds, east and northward, to follow a roving life in the deep 
forests of the south ancj west — fleeing from the march of civilisation, 
vvhich, a few years later, fbllowed them to their distant and exclu- 
sive abode. But a few years ago. — a'ld the same is probably true of 

Thoy nre at present in clisu'ge of Dr. W. JI. M'ycr.s and Mr. Simpson, of t'ae Chiea go Acad- 
oiny of Natural Sck'ncfS." — FortWaviie 0.\zy'.JTz, Sept. 17,lbti7. 

* Allii^rt (-allaiin"-' ;-".vnopu;-;. V I'^im:!! tlv Fi'eneli. 



KaMISS of the JJIFFEIIENT TlilBES. 17 

ttiepl-esent time,— "among tire tribes of Texas, there were warriors 
wlio are said to trace their lineaoe to Algonquins on the AtUmtic'- 
and descendants from the New England Indians," as late as 1852' 
" roamed over western prairies." * "' 

The eight primitive tribes, exhibiting a radical distinction in lan- 
guage, were : 

1. Algonquin, 5. Cherokee, 

2. Dahcota, (]. UciiEE, 

3. liuRON-IiiOQuois, T: Natchez, 

4. Catawba. 8. Mobilian. 

From these sprang many branches, which, some years snbsc- 
'cjuent to the earliest settlements in America, had spredd over a 
great part of the country, many of them often becoming greatly 
reduced by warfare, or, fusing one tribe with another, by amalgama- 
tion, gradually very materially changed the primitive tongue. In 
this way, if not lost through the extinction of clans,t a great number 
of dialects were developed and diffused over the continent. 

The names of the various tribes and clans of late years composino- 
the Algonquin family, many of whom, by permission of the Miam- 
ies, had early fdund their way into, and settled upon, the extensive 
territor}'- of this tribe, were the 

Ifiamies,{lwighiioee^)^ Sac's^ Ottmaas, 

ChppewaSj Corees, Illinois^ 

J-*iankeshaws, Foxes^ Shdvmnoes, 

Menomenees^ Poviliatans^ Kicka^oos,i 

Lenni-Lenofes^ {Delawares^ Mohegans^ KnisUneaux^ 

21ie New England Indians^ Ahejiakes, Monooans.^ 

SiispKehaomocl'Sy MannaJioatks^ Nanticolies^ 

Pottawattd.inies^ Wiiuiebagoes^ Mascoutens^ J 

with some other smaller independent clans, many of which were 
divided into cantons and bodies, it was said,"- souietimos so small 
as to afford only a war party." 

Thus ive see, more distinctly, the relationship, position, and 
character of the Miamies; Of the entire Algonquin family, there 
were perhaps none more stablej, heroic and resolute than this tribe. 

* Baiici'oft --Duponceaii. 

t Natm-c is everyVrhere alike as to tlie principle of rtiAN'c^E-— mind,— mntter of tlie 
inost gross or most atteiiuated character,— ^even to st)unds, music, words, dialects, lan- 
guage, of the finest order of developement, — are all subject to the hnv[of change, transniis- 
Dion, growth of tl*e highest grade of uilfoldment, or the opposite, to a greater or less 
'degree-, to exti nctioii itsel f . 

iEAch of which had some special mefthiilg in the Iddiin tongue— as, Ottawa, sig- 
nified a trader ; Mascdutens, dioeUcrs in the prhiric ; Mertomeiiies, we are iri'n ; original 
men— an expression of dignity, or gl-eatneSS often llsea by the braves— such as, "I 
i\m a man! " (?i Menohienie !); Fox,.r(;c? earth ■ Sac, or Sai\k. t/e.llow earth— ami so on. 
And there were probably but few of these tribes ol> ckhs tntit did not, at one jieriod 
or otiier, A'isit this poitit, or send hither their euvoj^ to sit at the Council Firis of tlie 
"Glorious Gate" of the diflxnvnt tribes, wlileh tSie Miamies "had tlie hapiiinoss to 
nwu;" and there were doubtless manv seasons of harmony among the tribes gatlu-red 
here, as there Avere. also periods of bitter feuds and warfare betwei-n various nations of 
the continent. - (■-) 



1& IIisTOEY OF Fort Wayxe. 

The limits of their territory has already been quoted in the preriouf? 
chapter. This extensive domain had been held by their ancestors; 
said the famous Little Turtle, to General Wayne, " from time immem- 
orial, without molestation or dispute." And had they been a pro- 
,a:ressive people — readily adapting tliemsblves to the active civiliza- 
tion springing up everywhere about them a few years after the strug' 
gles of 1812-^14, very many of them might still have been dwelling- 
in this region upon their old familiar hunting-grounds. But, as a 
mass, they had, with a few exceptions, lived too long in an opposite;^ 
condition of life to readily enter into the more advanced habits of 
thought, growth, and culture of the whites, then rapidly settling 
upon their ancient domain. That the red man could long have 
lived in the centre of a moderate civilization without feeling its pow- 
er and influence, any more than the white man, dwelling among 
savage tribes, in the forest, would be unable to .resist, to a greater 
or less degree, the inliuences surrounding him, is a matter needing 
but little consideration in point of fact. 

Man ever assimilates, has ever assimilated, to a greater oi^ less 
extent, in all ages, with that which has surrounded him. If his sur- 
roundings are crude, wild, and inflexible, he has readily partaken of 
them. And in just so far as he has become familiar with the art 
of subduino; and cultivating; the soil — clearing the woodlands.? and 
making the untamed conditions of nature to bend to his necessities — 
producing new vegetative life in the ibrm of fruits, cereals, plants, 
and flowers, has lie improved in organization and the general 
refinement of blood, brain, and nerve. And it has ever been 
through the possession, excercise and application of this power and 
intelligence, Jiowever meager and incomplete, at first, the means and 
implements of cultivation, if steadily ]:)ursued, tjiat has laid the 
ground-work of sure aiid gradual transition from barbarism to civili- 
zation. 

The great realm of nature is everywhere progressive — ever looks 
upward and aspires to a higher sense of beauty and refinement. 
The flowers of a hundred years ago were less refined in point of 
essence, and in many instances beauty also, than those of to-day. So 
also v^dth the fruits and every other species of vegetative life, where 
a proper degree of care in cultivation is observed. This principle 
is equally true of man. Give him but the necessary advantages 
and encouragement in the art of cultivating the soil or improving 
his mental powers, and he readily begins to refine. Under these 
auspices the red man, in many instances, from the days of the 
Jesuit missionaries to the present time, has verified, most clearly 
and substantially, the trutlifulness of this principle of growth and 
culture in the natural order of existence. And although never 
becoming truly Anglo-Saxon, in so far as the inventive and higher 
sense of civilization is manifest — although never losing his tawny 
skin, save in a sense of amalgamation, nor ceased entirely, perhaps, 
to entertain an affection for the forest and its wildest haunts — the 



Lndtaa Idea ^^v 1]]javi;ky\ 



IH 



?;ti-oams, and a love for the caiioo, Uio spcnr, tlie hMv arul arrow, or 
iriist}^ rillo--lioyetwas ever a living- ovideiK'o of the power andiniiu- 
once of civilization, as brought to bear upon him nt various times and 
in many ways. A rude, uncultivated child of the forest— of nature and 
the primitive wilds — he was readily and naturally imitative;, and 
soon received from the white man a kno^idedge of agriculture 
and the use of various implements, with Which to cultivare the soil, 
cook, fish, hunt, fell the trees, &c. 

Beyond these evidences and facts, it had been observed that it 
was far easier for the white man to become', in manners and tustom, 
an Indian, than for the Indian to become a white man in point of 
civilization and the progressive march and appliances of lift, in 
art and general culture; and this is strnngely tru^, of no other peo- 
jile vritk iDliom, the u^hite man has eve/' associated or come in con- 
iact^ 

The Indian, though naturally liospltable, by nature and custom, 
was often a rude example of indiiference ; knowing and practicing 
but little of the common sympathetic feeling of the white race. 
They \vere accustomed to bewail the loss of Iriends and their great 
chiefs and sachems; and the women, on, such occasions, in the wild- 
est and most dishe veiled appearance, with garments tattered and 
dirty-, their faces blackened, and hair streaming al.)out their shoul- 
ders, olteri wept bitterly, it is true, visiting the graves of the depart- 
ed for many consecutive days ; but, in the ordinary concerns oi life, 
to weep or lament were usages most uncommon to the red man. 
Even in the midst of the most terrible torture or suffering, he was sel- 
dom if ever known to shed a tear or utter complaint. Such was his 
idea of braver}' ; yet, if there was one thing more than another that 
would have had a tendency to awaken the tears and sympathy of the 
Indian, or cause him to sadly bewail his lot, was to remove him, by 
force or otherwise, from the scenes of his hunting-ground and early 
associations — so ardent w-^as his attachment to his native h'ills and 
plains — his early home and the many relations that clustered about 
it ; and in this ho was much like the rest of mankind. 

Our sulTOundings as naturally become a part of us, a^s the air we 
inhale is necessary to our health and vigor of action. The soil we 
tread upon, bringing forth and nourishing the food we eat, possesses 
within itself the elements of mutuality an<i reciprocation ; and every 
organic being as surely gravitates toward the natural, and as readily 
commingles, in some way, therewith, as the law of gravitation 
])ringa a falling body to the earth, or tlie diurnal acHon of tlie globe 
brings us the constant "shadow of the night" and " the light of 
day." And the law of sympath}' is ever active and earnest within 
us. 

The bleak Esquimaux, the plodding Highlander, and peasant of 
Kortheru Kussia, no less than the most favored of the English nuhd- 
ity, or the wealthiest and most ])rosperous merchant or farmer m 
AmenV-a, nj-e aiiiefl and ailai-hed to their native 'n<unes, and ',v<)iild 



20 HisTOKY OF FouT Wayke. 

as readily take up tlie cudgel or draw tlic sword, — load the cannon 
or shoulder the rifle in defence of their natiA^e plains and hills' as 
ivould we of America, England, France or Germany, were we or 
Ihcy to be suddenly, or otherwise invaded. Nature never fails to 
express herself — never fails to make a reply when interrogated, no 
matter how strong the sympathy, or Avhither the alliance. And 
the red man, in his primitive fastnesses, native vales and woodlands 
of America — wandering upon the banks of her many beautiful rivers, 
cliasing the wild animals of the forest, or spearing the fish in her 
Btreams, — was no exception to the rule ; arid when he saw and felt 
the first act of encroachment upon his native soil, he arose in all the 
dignity of ofiended greatness, seized the tomahawk, the war-club, tho 
])()W and arrow; assembled the 1)raves; Strode vigorously through 
the war-dance; blackened and painted their faces; nnd, after the 
mode of Indian warfare, at once lay in wait to strike the first blow,' 
in hopes to destroy the enemy, or repel him from their boundaries. 

And herein is evinced a sad want of wisdom and knowledge 
on the part of both the Indian and the white man — the one to 
])ass through the ordeal of an almost gradual extermination, while 
upon the other fell all the trials and dangers oi an intestine and 
savage warfare, amid forest and jungle, united with the vast hard- 
ships and vicissitude of the pionetjr. 

As has already been shown, the uniformity of tlu; Indian dialect, 
Was, in primitive times, or about the period of the discovery of 
America, strongly related and identical. And tl'e same was mainly 
true of the general liabits and customs of thfe various tribes of 
the continent. 

At an early period, as the French and English sucessively made 
inroads upon the territories of the Miamies — or, as they were early- 
called by the English and tho Iriquois, tlie Twujldwees^ — in the estab- 
lishment of stocicades and trading-posts, the spirit of intermarriage 
soon became rife between the Indian women, fur-traders, adventur- 
ers, and soldiers, which, up to the departure of a large body 
of this tribe for Kansas, several years since, had Well-nigh changed 
the whole number remaining to " half-breeds." At that period, as 
is well understood, but few full-blooded Indians were to be found 
iliroughout the entire extent of their ancient territory. And hence, 
of late 3'ears, looking back upon them, we see the light complexion- 
of the white man clearly visible in their every feature, rather than 
tho brownish-red of the unmixed aboriginal. Many of them, indeed, 
were quite white, with blue eyes, — though still retaining, in a 
largo degree, the Indiau features, — thick lips, large mouth, high 
(dieck bones, and prominent nose ; and were, for the most part, still 
./j^Z/rt;?— cherishing, to a late day, the ancient customs of their 
fathers, in liunting, fishing, cultivating the maize, &c. 

Tho following' interesting account of the Miamies was written as 
early as ITIS. The writer had made a short stay at the village here, 



TliK MlAMIES IN 171S 21 

and passed on to tliab brethren of the Wea and other towns alono- 
the AVabash. Says the writer : '"' 

" The Miamies are sitaated sixty leagues from Lake Eric, and 
number four hundred, all well formed men, and well tattooed ; the 
women are Jiumerous. They are hard working, and raise a species 
of maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It is white, of the 
same size as the other, the skin much hner, and the meal much 
Avhiter. This nation is clad in deer skin.* They love plays and 
dances ; wherefore they have more occupation. The women are w^ell 
clothed, but the men nso scarcely any covering, and are tattooed all 
over the body. I'rom this Miami village, there is a portage of three 
leagues to a little and very narrow stream that falls, after a course 
of twrjnty leas-ues,t into the Ohio or the Beautiful River, which dis- 
charges into the Oaubache — a fine river that falls into the Missis- 
sippi, forty leagues from Cascachias. Into the Ouabache fallh also 
the Casquinampo, which communicates with Carolina; but this is 
very far oil", and always up stream. 

" This river Ouabache is the one on wnich the OugatenonsJ are 
settled. They consist of five villages, which are contiguous the one 
to the other. One is called Oujatanon ; the other Feanquiuchias ; and 
another Petitscatias ; and the fourth Lesgros. The name of the last 
I do not recollect ; but they are all Oujatanons, having the same 
language as the Miamies — whose brothers they are, and properly all 
Miamies, having all the same customs and dress. The men are 
very numerous — fully a thousand or twelve hundred. They have a 
custom different from all other nations ; which is, to keep their fort 
extremely clean, not allowing a blade of grass to remain in it. The • 
whole of the fort is sanded like tlie Tuilleries. * * * Their village 
is situated on a high hill ; and they have over two leagues of improve- 
inent, where they raise their Indian corn, pumpkins, and melons. 
From the summit of this elevation, nothing is visible to the eye but 
prairies full of buffalo.'' 

In stature, for the most part, the Miamies were of medium heiglit, 
well built, heads rather round than oblong — countenances agree- 
ab le, rather than sedate or morose — swift on foot, and exccssiyply 
fond of racing — both on foot and horse.|! There were,_ occasionally 
to be seen among them some men quite tall, yet with well-pro- 
portioned bodies. As is intimated in the foregoing, the Twigti- 
twees or Miamies, unlike most other tribes, were rather cleanly in 
their habits ; for which they were mostly noted up to a very late 
period; and were disposed^to cultivate the sqil— -raising, the _ maize, 
beans, squashes, cucumbers, melons, &c. Around and within view 

*From Colonial History of New York, (;i Paris ilocumcnl,) vol. ix, p. H'Jl. 
f League, (from the French,) tliree miles. iPmnounced as if spelt W<-alenot)»-, 

11 The Indian raee-lrack, for many years, extended from the south side of tlie we;.;- 
ci.d free sch.jol l.uildim,', westward 'about halfamilc Forsom.yeai-s before tlie dopar;, 
ure of the Miamies lor the west, while the raeing was kept np over thn track, men tn.m 
Oliio, and other parts of tb.e country, were accustomed to h.ing many lasl li^.rscs Here, 
and often sold them to the Indian.; at veiy extrava;,'ant pric( .;. 



of til present site of Ft, ^.Vayne, at difieront points, were severnl 
small patches of cleared land, whicli the Indian women and cliil- 
dron regularly cultivated each year, and brought forth consideraljle 
cpiantitic^ of corn and other products ; which, together with the 
game and fish brought in by the men of thp tribe, supplied theiii. 
with food during the winter. It is a well authenticated fact, how- 
ever, that, at periods, perhaps in seasons of severe drought, or more 
especially when the products of their lields were destroyed or over- 
run, and their villages burned by invading armies, or through conflicts 
with formidable tribes at more remote periods, and often from neg- 
lect to prepare for the winter months, the Indians, not unfrcquently, 
found tlicmselves with but scanty supplies for the severe months of 
winter 5 and, huddling themselves about their dingy wigwamo, with 
a few smoking embers in the center, scarcely sufficient to keep them 
warm, have been knoAvn to fast for ntany consecutive days because 
of their inability to obtain food. 

The extensive ijeld* and open point, just east of, and adjacent to, 
tlie co!illueuce of the rivers >*St. Mary and St. Joseph, in M'hich stands 
the historic Apple Tree.f near and about which were scattered many 
of the huts and wigwams of the Miamies to a late period in the 
present century, had been annually cuitivated by this ancient tribe 
for a period of perhaps one hundred and fifty years or more before 
the ei'ection of the fort at this point under the direction of General 
Wayne, in ITO-I. That their wa^men had long been accustomed to 

*As early us 1814, the Indians tlien liere iufonnc'l Jolm P. Heilges. Esq., — V7lii> 
Imsnow heeua resident of Fort Wayne for ii ft y-iivc years — coming liere wit lit lie army 
inlSl'2. — that this lield had been cultiviitcd liy (it hers long- beforeiiiem ; >\nd. to, quote 
their own language, — mingeb-a-westook, — they liad planied and j-aised corn, beans, 
kii., in this field for many years — a long, long time. 

TCiilef liiehnrdville often told the old .settlors lime tliat this old apple tree was tliei-o 
■uhen he was a little boy ; and that it was theti a " bearing tree ;" th:it the hut in whicii 
he was born stood very near to it. The ehief attained an ajjfe of near eigli ty years, and died 
in 1841. With these facts it is jjresnmed that, at the present time (September, IbGT), 
the tree is about one hundred and thirty odd years old. From the faet of his early 
assoeiations, his Inrth, <Src., being so intimately related to this old tree and its adjacent 
localities, Kiehardyille ever looked upon it with tlie warmest veneration and n.'gard. 
The tree is thought to have sprang from a seed aeeidently dropped or purposely planted 
i>y sfnne of the early French traders or missionaries visiting this jjoint. In the spring of 
It^GB, a heavy storm swept away it«s main trunk, leaving it as now seen in th(^ ojJiKisite 
engraving. The circumference, as measured by the writer and ^ friend, in the moiitii 
of Juue, (18G7) was 12 feet. The fruit is small, and usually ripens in tfie month ol 
October. B\- the ta^^te f>f the leaf of the tree, there would seem to be suftleient strength 
and vitality in it, if not otherwise mok^ted, to survive at least u half eentuiy or more 
to come. S;»ys Mr. J. L. William-* : " We need not question its identity. Tliere are 
specimens of the hardier varieties in this eouritry now bearing fruit at tJie age of If^O t<> 
20U years." Let its memory be perpetuated by a careful preservation of it in future 
years. Its historic renown v.-ell entitles it to tlie careful attention of the javsent owners 
of the ancient field of the Mianiies, in which it lias so long lived, blossonied, and borM<- 
its fruit. Let a neat railing be placed a!)out it as a means to its better ])rotection and 
>'are. It was out of this tree that an Inilian, during tlie seige of ISI 2, was shot by one 
o^'the soldiers from the fort, a distance of many hundred yards. In an exultingspirit, 
one of the Ix.'seigers was in the lialiitof climbing the tree each day for several days, and, 
}in)wing liis arms, mucli like fclie rooster liis \vings, wlien ei-nwing, woubl ntt.ti' a noi-i' 
cry like this fowl, which wps finally anHwrt-d by the eraek ul' a liil" from the 
n, and the Indian was seen to fail. 




THE „OLD APPLE TREE 



KiL-Ki-OKG-A — Its Meaking. ^);j 

extensive agricultural pursuits is most i'ully confirmed by all tlu) 
early visitant? of this locality, and the regions adjacent. 

In a letter to the Secretary of war, General Knox, bearino- date 
August 14, ITIU, General Wayne said: "The margin ot" those 
beautiful rivers, the Miamis of the lake (or Maumee) and Auglaize, 
appear like qnc continued village for a number of miles, botiral)ove 
and bplovv^ this place (conlluence of the Auglaize and Maumee); nor 
have 1 ever beheld such immense fields of corn, in any part of Auicrl- 
ca, from Canada to Florida." 

T|ie accounts of 18] 2, arc of a similar character. Several villages 
were then located at diiferent points, here and within a rano-e'of 
some ten milei^ of Ft. Wayne ; the most considerable yillage°then 
being about ten miles below this point, on the Maumee, A large 
amount of corn and wheat Mx^re then destroyed, much of it purport- 
ed to have been of a very excellent quality ; showing, that, l)y a lon^' 
contact with the English and French, from whom had sprung luanv 
of the half-breeds, then so numerous among the Miannes and other 
tribes liyipg near and about them, these Indians had attained many 
advantages in civilized relations, in the way of agriculture, &c,^ and 
many of the villagers were then living in very good log-cabins, 
raising annually excellent crops of both corn and wheat. Ox-teams, 
brought from Canada, were also employed among them, at that 
period, to very good advantage.* 

The Indian loved the wild fruits, and here, in the region of Fort 
Wayne, there were, at an early period, an abundance of wild plums, 
haws, berries, &c. The Indians were accustomed to cherish the belief 
that for them the Great Spirit had especially caused these to come 
forth and ripen with each season ; and every species of food, from 
the roots, vegetables, and fruits, to the animals themselves, were 
alike considered as imbued with some peculiar principle in which 
the Great Spirit had infused some special element of excellence, 
intended to impart to the red man both health and strength. Here, 
more especially, the blackberry was most abundant, and from this 
iact, this point was long known to the Indians as Ke-ki-ong-a,t 

^Rooollcotions of Mr. Gcorgo TayUu', a resident of Plymonth, IiKl.,who was Ikto in 1811.', 
find, by coiiiniaiul of iiis superior oflicei'rf of the iUTiiy, helped to de.stro}' many of the 
Indian settlements of tliis region. 

iSays Mr. Chas. B. Lasselle, in rei\Tring to this point : "The Miami name of this 
village was Ke-ki-ong-a, which, by an inflection of the last syllable, Ava.s prononnecd 
as if writtten Ke-ki-ong'a. The nunie in English, signifies blaekberry jiatch, whieh. 
in its turn, passed among the Mianiies as a .symbol of antiquity. But whether this name 
was given it on account'of the spot being covered with tlie filackberry, or was meant 
to re]iresent it as the most aneieiit villag'e of their race in this country, is not known, 
-■ • • • ■ ,....,.. 1 > 1 .1 . . itv with whieh 



thouirh tradition, their unusual regard f,.r it, (the place) and the tmaeity with whieh 
thev^so long defenderl it, would iiii|>iv, the latter supnosition. The old colonist writers 
sjH'ak of it as (he • Twitrlitwee' village. The French traders called it ' Aim):.' The 
Americans called it ' Omke,' and gometimes ' The Miami village.' It extended, prin- 
cipally, along tlie banks ofthe St. Joseph river, but was also over the opposite side, and 
reached to within three or four hundred yards of the confluence of that river with the 
8t. Mary. The inhabitant.-^ of this village anciently belonged lo that tribe of Mkuiii. s 
called the Twat-t-wahs, (which the carlv colonists spelt ' Twightwees.') the nation 
haviu"- consisted of the sevLra! tribes of Wcaii? (at Weali-ta-uong, en the ^^ abash ,) J:.ei 



24 IIisTOKY OF FuiiT Wayne. 

whicli, interpreted, signiiied a blackberry patch. And the reader 
can well imagine, in the ripening season, a bevy of women and 
children, with bark baskets, gathering the rich berries of tliQiv I'e-ki- 
ong-a. 

With the red man, to be idle, was to be happy, great, and frcey 
and, as we have seen in a former page, the Miamies " loved plays 
and dances," and thus, with gaming, chanting some familiar refrain, 
perhaps learned from the medicine men — rwrestling, racing, lying, 
or sitting beneath the shade ot some wide-spreading tree, in sum- 
mer, they whiled away their time during the greater part of the 
spring, summer, and fall, seldom if ever disturbing the game of the 
forest, more especially that species (the beaver, the raccoon, the 
bear, the deer, the buffalo,* d^c.,) which afforded them valuable furs 
and skins, until the hunting season began, which was usually about 
the iirst of November of each year. This was life among the Miam- 
ies, and, in fact, among every tribe of the northwest. 

In games of chance, moccasin, &c., in which they indulged a great 
deal, at a late period, more especially, they would participate, unless 
intoxicated, with the greatest good humor, often betting and losing 
every article they possessed, even to their guns, hatchets, &c., and 
never thought it amiss to cheat, whenever an opportunity presented. 
In foot and horse-racing, they as often went to as great extremes 
in betting as when at a game of moccasin. 

The greatest labors of the men, in earlier periods, were those of 
completing palisades; constructing boats; to aid in the building and 
repair of their cabins ; to prepare the instruments of warfare and 
the chase^, to paint, tattoo, and otherwise adorn their bodies. The 
women of the red men were ever the toilers ; to them fell the bur- 
dens of cultivating the!fields and patches that brought forth the vege- 
tation of spring and summer that went to nourish them, in part, 
the remainder of the year; and before the visit of the trader — who 
supplied them, in exchange for furs, with hoes, and other imple- 
ments of use, — how meager and indifferent must have been their 
means and advantages of cultivating the soil. Some wooden im- 
plement, perhaps — some sharp bone of an animal, or tortoise shell, 
doubtless served for a hoe or mattock. And thus toiled the Indian 

Rivers (at At-ke-no-pe-kong, on Eel river), Twat-wahs, and perhaps some othei-s.Aviiose 
names and existence, as separate tribes, have h)iig since ceased, and been merged into 
those of the nation." Now, the fact of the word Ke-ki-ong-a signifying a blackberry 
patch waiTants a strong supposition, at least, that, in view of tlie fact of tliere being 
very early a large patch of that nature at this point, the name Ke-ki-ong-a must primi- 
tively have been derived thei-efrom. 

^November, 9th, 1712, Father Gabriel Marcst, a French missionary, writing from 
some point perhaps along the Wabash, or, as tlien called, the Ouahache, after giving 
a somewliat full and graphic account of tiic regions bordering on that stream, said 
it was "rich in minerals, especially lead and tin, and that if experienced miners 
were to come out from France anil work the mines, lie had no doubt tliat gold 
and silver would be found in abundance. That the quantity of hiifl'dlo and bear 
which -v^as to be found on the banks of the Wabasu [Ouahache), wns incredible ; " 
and further remarked that "the meat of the bear was very delicion?, "for," said lie, 
"I have tried il." — Judge Law'b Add'res.s, page 11. 



LabuKS of TUli LXDIAN WoMEN. 25. 

women in the field, mellowed tlie soil, beat down the weeds al)out 
fho corn, cultivated the bean, the squash, the Indian cucumber 
the pumpkin and the melon ; and she it was that routed the birds 
from the patches, gathered the maize and other p roducts of her 
labor ; jerked and dried the deer, bear, and buffalo meat ; preixared 
the Indian meal ; dried the winter's fruit ; gathered the wood for 
the fires, and cooked the meals. And when a bark canoe was built, 
it was the Indian woman's work to soav the bark with some strinoy 
substance, berhaps peeled from the elm or root of some small tree, 
and filling the seams with some adhesive substance, to prevent leak- 
age. When removing from one point to another, or retiring to their 
hunting-grounds for the winter, to carry the luggage, and material 
of the wigwam, if taken with them, it was the mission of the Indian 
women to pack such upon their backs. Did the red man go- in 
pursuit of game, it was the ancient custom of the faithful Indian 
woman to follow and carry upon her shoulder the fruits of the chase.* 
The Indian women Aj^ere indeed heroes. And Avhen Ave come to 
contemplate the toilsome lives they led — their unflinching efibrts in 
all kinds of Aveather, — in every season of the year — it is not sur- 
prising that the early sons of the forest Avere hardy and active — 
fleet on foot and Avily in the fight. Amid toil and drudgery — trial 
and vicissitude — the Indian Avoman often brought forth the oifspring 
of their masters ; (for they Avere evidently nearly all, if not quite, in 
a large degree, at least, veritable slaves to their husbands.) So 
hardy were they, from constant physical labor and exposure to tlie 
open air, it Avas said of them, that, " in one quarter of an hour a 
AVoman Avould be merry in the house, and delivered, and merry 
again; and Avithin tAVO days, abroad; and after four or Q.ve days, at 
Avork." The powerful will of the Indian Avomen, together Avitli their 
long accustomed aversion and iieroic indifference to pain, everroso 
superior to the momentary pangs accompanying the l^irth of their 
ofispring. In this they possessed a strong native intuition ; and 
thus far, at least, are Avorthy of emulation by all tlie mothers of our 
present heroic conditions of civilization and intellectual advance- 
ment. What a Avorld of health and goodness — Avhat an ocean of 
intellectual excellence and physical beauty miglit have been ger- 
minated through the organism of the Indian mother, had she possess- 

*''Wlien the Indians arrived and departed," saj's Mrs. Kenzie, referrinij: to very 
early times, in the present century, abovit Green Bay, "my sense of ' Avomau's rigiits' 
was" often outraged. The master of tlie family, as a general thing, came leisure!}' 
bearing a gun and perliaps a lance in his hand. The woman, with tiie maUs and poles 
of her lodge upon her shoulders, her papoose, if she had one, the kettles, sacks of corn. ^ 
and wi'd rice, and not unfrequently, the household dog, perched on the top of all. If 
there is a horse Of pony ill the list" of family jiossessions, the man rides, the squaw 
trudges after. This unequal division of labor is the result of no want of kind, aif .ction- 
ate feeling on the part of'the husband. It is rather the instinct of the sex t > ass.Tt their 
superiority of ]josition and importance, when a proper occasion offers. When out ot the 
reach of observation, and in no danger of compromising his own dignity, the husband 
is willing enough to relieve his siiou'ie from the burden that custom imposes on licr, 
t)y sharing her 'labors and !iardslui>s."—-' Early Day in tin; North v.'est," pagr.; :i.')l) and 



20 ' HisTuKY OF Four AVayxk. 

ed the pro]:)er expansion of mind. Even as it was, lijQw many rare 
and singular examples of oratory came from Iter. Listen to the stir- 
ring appeal of Little Turtle^ (Me-clie-cannah-quali) addressing Gen. 
Wayne, and others, at the (amous treaty of Greenville. July 15th, 
1795; 

" Inkier brother, and all present ! I am going to say a few v\'^ords," 
said the orator, "' in the name of the Fottawattamies, Weas, and Kick- 
apoos. It is Aveli known to you all, that people are appoiuted on 
these occasions, to speak the sentiments of others ; therefore am I 
appointed for those three nations. Elder In-other : you told your 
younger brpthers, when we first assembled, that peace was your 
object; you swore your interpreters before us to the faithful dis- 
charge of their duty, and told them the Great Spirit M'ould punish 
them, did they not perform it. You told ns that it was not you, 
l)ut the President of the fifteen fires of the United States who spoke 
to us ; that whatever he should say should be firm and lasting ; that 
it was impossil:)le he should say what was not true. Rest assured 
that your younger brothers, the Miamies, Chippewas, Ottawas,Pot- 
tawattc^mies, Sliawanees, Weas, Kickapoos, Piankeshaws, and Kas- 
kaskias, are well pleased with your words, and are persuaded of 
your sincerity. You have told us to consider the boundaries ^''ou 
showed us ; your younger brothers have done so, and now pro- 
ceed to give you their answer.^ 

" Elder brother : Your younger brothers do not v/ish to hide their 
sentiments Irom you. I wdsh them to be the same with those of the 
Yv^yandots and l)elawares. Y^on have told us, that most of the 
reservations you proposed to us, belonged to our fathers, the French 
and thp British. Permit your younger brothers to make a few 
observations on this subject. Elder brother: We wish you to listen 
v.'ith attention to our words. Y'ou have told your younger brothers 
that t'^ie Britisli imposed falsehoods on us, when they said the 
E^nited States wished to take our lands from us, and that the United 
States had no such design: You pointed out to us the boundary line, 
which crossed a little below Loramie's store, and struck Fort Recov- 
ery , and run from thence to Ohio, opposite the mouth of Kentucky riv- 
er. Elder brother : You have told us to speak our minds freely, and we 
now do it. This line takes i'l the greater and bpst ])art of your 
brotlier's hunting ground ; therefore your younger brothers are of 
opinion yon take too much of their lands away, and confine the 
Jmnting of oui' young men within limits too contracted. Your 
brothers, the Miamis, the proprietors of those lauds, and all your 
younger brothers present, wish you to run the line as you mentioned, 
to Fort Icecovery, and continue it along the road, from, thence to 
j'brt Hamilton, on the Great Miami river. This is what your 
brothers request yon to do, and you n\ay rest assured of the free 

*Tliis ppeoyli luu only liir<;'(']y displays tlio power of Indian onitoiy, — the native 
iiitilii-vnco and ^-nodncss of lieiiVt of this distin.n'iiished Chief. Init also carries v.'ith it, 
many unpoiliini liistoi'ieul fects relating to tlic early hir^tory of Fort V^aync. 



SrEi'X'ii OK LiiTj.E Tlktlk. i;7 

navigation of that river, from thence to its mouth, iqrevcr, Brothc r: 
Hero is the road we v>-ish to bo the "boundary between ug. What 
lies to the east we wisli to be yours ; that to the west, vre would 
desire to be ours. [Presontino' a road belt.] 

'' Elder brother : In speaking of the reservations, you say tliey 
are designed for the same purposes as those for which our fathers, 
the French and English, occupied them. Yonr younger brothers 
]iow wish to make some ol^servations on them. Elder brother: 
Listen with attention. You told us you discovered on the Great 
Miami, traces of an old fort. Brother: it was a fort built by me. 
You perceived another at Loramie's : 'tis true a Frenchman once 
lived there for a year or two. Tlie Miami villages were cccupied 
as you remarked ;* but, it was unknown to your younger brotiiers, 
until you told them, that we had sold land there to the French or 
English. 1 was surprised to hear you say it -^vas my forefathers 
luid set the example to the other Indians, in selling their lauds. 
I will infqrm you in what manner the French and Englisli occupied 
tliose places. Elder brother: Tiiese people were seen by our fore- 
iathors first at Detroit : afterwards we saw them at the Miami village 
— that glorious gate, whicli your younger brot|iers had the happiness 
to own, and through which all tlie good v/ords of our cliieis had to 
jiass, from the north to the south, and from the east to the west. 
Brothers, these people never told us they wished to purchase our 
lands from us. 

" Elder brother: I nov/ give you the true sentiments of your 
younger brothers, the Miamis, with respect tp the reservation at 
the Miami villages. We thank you for kindly contracting the limits 
you at lirst proposed. We wish you to take this six miles square 
on the side of the river where your fort nov\' stands, as your 
youno-er brothers wisli to inhabit that beloved spot again. You 
shall cut liay for your cattle wherever you please, and you shall 
never require in vain the assistance of your younger brothers at 
that place. Elder brother: The next phico 3'ou i^ointed to Vv-as the 
Little River, and said you wanted tv,-o iniles sqiiarc at that place. 

'■T!ie point here refenvd lo. wa^ the I'olltj.wlnij, fcorri G.'ner.il W.-iyne's speech, iiimit' 
five days l>iwiqui to t!u' (k'livi.-iy of l.Attle Tui'tie'ri snoooh, asid addr<>sscil to tlic 
I'.iiamio-;. Said Jie, 

" I v/ill point out to you Avhore I dit^coviT fit!-on£,' traoe;? oi' tliose ostablisliniont>; ; 
( I'oi'ts) and, lirst of all, I iind at Detroit a voj-y stroii;,' print, whon^ the first Are was kindled 
hy your forafathers : wtst, at Viucenaes, on tho Wabash ; Jigiin at JV[u<(juitou, on thf 
Hunie river ; a little liiglier u]) tliat streaTu. they arc to be seen at Ouiteiioii. I ui.st-over 
another wr.rong trace at Chicago ; another on the ^it. Joseph's of Lake Miehigim. I have 
peen distinctly the ]>rints of a Frejich and Briti:>)i [.'ost at the Miami villagi'8, and of a 
Uritisli post at the foot of tlie vapids, ikhv in llieir possession ; ]irints. very conspicuous, 
are im tito Great MiaMU, which were ])osse8sed hv tlie French forty-five years ag(> ; and 
another trace is \-erv distinctly to be seen at Sandusky. It appears to nie," he continu'd. 
'• that if the Gres^t Spirit, as you say, churged your forefathers to preserve their lands 
entu-e lor tiieir j)Osterity, tliev have paid very little regard to tiie sacred injuiietion : fnr 
I see they have parted with those lands to your fathers, the Fr;'iicli, and the Englisli are 
iioAV. or have Ijeen, in possession of them all ; tiierefore, Ithink the charge urged against 
the OttaAvas, the Cliippewas, and other Indians comes with a bad grace. iiulee<l from the 
very ])eople perhaps that Bit tJieni the exam))le. The Englisli and Frencli lioth wore 
hats ; and yet, your Ibrci'athercs sold them, at various tiu;c.;, j ortious of your lands." 



28 lIlSTOKY PF FOKT WaYNE. 

This is a request that onr fathers, the French and British, never 
made iis ; it was always ours. This carrying place has heretofore 
proved, in a great degree, the subsistence of your younger broths 
,ers. That place lias brought to us, in the course of onp day, the 
amount of one hundred dollars. Let us both own this place, and 
enjoy in common the advantages it affords. You told us, at Chicago, 
the French possessed a fort: we have never heard of it. We thank 
you for the trade you promised to open in our country ; and pennit 
us to remark, that we hope our former traders may be continued, 
and mixed with yours. Flder brother: On the subject of hostages, 
1 have only to observe, that I trust all my brothers are of my opin- 
ion with regard to peace and our future happiness. I expect to be 
with you every day when you settle on your reservations ; and it will 
be impossible for me or my people to withhold from you a single 
prisoner ; therefore we don't know why any of us should remain 
here. These are the sentiments of your younger brothers present, 
on these particulars." 

And again, at a council, in the valley of the Muskingum, in iTG'l, 
hear the eloquent words of a Shawanoe chief, as he addresses the 
English commander, Col. Bouquet, then marching against the west- 
,ern tribes: 

" Brother," said the chief, " with this belt of wampum, I dispel 
the black cloud that has so long hung over our heads, that the 
sunshine of peace may once more descend to warm and gladden 
us. I wipe the tears from your eyes, and condole with you on the 
loss of your brethren who have perished in this war. I gather 
their bones together, and cover them deep in the earth, that the 
gight of them may no longer bring sorrow to your heart; and I 
scatter dry leaves over the spot, that it may depart forever from 
memory. 

"The path of peace, which once ran between your dwellings and 
mine, has of late been choked with thorns, and briars, so that no 
one could pass that way ; and we have both almost forgotten that 
such a ])ath had ever been. I now clear avray all these obstructions, 
and make a bi'oad, smooth road, so that you and I ma;/ freely visit 
each other, as our fathers used to do. I kindle a great council-fire 
whose smoke shall rise to heaven, in view of all the nations, whiie, 
you and 1 shall sit together and smoke the peace-pipe at its blaze."* 

*An Indian council, on solemn occasions, was always opuned Avitli preliminary forms> 
BulHcicnt.ly wearisome and tedious, but made iadisiiensible by immemorial custom ; ftir 
tliis people arejas much bound by their conventional usages as the most artificial children 
of civilization. The forms were varied, to some extent, according to the imagination ot 
the speaker; but in all essential respects they were closely similar, throughout the tribes 
of the Algonquin ami Iroquois lineage. They run somewhat as follows, each sentence 
being pronounced with great solemnity, and confirmed by the delivery of a wampum 
belt Brothers, witli tliis belt I open your ears that you may hear — I remove grief and 
sorrow from your J-.earis — I draw from your feet the thorns that ]>ierced them as you 
journeyed thither — I plea n the seats of the council house, that you may sit at ease — I 
wash your head and body, that your sj^irits may be refreshed — T condole with you on 
the leiyS of the friends who have died since we la;-t met — I wipe out any blood which 



Affection of the Indian Motiiee. 21J 

, Again, in 1TG2, at the famous council of Lancdstor, Pa., a dis- 
tinguislied chief of the Oneidas, with singular emphasis, said: 

" In the country of the Oneidas there is a great pine-tree, so huo-c 
and old that half its branches are dead with time. I tear it tip by 
the roots, and, looking down into the hole, I see a dark strdara of 
water, flowing with a strong current, deep under ground. Into this 
stream I fling the hatchot, and the current sweeps it away, no man 
knows whithen Then I plant the tree again where it stood before, 
and thus this war will be ended forever." 

The love of the Indian mother for her child was most intense. 
Though seldom expressed by fond caresses, yet it v/as ever ardent, 
frfee, and unextinguishable ; and to have entrusted her babe to tlio 
care of another to perform the part of mother or nurse, except 
in cases of death, would indeed, to her, have been a wild, barbarous 
act. The cradle of the Indian child was usuall_y constructed of 
bark and small sticks of wood ; and was commonly adorned With 
gaudy feathers, beads, and other attractive objects, of a similar 
nature. A buffalo or other warm fua-ry skin usually served as a 
bed and covering for the little nursling.^ 

AVhen j ourneying, the Indian mother would v\Tap her child in furs, 
or in a blanket, and, placing its back to her own, would travel steadily 
on to her journey's end, regardless, often, of the wailings of her in- 
fant, on the way. When at work in the field or patch, she v/ould 
often hang her tawny bud, " as spring does its blossoms, on the 
bonghs..of a tree, that it might be rocked by the breezes from the 
hind of souls, and soothed to sleep by the lullaby of the birds." 
And it often occurred, through a peculiar sense of compassion 
among the aboriginal tribes, that when the mother died, her infant, 
if very young and feeble, shared the grave with her. 

may liave been spilt het-weeu iis. This ceremoay, -u-liich, by the delivery of so many 
belts of wailipuni, entailed no small expense, AVits never used except on the niost impor- 
tant occasions ; and at the councils with Col. Bouquet, the angry warriors seem wholly 
to have dispensed with it. 

An Indifin orator Avas provided Avith a stock of metaphoi-s, which he ahvays made ii5e 
of lor the expression of certain ideas. Thus, to make war was to raise the hatchet ; to make 
jieace Avas to take hold of the chain of friendship; to deliberate AA'as to kindle the council - 
lire ; to cover the bones of the dead Avas to make reparation and gain forgiveness for the 
act of killing them. A state of Avar and disaster was typified by a black cloud ; a state 
of peace by brigjit sunsliine, or by an opeii path between the tAVo nations. 

The orator seldom spoke Avithout careful premeditation of Avliat he Avas about to say ; 
and his memory was refreshea by belts of wampum,Avhieh he delivered after every clanSe 
in his harangue, as a pledge of'^the sincerity and truth of his Avords. These belts Avc!-e 
cart-fully pi-eserved by the liearei's, as a subs'titute for written records ; a use for whifeli 
tluy Ave're tlie better adapted, as they Avere often worked in hieroglyphics expressing tli<! 
meaning they Avere designed to preserve. Thus, at a treaty of peace, the principal belt 
often Dore the figure of'an Indian and a white man holcling a chain between tlieni. 
— [Parknian. 

*Recolhc1ions of Mrs. Gr'swoldf formerly Mrs. Teltier) who, Avith her grandfather and 
grandmother, Batis ifaloch and Avife, (deceased) came from Detroit to Fort Wayne as 
eai'ly as 1807. Mr. James Peltier, her husband, who had, for some years pivviou.--. 
and so continued for some years after, been a trader at this point, and early becoming 
Avarmly attaclied to the American cause, and being much liked by the Indians, Avas 
long most useful to the government as an interpreter and messenger, carrying messages 
often at great risk of life, but ahvays Avith succi ss. 



so IIisTOKY OF Foirr 'W'ay.xe. 

Mfiny years aji'O, one of the early mothers of Fort Wayiioj with 
her husband, took ii]) their residence in a little hut at the base of 
the hill, just west of the bend of the Maumce, nearly under the guns 
of the old fort. Near their dwelling was another hut, used by her 
husband for purposes of trade with the Indiajis. Both, because of 
their many acts ol attention and kindness, liacl early won the savage 
heart, and being able to speak freely with thb Indians in their native 
tongue, were often visited and protected by the red children of the 
region. They seemed indeed to have regarded her as a kind of god- 
dess, and often looked up to her as a spiritual helper. Often, she 
says, has she joined with them in the wild dance and merry Indian 
jubilee — all regarding her with special favor on such occasions. A 
little incident will strikingly illustrate her relationship to them, and 
serve to exhibit the tender regard of the Indian mother for her off- 
spring. It was a pleasant period of the year, when an Indian 
Vt'oman, approaching the edge of the river, not far from the little 
huts in question, with a child in her arms, seemingly in great distress, 
suddenly observing our pioneer mother, then but a girl of some 
sixteen or seventeen summers, cried most piteously to Mrs. P."^ to 
come to her aid. Anxious to know the cause of the woman's dis- 
tress, and feeling, as Vv'ell, a desire to render her what aid slie could, 
Mrs. P. soon stood by the side of the anxious woman in the w^ater. 
The Indian woman's story was cjuickly told. She had, but a little 
while before, observed that her child was dying, and bad at once 
hastened to tlie river to afibrd it baptism beibre its little spirit 
should take its flight. " If the little pappoaa die,"' said she, with much 
anxiety, "■ before it is put in the water, it can only see the spirits 
about it — it can't go up wdiere the Great Spirit is." Eeadily afford- 
ing the woman the desired aid, the child was spee'dilj*' baptised, and 
the mother's heart set at ease. A few moments more, and the 
s{)irit of the little pappoose was gone. Tlio great Manito of the red 
man would nov/ afi'ord it a place in his joyful household. 

One of the prime oljjects of the Indian mother, as^ the child ad- 
vanced, was to enure it to the weather, that it might be strong and 
active. With this view, soon after being taken from the cradle, 
with but little covering upon their bodies^ the children were permit- 
ted to rollick and amuse themselves about the cabin, that they 
might acc{uire, as well, a knovrledge of the use of their limbs. Free- 
dom of will being the highest idea of governmental excellence with 
the Indian, there were no special restraints of lamil}' government 
among the Miamies. The children were permitted to do just as 
ihey wished, seldom if ever being reproved or chastised ; and yet, 
were unaccustomed, as a general rule, to acts of special incivility 

='Mrs. Peltier, (now Grisv.'old), ■who infv/rmod the ■writer that, in those oai'ly tiincs' 
now some iiifty-eight yea'S a^o, she ■wa^ often called upou to aid tlie Indians in thi^ 
way. It is most probable that tliis I'eligious rite came originally from the eai-ly 
iiiit^.sionaries visiting and sojourning hei-e ; lor the ]>rinutive Indian niotlier seinis ever 
to have entertained the belief that t!ie Great Spirit had ]ilaced near her child a guar- 
dian uiH'vl (IV si'iriv tliat cnnM .liable it to surmount al! iib.-.t:icles. In rr. and hcreafler. 



Trai.nixg of the Young Wakkior. ;jl 

towa'i'd any of the older members of the triljo, or the straim-er 
when visitmg them in times of peace.* All were alike attached to 
their young, and conld not, under any circumstances, permit a sep- 
aration, long- at a time, while living. Their own native as})irations 
led the young Indian early to acquire a knowledge of the boAv and 
arrow", the tomahawk, and the gun, and to use their limbs with dex- 
terity in running and svv'imming. From oft-repeated stories of tlie 
prowess and daring of their ancestors, related to them by the 
older members of the tribes, as they sat about the fire of the wig- 
wam, the young Indian early became imbued with heroic feelings, 
and longed to become famous by some special act of bravery and 
valorous exploit.! As with " the birth of an ofispring, or the appear- 
ance of a first tooth," there was merry-making in the Indian cabin, 
so also the wigwam was made a scene of festivity upon the achieve- 
ment of a first success in hunting. Being thus early schooled, 
dwelling in, and subsisting upon the wilds of nature, it was not 
surprising that the young Indian soon became a " brave," longing 
for war, and to adorn his person, by the most wily means and acts 
of ferocity, if need be, with the scalps of his red foeman and the 
pale face. Nothing was so joyous to his soul — nothing made him 
more eager for the charge, and filled his heartwith greater determin- 
ation to excel as a warrior, or to defeat and put to rout and to death 
the enemy he was to meet at a special time and place, than to chant 
beforehand the wild war song, and dance the v»^ar-dance around the 
midnight cam,p-fires or through the streets of his villages. Painted 
and blackened ; with the feathers of the eagle, hawk, or other Dird, 
as a crown aboat their heads, or, long, black, coarse hair streaming 
wildly back over their shoulders, or cut close to their skulls, leaving 
only a top-lock, standing forth in all their native ardor and seif- 
oxcellence — brave, resolute, determined — knowing all the country 
around— every point of possible retreat for an arm}^ — every hollow, 
or special ravine — every deep thicket and clump of trees — every 
fording-place along the rivers, — ^the swamps of the woods— every 
point where the fallen timber was most abundant, or lay the ujien 
spaces and prairies— it was not to be wondered the Miamies were 
often so successful in their eflbrts against the early pioneers and 
the armies of Harmar, St. Clair, and others, in the latter part of 
the past century. , Still powerful at that period, commanding at any 
moment, a numerous alii, with the memory and proAvess of their 
ancestors, and man}' marks of success to inspire and urge them on, 
tliey v\'ere not easily to be subdued or driven from the homo 
of their fathers, 

«Rocollection3 of J. P. Hedges, Esq., Aviio speaks the Miami tongue quite fluently- 

+It was always a common complaint with the chiefs and head men of th.- different 

tribes thro\is;hout the country ,from an early jieiiod, that "they coiiUl not restrain then- 

youn<r men,'" and Avhen the'ir early teaehiri^^s are taken into view, it was not suriinsinsi; 

that the young men of the tril.es were so often unrestrainable. 



CIlAtTER lii. 



*' Through the woodland, tlirougli the meddow, 

As ,;q silence oft I vralk, 
Softly whispering on the breezes, 

beems to come the red man's talk." — Benj. S. Farkei^. 



Indian miJileofr'ckonins time— Hospitality and Etiquette — The Stranger— The " Green, 
eorn dance," as "witnessed in 183.S— 'Curative po^vers of the Indian — Dress of 
the warrior — Pride of a^lornment — Restraint — Revenge— Emblems served for names 
— A.n incident — The Miamies and Pottawattuniies — French settlements among 
the Miamies — Suggestions of Dr. Franklin — Chiefs and Sachems^— Their poAver — ' 
Records of treaties — Foi-ce of eloqouence — Indian Drmocracj' — The Natchez In- 
dians — Tiie Peace pipe — Assemblies— Messengers of peace — Councils at the Miami 

\ villages — Xn incident — Indian disregard of death— Declarations of v.ar — ;Dance>— ^ 
Religious nature of the Indian — The medicine men — Life in the north-Aveit irjO 
years ago — Civilization here 150 j-eai-s hence. 

(f^HE MIAMIES, like all other tribes of the primitive wilds 
TO) of America, knewnothino- of days, as called after the Saxon 
^rk^'igods — took no note of time, save as presented, by "the retm-n 
^ of snow or the springing of the flowers." The flight of the birds 
^ told them of ihe passage of summer, and the approach ol the 
himting season. The active instinct of the animal world about them, 
the appearance of the sky, &c., ever served, by some peculiar ex- 
])ression, to remind them of the approach of storms ; and the time 
of the day was traced by the shadows of the trees, and other objects, 
ks i-eflected by the sun. 

In times of peace, ever hospitable, the stranger, — ^and, especially 
those to whom they were attached, — were always welcome, and 
feasted with the best his cabin afforded. The Indian has often, 
indeed, been known to go without food himself to appease the hun- 
ger of the traveler or those sojourning with them. And vv^hen he 
visited the white man, or was invited l)y him to a seat at his tables the 
i-ed mail carried with him his own peculiar custom, and ate heartily 
of all that Avas set before him. He was most sensitive, too, at such 
times; and, for any member of the family vrith whom he was a 
guest, to have begun to SAveep the floor before the departure of 
his Indian visitor, would have been to lead the red man to infer 
that yon wished to sweep him out also.* 

*i1 fact well known to many of tlie obi citizens of ¥vii Wnyne. 



History of Fort Wavse. 2i> 

At a late period in (he history of tlie Indians of this region, it was 
an ordinary thing for the white man to enter the cabin of the red 
m^n uninvited. And the same w^as true of the savage. Nor \va.s 
it a custom oi the Indian to question those w^ho came"to see him as 
to their business there, or how long they intended to remain. Fond 
of dancing, their festivals were many ; at which it was a custom to 
eat heartily of everything prepared for such occasions. And it was 
at such times that they were most prodigal, and often greatly exhaust- 
ed their supplies for the winter. 

To show how closely allied to ancient customs were the modern 
habits and festivities of the Miamies, the reader can now look in 
upon a gay crowd of dancers at one of their " Green-Corn " dances, 
at a payment of the Miamies in 1833, at the junction of the Wabash 
and Little River. " There, upon our arrival," runs the account,* '^ at 
a little after dark, w^e found a party of Indians — consisting of between 
two and three hundred— assembled for the purpose of participating 
in or witnessing the dance, A ring was formed, surrounded bj a 
largo number of Indian spectators, and about liftj whites— in 
which were placed the male portion of the dancers, headed by the 
leaders. At a signal from the music, which consisted of a tap on 
the drum, of a dull, heavy tone, by one Indian, and a clatter of a 
set of deer hoofs by another, the leaders broke forth in a wdld song 
of a few ejaculatory notes responded to by the party, and the danc- 
ing and singing commenced. The Women then fell in one by one ; 
and, selecting their partners as ih'ey danced along, the party was 
completed. The dancers all appeared in their very ' best,' and 
had attached to their ankles a profusion of small tinkJingbells. The 
music consisted simply of the repeated single taps of the said drum, 
accompanied with the continuous clatter of the dfeer-hoofs ; while 
the 'figure' was composed only of three short, rapid leaps upon the 
balls of the feet, scarcely raising them from the ground, and slight- 
ly advancing at the same time. Occasionally, however, an ' extra 
touch ' would be given by the dancers, in some antic or other, which 
it would be impossible to describe. In this way the dancing, sing- 
ing, tapping of the drum, clattering of deer-hoofs, tinkling of bells, 
and an occasional yell, forming a wild and singular medley, 
which continued for about halt an hour, when tJie party, hnv- 
ilig danced around the circle some half dozen times, and having 
gone through the first 'sot-,' the leader stopped and raised the yell — 
the men of the party responded in the same way ; and tlie out- 
siders raised a most furious din of yells, as congratulatory to the 
performance of the dancers. Here a 'recess' of about a quarter of 
an hour took place; and a confused scene of congrntulation?!, talk- 
ing, laughing and yelling, eneuedi It may be that, duving th»3 
interval^" many gallant things were said by the groteB((ue and gaudy 
beaux, or many witticisms and tender sentiments oxproBsed by ilje 
fair Miami damsels ; but of this ^tc wei'e not apprised. It is cer- 



?A Tjie Meoicixe Mex. 

tain, liowcvor, tliat the men behaved ^vIth a gTcatdeal of g-allantry ', 
and tliat no drinking or rowdying whatever occurred upon the 
occasion. After the conclusion of the recess, the parties resumed 
their positions, and re-commenced the dance. The same music, 
dancing, singing, tinkling of bells, and yelling was repeated, as in 
the first instance ; and thus continuing till about 12 o'clock at 
night, the party then breaking up in one long and loud round of yells." 

With the red man, disease was the result of some natural derange- 
ment, and the Medicine Man, often strangely skilled in an under- 
standing of the kind, cjuality^ and quantity of some peculiar natural 
remedial, by the aid of his manipulative powers, at once set about 
a cure on natural principles ; and was seldom — in part because of 
the great faith of his patient — baffled in his efforts of relief. Among 
these, the Miamies, at different periods, as known to many early 
settlers, had several Medicine Men of remarkable ability.- 

The apparel and address of the warrior ever stood as a history of 
his achievements in war — his body variously tattooed — often with 
objects representing different animals, &c., and frequently with the 
most brilliant dyes. It was a custom in their ordinary adornments 
to paint the end of the nose, and around the eyes, and the eye brows, 
with Idack or some bright colors, and the otlier portions of the face 
with vermilion, with perhaps stripes running from one point of the 
face to the other. Especially — not altogether unlike many of the 
present civilization, — when visiting, or assembling in council, they 
resorted to great pains in the arrangement of their dress, decora- 
tion and painting of their persons ; and, what Marest wrote, years 
ago, of the Illinois* Indians^ was equally true of the Miamies — 
they were "absolute masters of tliemselves, subject to no law.'' 
Each seemed to have been in a great degree, at least, his own pro- 
tector — and as often their own avengers, "With the Indian, when 
violence had resulted in the death of a kindred, at the hands of 
another and different race or tribe, it was a steadfast belief that the 
spirit of the deceased could not rest in peace or feel appeased until 
a retaliation was consummated. t To accomplish this, it is a noted 
fact that an Indian would go a thousand miles for the purpose of 
revenge, over hills and mountains ; through swamps and briars ;• 
over broad lakes,- rapid rivers, and dee]) creeks ; and all the way 
endangered by poisonous snakes, exposed to the extremeties of heat 
and cold, to hunger and thirst. In the carrying out of this spirit,- 
nationsj and families carried their feuds often to great lengths, 

* Tho Miamios called tlic- Illihois tlieir eoiisiris. 

f It is viX-U known heiv to mniiy old s-ttlcrs th.it an Indian, many years ai^o, follow- 
.'1 a v/liit'' nifln, wliu had killed his brother, from point to point, lor two years, before 
he ;(ue«'eeded in Jiren^ini:; the death of his relative, by killincf the man he had so long 
find po am?id\iu(i,»ly followed ai)d watched. 

J 'I'litTo h;ul lonij existed a spirit of animositj- between the Miamies and the Potta- 
wattiunies ; and ti>c latter were very ?Hre to quit the neigliborhood of the former if in 
liquor. This may have an«en in ])art from the faet lliat, in the|" early part of thel8th 
eentury, the I'ottuWttttauiies had '.-rowded the Miamies fvom tlieir dwellings at Ciiloa- 
yo,' '— Seliooleiaft. 



History of Fokt Wayne. Ho 

from which a reconciliation was only attainable through gifts of 
sufficient quantity " to cover up the graves of the dead." * Tlie pres- 
ents once accepted served both to pacify the living and the dead.* 
In the relationship of families, emblems served for names. The 
iigure of a crow, the hawk, the turtle, &c., &c., would serve as a 
distinction or name — as, among the civilized, one is known as the 
Brown, another the Smith family, and so on; which, to the Indian, 
was as rational and comprehensive, as to us of to-day is our style of 
distinction in this relation ; and in many instances, in so far, at least, 
as real beauty, simplicity, and convenience was wont to be mani- 
fest, was cjuite as intelligible and serviceable as the present system 
of civilization in this particular. '| ^ A*?/>C^1 

" The rose l)y any other name would smell as sweet.'' 

xlt a late period in their history, however, the Miamies, through 
their intercourse with the French and others, often adopted other 
names — as, in the case of their chiefs, Le Gris, Richard vi lie. La 
Fontaine, Godfri, George Hunt, &c,, — the first four being related to 
families then of distinction in France, f 

The quiet, persevering, determined nature of the Miamies was 
ever a matter of singular interest. If the death of a brother was to 
be revenged, they proceeded c[uietly, about the work. Patiebce, at 
such a time, was called actively into play ; and, if need be, months 
might roll away before a blow was struck. As illustrative of this 
fact, a few years prior t6 the war of 1812, a man of rather reckless 
character, and who hated the Indian with a rancor only equalled 
by his unyielding persistence in what he believed or surmised to 
be false or true, regardless of contradiction or premonition by those 
best able to give them, moved to this point, and built himself a hut 
a few miles froin Fort Wayne, near Cedar Creek.J From the first, 
-he is said never to have lost an opportunity to speak his mind as to 
the "rascally red. skins;" and often used very severe language to 

* Park man. 

fin 17;i4 Gov. Morris, addressing the Pennsylvania Assembly, said the French vfev^t 
"making a settlement of three hiindl'ed families in the country of the Twightwees," 
pliamies.) It was uho in this year, that Benjamin Franklin pi'oposed the establish- 
ment of strong English colonies'in the territoiy noVth-Avest of the Ohio, as a means of 
■|ireventing "the dreaded junction of the Freiich settlements in Canada with those of 
Louisana," — the Doctor pro]iosing to plant one colony in the valley, of the Scioto; to 
establish small garrisons at Buffa"^lo Creek, on the Ohio; at the moUth of Tioga, soutli 
side of Lake Erie ; at Hockhocking ; and at or near the moutli of the 
Wabash. He presented also tiie expediency of capturing " Saiidusky, a French fort 
neai' Lake Erie," and also suggested that " all llie little French forts south and west of 
the lakes, quite to the Mississippi, be removed or taken and garrisoned by the English." 
" Every fort," said he, "should have a small settlement around it ; as the fort would 
protect the settlers, aud the settlers defend the fort, and supply it with provisions." 
The propositions thus presented bv Dr. Franklin were but foreshadow! ngs, in part, at 
h-ast, of the l^esults tliat followed but a few yeiivs later, AVhen the English became the 
temporary masters of about " all the little l^rench forts south and west of the lakcfi. 
Providence had iiot then enabled tlie Doctor to see the great future that was before hnii, 
when the illuminations of '7G were to begin a new eia in fortifications and free inftitu- 
tions. 

_ :tAs related by the .-Ider PeUier. j^nd t..ld llie wrib-r by .Nfr. Loni^ P-lrier, *on oftli*^ 
f(>rint'i'. 



•36* Ay iKcm'KST. 

express his antipathy towards them. Some time eubsequent to hi^ 
settlement, as mentioned, his liorse strayed away, and, after a fruit- 
less search, made bold to accuse the Miamies of having stolen the 
animal, and declared that he would kill some one of the Indians for 
it. Talking thus loudly on one occasion, in the hearing of the 
elder Peltier, long a trader among the Indians, in this and adja- 
cent regions, and who khew the Indian character well, Mr. P. very 
readily told him that he did not believe the Indiains had taken his 
horse, and that he would advise him not to interfere with them — 
that he would suffer for it if he did. But the man was resolute in 
his belief and determination, and paid but little attention to the 
advice of Peltier, and went away. Not long after this, walking along 
near the St. Joseph, a short distance above the confluence of the St. 
Joseph and the St. Mary, with his gun on his shoulder, the stranger 
suddenly observed an Indian a short distance in advance of him,' 
near the edge of the river, fishing. The season of verdm-e and 
sweet-scented flowers had come again — it was spring-time, " ever 
merry May " — and the birds were again singing their sweet and joy- 
ful notes. The lost horse had not yet been found, and now was a 
good opportunity to "kill an Injun," thought the man. Looking 
carefully about him, in every direction, and seeing no one, he took 
deliberate aim and fired. The shot proved eflectual — the Indian 
rolled from his position, and expired. Again looking carefully 
about him, to ascertain, if possible, if anyone had witnessed the act, 
and observing no one, he at once approached the body, placed some 
stones in the red man's blanket, in order to sink the carcass, then 
wrapping the blanket about the murdered Indian^ hurled the body 
into the stream, frOm whence he carefully strode away, gloating 
within himself at his seeming seccess. 

But, lo ! on the opposite side of the stream, concealed by a thick 
underbrush, lay, unobserved, with eyes glaring upon the entire 
action of the new-comer, a faithful squaw of the murdered Indian^ 
w^ho, though giving no warning of the danger that stood so near 
lier companion^ fearing lest she too might fall a victim to his work 
of death, yet bore tfestimony to the whole ecene, and soon gave 
warning to her Indian friends as to what had occurred. All was 
quiet — a resolution was quickly formed. " White man must die," 
they whispered among themselves. The shade of their murdered 
brother called for revenge; 

The conduct of the stranger quickly reached the ears of Mr. P.^ 
who readily surmised tJie result, and watched the course of events. 
Time wove away — months passed — the new-comer had found his 
horse — and all seemed to have been forgotten ; when lo ! one bright 
morning, in the month of October, the sun's march, the falling leaves 
of Autumn, and the chill winds, all giving token of the approach of 
winter — the little loj^^cabin of the stranger was seen to be in ruins, 
and the inmates gone^ no one knew whither, save the friends of the 
murdered Indian and the Great Spirit of the red man. The revenge 



HiSTOjiY OF Fort Wayihe, :j7 

was complete, and the departed spirit of their murdered brotiicr 
could now rest in peace. 

How many similar tragedies may have been enacted in the 
regions of Ke-ki-ong-a during the period of Indian life here, we 
know not; but doubtless many a tragic event of this kind took place 
at this point, now known only in the unwritten pages of the Past. 

As the head of each family was its chief, so each village had its 
head chief or sachem ; and though the villagers were by no means 
^'estricted in their individual relations, each family being privileo-ed 
to exercise its own peculiar ideas of domestic life, &c., independent 
cf the other, if desiring, in every village, — yet, in a general sense, 
the habits and customs of each village and family were much the 
eame among, not only the Miamies, but most tribes of the north- 
west. 

The rule and power of control of a chief, sachem, medicine man, 
prophet, or indeed any member of a tribe, muchas with the present 
state of civilization in America and other parts of the globe, depend- 
ed largely upon the amount of eloquence the speaker could bring 
to bear upon his people — a distinction for bravery, or the strongest 
will, as often gave the Indian prominence among the tribes as .those 
acquiring and exercising power by hereditary descent ; and while, 
in many respects, the government of the Indian seemed to partake 
of the Monarchical, it was yet of the Democratic order ; for no ques- 
tion of grave importance ever presented itself for consideration, but 
there was sure to follow an assemblage of the braves in council, 
where no action would be concluded wherein " the people were 
averse." And it was at such times that the eloquent and stern- 
billed often held sway.* 

To preserve a record of treaties, was to carefully lay by their 
wampum belts. In cases of important councils between nations, 
exchange of gifts and belts was mutual, by which each speaker was 
also greatly aided in memory. The holding of a bundle of small 
sticks, of a certain number, b}'- the speaker, on such occasions was 
also common, for each of which, the envoy from one nation to anotlier 
would recite a message ;t and messengers were always selected with 

*" It is of the Natchez Indians that the most wonderful tales of desfiotism and aristo- 
cratic distinctions have been promulgated. Tlieir cliiefs, like thoseof the Hurons, were 
esteemed descendants of the sun, had greater power than could have been established 
in the colder regions of the north, where the severities of nature compel the savage t«) 
rely on himself and be free ; yet, as the Natchez, in exterior, resembled the tribes by 
which they were surrounded, so their customs and institutions, were but mor^ marked 
developements of the same characteristics. Everywhere at the north, there was the 
eame distribution into families, and the same order in each separate town. The affairs 
relating to the whole nation, were transacted in general council, and v,^ith such equality, 
land such zeal for the common good, that, while any one might have dissented with 
impunity, the voice of the tribe would yet be unanimous in iu decision. — IJancrotts 
His. U. S., vol. 3, pages 278 and 279. 




cTrwrol'17»7er^^^ai:h"ii9tener'perhap* with a pipe in hi^ mouth, and preserving 



;jb The Fkie.ndj.y CALLiurr 

a view ps well to ability as to the knowledge of the task to be per- 
formed. And it is said that "often an orator, without the aid of 
rank as a chief, by the brilliancy of his eloquence, swayed the 
minds of a confederacy." 

Another interesting feature in Indian usage, was the Feace-Pipc, 
or Friendly Calumet. The writings concerning the early mission- 
aries, traders, explorers, and military officers, make repeated men- 
tion of it; and the beauty and simplicity of the eustom must be read- 
ily seen and admitted. The calumet, to the red man, was always 
esteemed and reverenced as the mo,st sacred of all their emblem- 
atic relations and devices; and no village, in earlier times, v/hen the 
red man held sway over the western wilds, was without its special- 
ly ornamented calumet, — which was often adorned with the feathers 
of the bird of liberty, the eagle, or other plumage or ornamental 
device, and always " consecrated in the general assembly of the 
nation." The messenger, traversing the wildest regions, on an 
errand.of friendship,felt always secure,by a presentation of the peace- 
pipe, from all attack from ferocious or unfriendly tribes. The 
primitive custom of the messengers of Peace, bearing the calumet, 
was for the envoys to approach within a given distance of the village, 
iirst making a loud noise, then seating themselves upon the ground. 
Then the villagers, headed by their principal chief, or sachem, bear- 
ing the peace-pipe in his hand, all singing the Indian song of peace, 
went forth to meet them. Approaching the envoys, the latter rose 
to greet them, they, too, chanting a hymn, " to put away all wars, 
and to bury all revenge. " At once exchanging pipes, and smoking 
freely, peace was terminated, and the messengers were escorted to 
the villages where it was made known, in loud declamation, that 
the strangers were friends ; and a great feast of hominy, dog, and 
bear's meat, was spread out and partaken of in honor of the messen- 
gers. 

As the ancient Twightwee (Miami) villages, located within and 
about the present site of Fort Wayne, in the words of their famon.s 
chief, Little Turtle, formed " that glorious gate which the Miamis 
had the happiness to own, and through whicli all the good words of 
their chiefs had to pass from the north to the south, and from the 
east to the west," ^ioav many such solemn and interesting occasions 
as that of exchanging the friendly calumet and entertaining the em- 
bassy of a distant tribe with a great feast, may have made the woods 
and surrounding vales of this locality reverberate xyith the glad 
strains of the [ndian peace song and jubilant dance of the villagers, 
none can now tell ; 5' et the strong supposition is that there were 
many such occasions here. 

deep silence, — they would give solemn attention to the speaker, who, with grent action 
and energy of language, delivered his laeKsage ; and, if his eloquence pleased, they 
esteemed him as a god. Decorum was nev^r broken ; there were never two speakers 
struggling to anticipate each other ; they did not express their spleen by blows ; they 
restrained passionat<j invective; the debate was never disturbed by an u[)roar ; questions 
of ofder were unknown."- -His. U. S. vol.'3, page 279. 



IlisToKY uF Fi»i:t Wayae. 30 

The Indian, though holding life as dear, perhaps, as most mortals, 
}iad, yet, withal, a singular disregard for death— a stoical indifference 
and fortitude that rendered hira seemingly unsusceptible of pain; 
and, as all history relating to the Indians most fully attests, at times^ 
could kill and scalp a savage or civilized foe with as much ease 
and zest as if partaking of a pot of hominy, or feasting upon a portion 
of roast bear. 

Some fifty years ago, a party of Indians, us was often their haljit 
at that period, had cono-rogated about the little trading hut of J, 
Peltier, — then conspicuous at the foot of the hill, just below the old 
fort, — and becoming somewhat intoxicated, two of the party, r)f dif- 
ferent tribes, becanje excited about some trivial matter, and one of 
them drew a knife from his belt, and cut the other across the abdo- 
men so severely as to let his intestines partially out.* Seating him- 
self upon the ground, the wounded Indian soon deliberately drew 
his own knife, cut a piece of fiesli from the outer part of the stomach, 
and began to cat it. 

The Indian cutting him, suddenly seeing this, proudly ejaculated 
Del-au-axveaTi! (that's a brave man, or he is a brave man I) And 
to show his compassion for the wounded brave, he at once approach- 
ed him, and, with a blow from his tomahawk, ended the further suf- 
fering of the wounded Indianf 

In the ancient songs of the red men there was always a vein of 
disregard or contempt for death ; and it w^as no uncommon thing 
for the cliiefs to declare that " the spirits on high would repeat their 
names." Where they wished to exhibit a spirit of defiance 
towards an antagonist, it was no unusual thing for the Indian to 
prepare a red-colored belt, a small bundle of" bio ody sticks,"and 
dispatch them to the enemy. In early times, the Indians were most 
feared when they prowled about in small parties, laying in wait, 
here and there— suddenly bounding upon a small settlement, or 
waylaying the emigrant. Concealment and surprise constituted 
their highest sense of warfare. When least anticipated, they were 
upon and scalping the early settler. And sad was the havoc many 
times during the pioneer days of the western frontiersmen. On more 
than one occasion, as subsecjuent pages will attest, has the tragedy 
of an Indian massacre been enactecl within the boundaries of the 
territory of the Miamies. 

*Capt. Wells, who resided at this point for many years with the Mianiics, while iu 
Philadelpliia with Little Turtle, in 1797. in a conversation with tlio distin_<,'ui_shr(l 
French philosopher and traveler, Count Yolney, referring to one of the chiefs of tli<; 
Miamies, at old Fort Miamis, here, known as Blue Jocky, said : " This man, (ou one 
occasion) when drunk, met an old enemy, to Avhom he had borne a grudge of twenty 
two years standing. Blue Jocky seized the opportunity and killed luui. Next day al 1 
the family were in arms to revenge the murder. He came to the fort, and sai<l lo tlie 
commanding officer, who repeated the tale to me, 'Let them kill me. It is but right. 
Mv heart betrayed me, and the liquor robbed me of my wits. But they threateni'd to 
kill my son, and that was not just. Father, try to make it up forme. 1 will give tli.m 
all I have ; my two horses, m'y trinkets, my W(!apons, e.Kcept one set. and, li thai w;ll 
not content them, I will meet them at any time and place, and they may kill me ' 

For .some years after the war of 1812, it was no nneonimon thing tor theiu tc ki.l <;icli 
Other h-.re iu their drunken jprsei. . i U-wlI'-ctiou:, of Mr:.. (in-r'.-L'l'.. 



4<> Imjias Bas^cks. 

Every people, however barbarous or civilized, ever had their 
seasons of relaxation and merry-making-. Among the most favor- 
ite pastimes of the Miamies, were their dances. 

In the spring time, as a matter of reverence to the Great Spirit 
(Much-a-te-x\uceke), "the man with the black robe; the good man 
or preacher," — asking him to aid in the production or growth of a 
bountiful crop, they had the corn-planting dance. A great deal 
of importance was attached to this dance, which was conducted 
with an air of marked solemnity and earnestness, — all the villagers 
partaking in it,* 

It was a time-honored custom with the Miamies and most tribes 
of the AYest, that when a member of a family died, a meeting of 
the family and immediate villagers would take place at a certain 
time, subsequent to the death of the person, with a view to replac- 
ing the deceased, which was done by means of a game of chance, 
there being often a number of candidates for the place, The lucky 
one at once fell heir to all the effects of the deceased. After which 
they all joined in a merry dance, called the Replacement Dance. 

The Beggar Dance was also frequent here; but was seldom if 
ever indulged in by the Miamies. The Pottawattamies, who were 
frequently here, with perhaps a few others of the Shawanoe, Wyan- 
dot, or Kickapoo nations, were the only ones who commonly indulg- 
ed in this dance. 

The object of the beggar dance was to obtain presents, or indeed 
anything the stranger, trader, or settler might feel disposed to give 
them ; and, with no covering on their bodies, but a part of a deer 
or other. sldn about their waists, the rest of the body and face paint- 
ed with some bright colors, with perhaps some gay ornament or 
featliers, about their heads, often several in number, would pass 
IVom agency to agency, in front of whose doors they would 
go through the liveliest movements of dancing, singing, &c., which, 
to the spectators, was often very amusing, and who seldom failed to 
give the rude dancers some tobacco, a loaf or two of bread, some 
wJuske}', or other article that would be pleasing to them. 

The Indians of the Northwest had many social pastimes, and 
Iheir compUraentary dances were probably frequent. The " medi- 
cine-dance " was one of some rarity, which usually took place only 
out of respect or courtesy to the medicine-men. In the complimen- 
tary dance, it was a custom to obtain permission of the party to "be 
complimented to dance for him." This granted, preparations were 
ijiade by painting the face elaborately, and marking the body, 
which was usually bare about the chest and shoulders. In addition 
to this, a profusion of ornaments, in the form of feathers, <fcc., were 
added to the hair ; and most " happy was he, who, in virtue of hav- 
ing taken one or more scalps, was entitled to proclaim it by a cor- 
responding number of eagle's feathers. The less fortunate made a sub- 
stitute of the feathers of the wild turkey," or other game. For which 
]>iirpose too, the fowls of the pioneers were often closely" plucked." 

■i Jobu P. Hedges. vTho Polta^ratamie-j li-rcd a foTi- piile.- corth of Ft. Wayue, 



HiSTOKV OF FOKT WaYAE. 41 

The prepaKations for the complimentary dance being ready, the 
dancers congre2:ated at some point selected, " and then marched to 
the spot in view for the dance, attended by the dull, coarse sound 
of the Indian drum and shee-shee-qua, or rattle. Arrangin<>- them- 
selves in a circle, they would dance with violent contortions and 
jesticulations, some of them graceful, others only energetical, the 
squaws, who usually stood a little apart, and mingled their discor- 
dant voices with the music of the instruments, rarely participating 
in the dance. Occasionally, hovvever, when excited by the general 
gaiety, a few of them would form a circle outside and perform a 
sort of ungraceful up-and-down movement, which possessed no 
jnerit, save the perfect time which was kept, and for which the 
Indians seemed, without exception, to have possessed a natural ear. 
The dance finished, which was often only when the strength of the 
dancers was quite exhausted, a quantity of presents were brought 
and placed in the middle of the circle, by request of the party com- 
plimented. An equitable distribution of the gifts having taken 
place, and the object of the gathering terminated, all withdrew."* 

The medicine-dance was mainly to celebrate the power and skill 
of the Medicine Man in the cure of disease, and as a means of 
respect to him as a supposed interpreter of the will and desires of 
the Great Spirit, as related to the direction of his people. 

Says Mrs. J. H. Kinzie, in her interesting narration of experien- 
ces and observations among the Indians of the North-West, during 
the early part of the present century, " a person was selected to 
join the fraternity of the 'Medicine Man' by those initiated, chiefly 
on account of some skill or sagacity that had been observed in him. 
Sometimes it happened that a person who had had a severe illness 
which had yielded to the prescriptions of one of the members, was 
considered a proper object of choice from a sort of claim thus 
established. When he was about to be initiated, a great feast was 
made, of course at the expense of the candidate, for in the most 
simple, as in the most civilized life, the same principle of politics 
held good, and ' honors were to be paid for.' An animal was killed 
and dressed, of which the people at large partook — there were 
dances and songs and speeches in abundance. Then the chief 
Medicine Man took the candidate and privately began to instruct 
him in all the ceremonies and knowledge necessar}' to make him 
an accomplished member of the fraternity. Sometimes the new 
member selected was yet a child. In that case, he was taken by 
the Medicine Man so soon as he reached the proper age, and quali- 
fied by instruction and example to become a creditable member of 
the fraternity. 

" Each Medicine Man usually had a bag or some receptacle in 

*The njedieiuc man " oceasiouuU}- made offerings and sacrificoj* whieli were 
regarded a3 propitiatory. * * * He was also a ' prophet," in bo far as he avus. m 
a limited degree, an instrnctor, but did not claim to possess the power of foreteUuiL' 
future events."— "Wau-Bun, the ' F.arly Day ' in Uie iTorth-West, —pages oOi), Jbl, and 



4:2 TiiE IIl-:ntx<_; Season. 

which was supposed to be enclosed some animal to whom in the 
course of their poiv-2COiv.^, he addressed himself, crying- to him in 
the note common to his imagined species, and the people seem all 
to have l)een persuaded that the answers which were announced 
were really communications in this form, from the Great Spirit. 

'■'■ The Indians appear," continues Mrs. Kenzie, " to have no idea 
of a retribution beyond this life. Tliey have a strong- appreciation 
of the great fundamental virtues of natural religion — the worship 
of the Great Spirit, brotherly love, parental aiiection, honesty, tem- 
])erauce, and chastity. Any infringement of the laws of the Great 
Spirit, by a departure from these virtues, they believe will excite 
his anger, and draw down punishment. These are their principles. 
That their practice eyinces more and more," says she, " a departure 
from them, under the debasing influences of a proximity to the 
whites, is a melancholy truth, which no one will admit with so much 
sorrow as those who lived aniong them, and esteemed them a quar- 
ter of a century ago, before this signal change had taken place." 

There were many dances, however, ^.n^orig- the Miamies, as well 
as many periods of the year in which they indulged in such festivi- 
ties, throughout their villages. Evening, and often througli the 
greater part of the night, during the milder seasons, was the usual 
time lor such enjoyment. Their music consisted, usually, of a deer 
skin entirely free of hair, which they stretched in some way, similar 
to our common drum-head, and upon which their " music man " 
would keep time and hum an air adapted to the Indian's style of 
dancing. It Avas very common on such occasions to have a large 
pot of hominy cooking over a moderate fire, to which the dancers 
would occasionally repair and partake, all from the same spoon or 
wooden ladel. 

But the red man was never entirely fixed or permanent in his 
location. Hunting- and fishing occupied a very large share of his 
time. The summer months especially, were much devoted to fish- 
ing. The furry animals and the deer, from which he expected eacli 
season to realize a moderate income, with which to procure ammu- 
nition, blankets, &c., for another season, were neyer disturbed by 
the Indian until the period arrived for their furs and hides to bo 
fully matured for tjie market. Then the Indians and their familes 
(excepting there were some who, from age or infirmity, were unable 
to go,) left their villages, and sought new hon;es in the woods, or 
near some large prairie, where the deer, the ottar, the raccoon, cfec, 
were most abundant. And their return, to renew their old homes, 
was only hailed by the springing of the early grass, or the joyful 
song of some sweet bird of passage that liad again, at the first 
tokens of Spring, ventured a return to the Northwest. And this 
was life among the Miamies here, to a late period of their history. 
This was life in the primitive wilds of the great Northwest a hun- 
dred and fifty years or more ago. What a civilization may be ours 
one hundred tind fifty years hence ! 



CHAPTER IV. 

"Tlie junction of tli'ese rivers (the St. Mary and the St. Jo.se])h;, may o\en 
claim a page in the annals of that momentous contest between French and iliiglifiii 
civilization — between Romanism and Protestantism — which was waged with alterna- 
ting siiccess, and witli short intervals of repose, for more than a liundred yeai-s, ter- 
minating, soon after the fall of Quebec, in the establishnient of Anglo-Saxon 
su]>remacy by the treaty of 1763." — Extract from a lecture of J. L. Williams, Esq., 
delivered" in "Fort Wayne, March 7, 1860. 



Death of La Salle — A line of stockade forts contemplated and establislied by the 
French — Progress of events following this movement of the French — Movements of 
tlie English — Tlie French become aroused — Feuds of the Old World rekindled in 
the New — The French and the Indians — Washington sent as a Messenger — War 
— Braddock's Defeat — Activity of the Contending Armies — Wolfe's Advance upon 
Quebec — Final triumph of the English Ai'my on the Plains of Abraham — A new 
Era dawned upon the Xew World. 



SIXTEEN liundred and cip;hty-two had passed. The shouts 
of " vive le roi," by La fealle and his voyageurs^ near the 
GT-orfnnouth of the great Father of Waters had long since died away 
^^ on the still air, and La Salle himself fallen a victim, on the 
^ shores of Texas, to the treachery of his followers. lO'JOcame. 
Lemoine d'Iberville had planted a little colony on the newly-pos- 
sessed territory of Louisiane. And again years sped away. The 
little settlement upon the newly acquired dominion of tho South 
grew and prospered amid the spontaneous growths of nature every- 
where about it ; and the French Government had begun seriously 
to contemplate the union of her Northern and Southern extremities 
by the arrangement and establishment of a continuous line of stock- 
ade forts and settlements through the interminable forests and 
prairies, along the shores of beautiful rivers, by the margin ot 
dreary lakes, lowly vales, and towering clifis — from the river St. 
Lawrence to the dark blue waters of the Gulf of Mexico, The mid- 
dle of the 18th century came, and the great enterprise was ra.pidly 
jiasteuing toward a complete consummation. A fort on the strait 
of Niagara stood in full view of, and guarded the entrance to, the 
vast interior extending towards the great Southwest. A second 
sprang up at Detroit, overlooking and controlling the route from 
Lake Erie to the North. A third soon stood dcliantly forth at St. 



i't PbOGKESS oil' yKENCH SeTTLEMK.M'B. 

Mary's, guarding with jealous eye all access to Lake Superior. A 
fouith was completed at Michillimackinac, which stood guard to 
the mouth of Lake Michigan. Soon a fifth appeared at Green Bay, 
and a sixth at St. Joseph, guarding the routes to the great Father 
of Waters, via the Wiseonsin and Illinois rivers; and two more, — r 
making eight — one, Fort Miamies, near the confluence of the St. 
Joseph and St. Mary's rivers, (in view of the present site of Fort 
Wayne,)!the other, Fort Ouiatenon, on the Wabash, below Lafayette. 
Small settlements of French soon sprang up at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, 
and at other points, some in the territory of the Illinois Indians, 
along the Illinois river, while, here and there along the banks of 
the Mississippi, were to be seen, amid the thick jungle, long pecu- 
liar to this broad and beautiful river, an occasional stockade fort ; 
while, upon reaching the present site of the city of Natchez, on the 
Mississippi, they were met by their kinsmen of Louisiana, extending 
their settlements to meet the voyageurs from the shores of Canada. 

France was now a power in the great Northwest. Her military 
strength was seemingly complete. The great forest was hers, 
She amalgamated with the wild tribes of the land wherever she 
went, and thus became a part of the great family of natives at every 
point. This alliance grew into a warm attachment, and the Indians 
knew the king of the French as their Great Father, and long look- 
ed up to him, through his subjects on this side of the great waters, 
as a protector and aid in time of need. From the French they early 
obtained guns, powder, and balls, and from them soon learned their 
use in hunting, whereby the French obtained vast quantities of val- 
uable furs at such prices as they were pleased to dictate. The 
missionaries pursued their labors, and at every post were to be met 
with their crosses and symbols; many of them, in accordance witli 
their peculiar school and ideas of religious zeal, were ready to 
suffer martyrdom, if need be, even at the hand of the savage. 

Time wore on. The French settlements and forts had succeeded 
but poorly. They had sadly neglected agricultural pursuits. Spec- 
ulation had warped and twisted their better natures, and their for- 
nier sense Qf civilization had now become so strongly interwoven 
with those of the habits and customs of the red man, that they had 
well-nigh lost that higher feeling of mental and physical growth 
upon which the white race had so long prided itself and sought to 
attain. 

And as they were often wanting in sobriety and civic continuity, 
so the French Government at that period, because of its ambitious 
tendency and ardent desire for dominion and conquest, with other 
causes of a no less deleterious character about the French court, 
was but feebly prepared to render the necessary aid or give that 
impetus to her colonial settlements in America tliat would have 
secured at least a moderate expression of prolonged and energetic 
pivil culture. 

1748 at length came, and France was still secure in her posses^ 

*^Sc<i Sniitli'i Hisixrv ox Caua'Ja, I. %m. 



HlSTOIit OF i'oRT WaYIx'E. 4.j 

Sions in the New Workl. Her line of stockade forts were still main- 
tained. A new scheme had arisen in the mind of the somewhat 
acute Count Galissonniere* of bringing over to the New World ten 
thousand French peasants to be settled upon the regions borderino- 
the Ohio, which, at that time, the French government was propos"^ 
ing to embrace within her already extensive domain. Many of 
these peasants were also to inhabit the lake borders. While thus 
passing their time in the castle of St. Louis, at Quebec, — civilians, 
soldiers, and men of State, — the English lion had been quietly- 
looking about in search of prey, and now began to move cautious- 
ly along the beautiful valley of the Mohawk, and, soon issuing 
from the lowlands, he was heard to roar along the eastern slopes of 
the Alleghany Mountains. His march was still westward, and 
gradually onward he moved, until at length, he saw beyond, in the 
distance, where here and there an open spot was tisible, small mov- 
ing object's, and the smoke of the Canadian hut continued for a time 
to curl peacefully away amid the surrounding forest and over the 
broad blue face of the great lakes of their dominibn. Forests fell 
before the westward march of the English settlements ; " and 
while, on one side of the Alleghanies, Celeron de Bienville was 
burying plates of lead, engraved with the arms of France," says 
Parkman, " the ploughs and axes of Yirgiuia woodsmen were 
enforcing a surer title on the other." The right of possession was 
soon to be tested. Thd two powers of tlie day were destined, ere 
many moons, to measure swords and struggle fcr supremacy on the 
new Continent. 

The peculiar intimacy of the French with the Indians had long 
given them a strength of no mean consideration. The opposite 
was true of the English ; and often, instead of drawing the Indians 
about them in a spirit of amity and friendship, by making them 
many little presents of trinkets, &c., as did the French then and 
long before, the phlegmatic nature of the Englishman drove him 
sullenly away. The Jesuit missionaries, too, still exerted a wide 
inHuence, in their peculiar way, over the western tribes. The 
English had no missionaries. They were simply agriculturalists — 
desired to till the soil and pursue a moderate, though sure system of 
commerce. The Erench were principally far traders, and their 
government had long been actuated by, and inflated with, a spirit 
of conquest and dominion. The one was heretic to the other — had 
long been so ; and the bitter feuds of the Old World were now 
about to take form and action upon the soil of the New. England 
was stern and resolute. The " Church of England " was the Eng- 
lishman's church, and his God was not the God of his rivaL The 
" Church of Rome " was the church of the Frenchman of the day \ 
and his God was not the God of the Englishman. The contest Was 
destined to be a bitter one, and the vantage ground seemed all on 
the side of the French. Time wore heavily on. 1749 came. The 
English had begun to make some inroads upon the French domin- 

■»S^8 Fi?t:.rri'? r^f Oa^ir-.js. I, 914. 



40 Leading Events ix tue FKENcii and Indian War. 

ions as traders; and it ^vas in this year that La Jonquiere, then 
goviernor of Canada, made the discovery that a number of Englisli 
traders had come to Sandusky,^- and " were exerting a bad influence 
upon the Indians of that quarter." Tlie Canadian Governor, says 
the account, " caused fdur of the intruders to be seized near the 
Ohio and sent prisoners to Cianada." Events were now surely and 
successively " casting their shadows." The English, at that period 
being much disaffected and broken in their govermental relations, 
to awaken at New York. Philadelphia, Virginia, and other points, a 
policy that would attract the attention of, and draw the Indians 
to them, seemed most difficult indeed. Even the powerful Iroquois 
or Five Nations, then dwelling, for the most part, in the Province 
of New York, and who, from an ill-will unthoughtedly engendered 
by Champlain, in May 1609, in uniting, at Quebec, with a party of 
Algonquin Indians against them, cau3ing their defeat and utter 
I'out near the rockypromontoryofTiconderoga, and who, therefore^ 
during many years subsequent, were a great source of trouble to 
the French settlements in Canada, well-nigh, at times, desolating 
tlie homes and fields of her interior provinces — even this formida- 
ble tribe, the English failed to win over to their cause. And " the 
cold and haughty bearing of the English officials," tbgether with 
often depriving them, by unfair means, of their annual presents 
from England ; the habit of arranging negotiations with them 
through a class of rum dealers, persons looked upon with but little 
regard by this powerful tribe; with other causes of complaint aris- 
ing from neglect,t &c., are said to have quite disgusted " the proud 
chiefs" of the Iroquois .J 

It is trtie, these causes and disquietudes did not wholly apply to all 
parts of the English Provinces. The Friends, and some other souls, 
were exceptions, mainly in a philanthropic sense ; but these bodies 
were usually small in numbers, and often ineffectual in their 
efforts. No such condition of affairs was anywhere visible among 

*His of Canada, I., 214. ■j-Massaehiisetts Historieal Collection, 1st series, YIl, C7, 
T Among the MSS. ]iapers of the famous Sir Wm. Johnson, to the Board of Trade, 
London, dated May 24, and Nov. 13, 1763, was the following : •' We lind the Indi- 
ans, as far back as the very confused manuscrij^t records in ray possession, repeatedly 
upbraiding their province for their negligence, tlieir avarice, and their want of assist-, 
ing them at a time wlicn it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant eolonj' of 
Canada, althougli supported by many nations ; and this is liivcwise confessed by the 
writings of tlie managers of these times." 

" I ap]irehend that it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had, all along; 
heglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken 
notion liave greatly despised tliem, without considering that it is in their power to lay 
waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion aros(! fi'om our confidence in our scat- 
tered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would 
Hot expend five pounds to saye twenty." Sir William was a wise manager of Indian 
affairs, and from a long and close intimacy with many of tlie tribes of the North-East, 
at an early peiiod, became remarkable for his knowledge of Indian character and tlio 
Strong influence lie exei'ted over them. His lieadqudrters, known as Johnson's Hall, 
were long at Oswego, N. Y., where great numbers of Indians were more or less alwaj-s 
about him, and whitlier various tribes, througli their chiefs and sachems, often repaired 
to hold tJieir council fires and treaties. And the Indians ever knew him as their great 
I'atlier. Throngli his airencv the Iroquois, in after years, beeame firm fi'iends of the 
Kn-jlisl). - ^ . 



IIlSTOEY OF FoilT WAYxr:. 47 

the French of the time. Their relations and developements were 
widely difierent. So dilig-ent.and careful were they in their atten- 
tions to the chiefs and others of the difierent tribes, that often on 
the approach of such to their forts, the loud roll of the drum or 
booming of cannon would announce their coming ; and this attention 
was most pleasing to the red man, and toade him to feel that he was 
not only a power in the land, but welcome. At the tables of the 
French officers " tliey v/ere regaled" and oftcii 'bribed with mcdab^ 
and decorations, — scarlet uniforms, and French flags. Far wiser 
than their rivals, the French never rtiflled the self-complacent dig- 
nity of their guests ; never insulted their religious notions ; nor ridi- 
culed their ancient customs. They met the savage half way, and 
showed an abundant readiness to " mould their own features after 
his likeness."* And it is noted tllat " Count Frontenac himself, plum- 
ed and painted liivo an Indian chief, danced the war-dance, and 
yelled the war-song at the camp-firps of his delighted allies." Such 
were the peculiarities of the French — such their wisdom and sense 
of harmony iii so lar as related to the wikl aborigines of the new 
continent at that early period. 

As little b,y little, the delicious fruit ripens, the flowers bud and 
blossom, or the tin}- acorn expands into the mighty oak of the 
forest, so event followed event, as the leaves of Autumn whirl upon 
tile passing breeze, and at length disrobe the thick forest. 

The movements and apprehensions ofthe French steadily became 
more and more apparent to the English. Soon a French Priest, of 
the name of Piquet, made bold, in the midst of his opposers, to 
open a niission at the site of Ogdensburg, on the St. Lawrence,t 
mainly with a view to win the friendship of the Iroquois, in whicli 
he was highly successful, having at one time gained the heart and 
attention of a Very large body of that famous confederacy, which 
g'ave the English great uneasiness. But Sir William Johnson soon 
began to exert a remarkable influence over the various tribes, and 
at length succeeded in gaining the attention of the Iroquois ; and 
not only did this tril)o become friendly, to a considerable degree, 
towardrs the English, but the Delawares, and tlie Miamies,dAvelling 
along the Ohio, come to regard them with much favor ; while the 
mass of the other tribes lying to the North, West, and South, stood 
ready at the bidding of their French lather. 

Matters now began to assume a formidable attitude. Tlic enmity 
of the rival colonies grew intense. Their hatred had assumed;! 
double aspect of religious and national antipathy. Formerly the- 
Indians had been the instruments of French aggressions upon the- 
English settlements ; and " with them," says Parkman, "the very 
name of Canada called up horrible recollections and ghastly images; 
the midnight massacre of Schenectady, and the desolation of many 

*Accounts of Adair, I'ost.'s Journals, Croglian's Joiirn.il, and MSS. ol" Sir Wm. 
Johnson, and otiiei-s. 

fHistorv of Xp>v York, L., 4-23. 



48 COMMENCEMEKT OF THE FeENCH AkO IlSDlAJJ WaK. 

a New England Hamlet." A French fort had been erected at 
Crown Point, upon English territory. Tile treaty of Utretcht and 
confirmation of same at Aix la Chapellej had made English ground 
of Acadia; but a doubt as to the limits of the province soon sprang- 
up, and appointed commissioners, from both sides, failing to agree, 
belligerant attitudes between the soldiery of the two nations^ soon 
became manifest on Acadian soil. Gist, surveyor, of the " Ohio 
Company," which had been organized in 1748, with a view to the 
formation of settlements west of the Alleghanies, had made his way 
to the falls of the Ohio. The Indians were startled. The French 
soon snuffed the discontented air of the red man, and before the 
surveyor and his party had scarcely begun their operations, the 
French confronted them, and the work ceased. 

1753 came. The season of verdure had approached. The birds of* 
the forest were already warbling their sweet notes of welcome to the 
spring. The French had made their way across Lake Erie, and 
Presque 'Isle had already become a fortification. From Presque 'Isle 
they strode rapidly towards the Ohio. The news soon found its way 
among the middle provinces, and Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginiaj 
iDCgan at once to look calmly about him to select an efficient envoy 
to bear a message to the invaders, ordering their immediate evacua- 
tion of the soil. George Washington, then in his twenty-first year^ 
was the one selected. Months had gone by; Spring had passed; 
Another summer had ended — Autumn had left bear the trees, and the 
cold bleak of winter had come again. The winds moaned through the 
forest; and the fourth of December, 1753, saw Washington j ourney- 
ing along the banks of the Alleghany. Soon he reached the Indian 
village of Venango, at the mouth of French Creek. The advanced 
post of the French was there. . The English trader, formerly at that 
point had departed, and the French flag was flying over his cabin. 
The French gave the young messenger a fair reception and hearing, 
and bade him see the commanding officer at Le Boeuf, still above 
Venango, on French Creek, whither Washington started and soon 
arrived. Upon communicating with Legardeur de St. Pierre, the 
commanding officer, he was told by the latter that he would send the 
message to the Governor- General of Canada ; that his orders were to 
hold possession of the country ; and that lie would do it " to the best 
of his ability." Washington returned. The ultimatum had been 
t-evealed, and, at the opening of another spring, a large body of the 
backwoodsmen of Virginia had formed themselves into a company 
tinder Trent, as Captain. Soon crossing the Alleghanies, and descend- 
ing to the point where now flourishes the city of Pittsburg, Pa., they 
began the erection of a fort. Le Bceuf and Venango soon got scent 
of it, and, sweeping down with a large body of French and Indians, 
the fort of the backwoodsmen was soon evacuated. Then followed 
young Washington at the head of a second party. Reaching the 
Monongaheia, he threw up a temporary fortification, and one dark, 
Ftormy night, M. Jumonvilie, with a French scouting party, was sud- 



IIisTOKY OF Fort Wayne. 49 

derily surprised and all taken prisoners by Washington and his 
backwoodsmen. Soon evacuating this point, he made another halt 
at the Great Meadows, where, behind some former eutrenchmonts 
he was soon assailed by nearly a thousand French and Indians! 
whom they fought most valiantly, until the French beat a truce- 
parley, and presented terms of capitulation ; and Washington and 
his men beiug free to move, soon began to recross the mountains. 
The Indians now began to wonder at these movements upon their 
soil— two foreign parties struggling for a territory tliat belonged to 
neither, had aroused their attention, and the red men soon began 
to see that, as one of their sagacious chiefs suggested, a few years 
later, the French and English were very much "like the two edges 
of a pair of shears," and that they, (the Indians) were " the cloth 
which was being cut to pieces between them." 

The war dog now begail to liowl fiercer than ever. 1755 found 
the courts of London and Versailes still maintaining diplomatic 
relations, and while yet persisting in a desire for a peaceful adjust- 
ment of affairs, they were both arranging for a conflict of arms in 
the New World. liraddock, with a considerable English lieet, soon 
sailed from the harbor of Cork, in Ireland ; and, a little later, a French 
Heet put to sea from Brest, under command of Baron Dieskau. 
While the English fleet canle safely over, and landed her troops as 
designed, the French were less fortunate, and lost two of their ves- 
sels by drifting, in a fog, too near the guns of a strong British 
fort, near the banks of Kewfoimdland, who took the vessels, after 
a short contest, and made prisoners of the crew. The British now 
ordered a general attack upoii the French marine, and before the 
end of this year, had captured tliree hundred French vessels and 
some eight thousand of her sailors. 

The French were discomfited, but not beaten. Braddock became 
commander-in-chief of the English forces in America. Negotiations 
were soon broken off between the two great powers, before which, 
however, the English ministry had hit upon a plan by which they 
proposed to strike a simultaneous and general blow against the 
French on the nev/ continent, and thus, if possible, to sweep them 
from the land at once, as it were. The plan of attack was to move; 
upon Acadia^ Crown Point, Niagara, and Fort Du Quesne, (Pitts- 
burg)— Braddock, xnih kis troops from the Old World, aided by two 
regiments of provincials, to secure the latter point. But he was 
a new comer in the hind, and knew but little of the perils and diih- 
culties to be encountered. He was not " the right man in the right 
place " for such a field of action at such a time, in so far, at least, 
as ultimate success was concerned. Having explained, however, 
to t\m several governors of the Provinces liis intentions, ho begnn, 
in astern, austere, and rigid manner, the adjustment of his plans: 
which being consummated, he took up his line of march toward the 
1 )or(](TS of Virginia, and soon encamped at Fort Cumberland. Weeks 
p;!ss<xl awav in prepnration. The backwoodsmon know how lo 



50 Bsaddock's March vi'on Foet Du Quesse. 

sling an axe, but were little acquainted with the close drilling rind 
sterner discipline of the Braddock school. He was often out of 
humor with them — abused his contractors, for obtaining bad horses, 
and said hard things of the country and its people generally. But 
the hour of march at length came. June, 1755, saw the army of 
Braddock on the move, with an immense baggage, for Fort Da 
Quesne, — the axemen lelling tlie trees, and opening the way for 
the advancing forces. " Large bodies move slowly." The opening 
was rough, and all was tedious. Nearty a month had passed, and 
on the eighth of July, an advance body of some twelve hundred 
men, with the less cumbersome baggage and artillery, stood tipon 
the bank of the Monongaliela, about fifteen miles from Fort Du 
Qilesne. A roL;ky barrier, and somewhat uneven ground, prevented 
a direct passage to the fort, and an order from the general to crosft 
the river with a view to finding a better path, and then to recross 
it again a few miles still lower down, was readily entered upon, and 
the army soon made the first crossing, and rapidly filed along the 
shore, all aglow with joy at tlie prospect of a speedy arrival at 
the foi-t. 

Du Quesne v/as already in the hands of the French. Bands of 
Indians and French scouts had spied the approach of Braddock. 
The fort was all alive with preparation. Retreat was the first thought 
of ContreccBur, its commander. But Beanjeu, his captain, said 
iight. His suggestion was listened to and accepted ; he at once pro- 
posed to lead a band of Indians and French to waylay and intercept 
the further march of Braddock. The camps ol the fierce Caughnav/- 
ages, Ottav/as, Abenakis, Ojibwas, and Hurons, were near and 
soon reached by Beanjeu, who assembled the warriors, and at once 
threw the hatchet on the ground before them.* All was hesitanci^ 
Again he appealed to them, and still they were silent. At length 
he approached them with a stern resolution. " I am determined to 
go," he shouted. " What," continued Beaujeu, "will you sufleryour 
father to go alone ? I am sure we shall conquer." He succeeded, and, 
on the morning of the ninth of July, word having reached them that 
the English were near, the chiefs collected their braves ; all painted 
their faces, greased themselves, whooped, danced, and " hung feath- 
ers in their scalp- locks." All was heroism and determination with 
theai. Great quantities of gun-powder and bullets were given them, 
and, with some two hundred and fifty French soldiers, to bring 
up the rear, the savages, band after band, glided wildly away to the 
forest. A few miles brought them to a thick clump of woods, near 
a path leading to the river, which was close by, and Avhere two 
ravines formed a most remarkable ambuscade, sufficient in extent to 
contain and conceal " at least ten tliousand men ; "and the savages, 
with Beaujeo and his men, were here soon concealed, with guns 
all ready for action. Ti:e drumg of the advancing army were beat- 
ing. It was midsummer. All v/as bright and beautiful. The sun 
^Wkiohj if token \\r> W tAre iTjdia'tt'., mofe.'rst tV.at tlicv ^rotild join i \!h^ fic^it. 



JiiSTOuv OF Your Waykk. :^1 

slioue forth ia all Ins splendor, and the wild flowers spangled the 
forest at every side, freighting the undulating currents with delicious 
odor. On came the army of Braddook. The fated spot was at liand. 
The army filed along the little road leading to the river, and began 
to re-cross. Ail over, they indift'erently continued their march, 
with no scouts in front or at the side to give token of danirer. Soon 
the ravine was neared. Upon every side there seemed a barrier <.)f 
Bome kind — thick trees, close miderbrush, high grass, and heavy 
fallen timber — and their progress was slow, while a rapid retreat, 
with such an army, would have been utterly impossible. Lo ! a sud- 
den whoop from the savages, a volley of musketry from behind the 
ambuscade of the enemy, soon told tiie sad story. No one had seen 
the peril. The English grenadiers were confounded, and manj- fell. 
The survivors returned the charge. The resolute Beaujeu was kill- 
ed, and the Indians wavered, but his second, Dumas, rallied them to 
the cha,rge, and in the front the Canadians and French poured a 
heavy volley, while the Indians did a similar execution on the right 
and left. The whole body of the army soon felt the charge; di^?>may 
and disorder took possession of the soldiery. The advancing col- 
umns fell back upon the main body. The enemy was everywhere 
wholly or partially concealed. Few were to be seen. Yell upon 
yell resounded at every side. Every tree — every log — served as a 
place of concealment, and evei"y shot told its own sad tale. The grena- 
diers had never seen or heard the like before. Huddling together 
in crowds, each seemed struggling to form a shield and barrier of the 
other. Their muskets v/ere as often fired in the air as tov/ards tlie 
enemy ; and many fell at the hands of their own comrades. The 
ofncers were generally brave and active. Braddock, though seeming- 
ly fearful in the onset, had five horses shot under him. The Virgin- 
ians, like the Indians, at length took to the trees. Braddock rallied 
them into the ranks again, and the enemy mowed them down witii 
terrible effect ; and soon Braddock himself fell, and was borne from 
the field. Washington was there, as if taking his first great lesson 
in warfare. He rode heroically through the ranks. Two horses 
were killed under him, and four bullets pierced his clothes, says the 
account ;^^ but he cariie off unhurt. Gates and Gage wore there. 
The former was shot through the body— the latter, badly wounded. 
Out of eighty-sis officers, but twenty-three escaped injury. Of the 
twelve hundred who crossed the Monongahela, seven hundred were cia 
down and wounded. The Virginians suffered much. Their bravery 
was great. The grenadiers quailed. The open fields of tlic Old 
World were not there. The work of death continued three hourK. 
There was no relief but retreat, and the remaining body precipitate! v 
turned back and crossed the Monongahela. The enemy pursued 
only to the river. The rout was complete, and the field left to the 
enemy to plunder and scalp. 
-'^S'r Soark'j lil> of Vt'av;hiun1',in. T. (IT, 



it'H '^fo^■E^[J^';XTs agaikst Acadia, ^^''iagaka. Etc. 

Bracluock's defeat, and the fordinp;-placo became memorable. 
The rout eonthmed to Fhikidelphia. Meeting the rear division of 
Dunbar, the panic communicated to the hahmce of the division, 
and cannon, bagghg'e, wagons, &c., were destroyed, and left behind. 
The frontier sctt'ements were passed and leit to' t!ie ravages of 
the savage men, who, soon after, Avaged H destructive t\\ar upon 
tliem. 

The ex])edition^against Acadia resnlted in the speedy reduction 
of that point ; l)utthree tliousand inhabitants thereof, stoutly refusing 
to subscribe to the English oatli of allegiance, were speedily placed 
^upon vessels and shipjted to Jiritish dominions. 

The movement against Niagara failed ifentirely — the forces being 
unable even to reach the falls. The one against Crown Point, in 
part, at lirst, much like Braddock, were g'urprised by the enemy,— 
.French and Indians, — in a thick, Avoody ambuscade, and badly cut; 
u]> : l»ut afterwards rallied with superior force, and the victoiy^ on the 
beautiful borders of Lake George, under Sir A\'i}liam Johnson, Avas 
considei'<M.l tolerably complete and decisive. 

Five wearisome years thus passed away — Indians, EngTOh, and 
French waging a ceaseless warfare upon and destroying each other^ 
in surprising, caimonading, and aUM) attacks upon defenseless settle- 
ments by the savages. Great suflering necessarily awakened 
strong elibrts and energy on the part of both the French and the" 
English. 

In 1758, from Cape Breton and Nova Scotia,- extending to the 
Oliio river, and along the bordering regions of Lake George, the 
war l)etween the rival claimants became rife again. Lord Aber- 
fronil)ie Avas in comuiand of the English forces of America, AA'ith. 
some lifty thousand men under him ; and Avith ]Montcalm, Avho had, 
:ibout twt) years before, with a superior force of French and Indians, 
:ichieved many important victories in the capture and destruction 
ot OsAvego, the reduction and capture of^ort William Henry — the 
aspect of affairs began to assume anotluu- and different shape. Tlu) 
Jujglish now liegan to j-egain lost ground and to capture other im- 
p(fitant i>niiits. The foruiidaf)le fortress of Louislmrg Avas taken ; 
Forr Du(^ui'sne, (i^ittsburg — lost by Braddock)— soon fell into Eng- 
iisb hands. Bradstreet soon struck a favorable bloAv, and captured 
Fort Frontenac. Lord Abercronibie, Avith a force of some sixty 
thousand men, advanced upon Ticoiuh-roga, and thougii the many 
liravt! Highlanders under him AVero badly cut up — though a retreat 
became necessary, from the great disadvantage of the attack,- — yet 
theEtigllsh never lost heart, but ]>ushed forwartl \','ith renewed rigor. 
Canada wa.s to be reduced and taheii. A new pbiii of assailing the 
proviiK-c. Iroiii three sides, found a lodgement in the British mind — 
(ieneral rri(h>aii\ \^:Is to move uj>on Niagara iVoiJt the Avest ; Ticoti- 
deroua ami ('rown Point were to he reduced or captured from the 
soe;th hy (ienei'al Amherst; v>hile the hi:i\e \\'ii'l!'e, iron; ii>e <\-ist, 
\\;is lo iiiove u])oii (^ue]ie<\ (ieiier;i! I'l iiieaiix, v.l'rhe li'.-st. liaN'iuL;' 



illSTOK'Y OF FulM WaVXJ-.. f,;', 

been killed b.y the burslinp; of a coliorn, tlio command and cai.tnro 
of Niagara fell upon Sir Willam Johnson. Tlio loss of Nia^-ara was 
equal to the loss Qf the Province, and the Frc^icli began to'' exhibit 
strenuous eflbrts to save the fort and beat back the° enemy. The 
French and Indian forces then holding Detroit, Presque'Isle,Ycnango 
and Le Bccuf, were speedily ordered to the rescue of Niagara. Sr 
William advanced upon the enemy. They soon fled* and for' 
five miles Sir WilJiam pursued the retrea<^ing forces. The success 
of Niagara was con:!pIete. Amherst's advancement u]>on Tiron- 
deroga was the signal for its destruction, and the French blew it 
up, passing down Lake Champiain to Crown Point, whither they 
.soon retreated, and concentrated their forces upon Isle Aux Noix. 
Preparing formidable breast-works here, they determined to brave 
the worst, and put a stop, if possible, to the further invasion of the 
enemy. J3ut winter (:;ame, and the armies ceased hostilities for a 
season. 

The rigid winter months soon passed — May had glided into June, 
and Wolfe, with an army of eight thousand men, -^yas'sailing up the St. 
Lawrence. Soon forming an encampment upon the Island of Orleans, 
Quebec, with her " churches and convents of stone ; its ramparts, 
Ijastions, and batteries " — high dills, and the noted castle of Sr. 
Louis, all in full view,— he began to survey the field of operations. 
•Still beyond the rocky promontorj^ which formed the Imse-work of 
the boasted city, presenting a continuous line of intrenchments and 
batteries for some distance along the St. Lawrence, his right rest- 
ing on Quebec and the river St. Charles, lay the army of Mont- 
calm, fourteen thousand strong. Every aspect of nature seemed to 
liave conspired against the operations of Wolfe. A thick forest 
shielded Montcalm in the rear ; opposite stood the towering promon- 
tory of Point Levi, and to his lelt appeared the cascade and gnlf 
of Montmorenci. The task before Wolfe was herculean. "I have 
this day'(Dec. 1, 1758,) signilied to Mr. Pitt," wrote Wolfe to Wm. 
Rickson, "that lie may dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases, and 
that I am ready for any undertaking within the reach and compass 
of my skill and cunning. I am in a very bad condition, both Avith 
gravel and rheumatism : but I liad hiuch rather die than decline an}' 
Idnd of service that offers ; if I followed my own taste, it would lead 
me into Germany; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should 
place me to ti>e cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, 
and a warmth of temper to follow the first impressions. However, 
it is not our part to choose, but to obey." The jneridian of the 
;:'>lst of July, 1T50, had passed. Wolfe had detennined to iuov(> 
U]ion Montcalm's front, and was soon embarked M'ith a strong force. 
Heavy cannonading from his vessels, soon enal»led him to gain a 
landing "just above the mouth of the Montmorenci." The and>i- 
tion of the grenadiers and Royal Americans " o'er leaped itself." 
Eager for the victory, they sprang upon the shore. Illy directed 
and without orders, 'with, Io^tI eliuut?. thov rut Iwl o"ci- lli" i''-^iii 



54 Vv'oi.L'^E L-i-'FOKE QcEiiioC. 

and begun, in the lace of a i:erri]>le fire of the enemy, to clamber 
up the ramparts of the French. Hundreds of tlieir shiin soon cov- 
ered the slopes. A moriient of comparative stillness soon elapsed. 
The great volleys of smoke arising from the heavy cannonading 
bad been effectual in attracting thick clouds over the scene of ac- 
tion, and a pelting rain put a stop to the bloody contest. Night 
set in, A retreat was ordered. The surviving forces regained their 
vessels, and, as they moved away, the loud vive le roi from the 
ramparts, and the wild whoops of the Indians, as they descended 
the heights to tomahawk and scalp the wounded, and plunder the 
the dead, all told hoiv complete tliey esteemed the victory. 

V/oife Vi^as sad. "More than four hundred of the flower of his 
army had fallen a useless sacrifice. " The vital powers of his rather 
wlender frame had been greatly overcome, and a burning and pro- 
tracted iever confined him for a period of several days to his bed ; 
and here it was, v/hile suffering under the weight of a painful 
fever,'tliat his soul seemed to rise above the surrounding obstacles 
of success, and enabled him to conceive the plan of future triumph. 
The scheme thus evolved was deep and daring. The army was to 
be divided into two divisions, — one, by seeming attacks, to engage 
the attention of Montcalm before Quebec — the other to move, at 
night, above the place, on the north side, and scale the rugged 
heights of Abraham. September came, and all was readiness. 
All worked well. The plan developed was pushed forward, and on 
the night of the 12th of September, clear and beautiful — the stars 
looking down with a glorious harmony upon the scene — noiselessly, 
the vessels of Wolfe floated down the stream to the point of em- 
barkation. " Qui viv.e'P'' cried a sentinel of the French, as ho 
caught a glimpse of the moving objects. 

" La France I " was the word echoed back by one of the captains 
of the fleet. 

''^ A quel regiment?'''' enquired the French guard. '■'• T)e la 
Reine f "* was the ready response oi the captain; 

The sentinel, thinking no ill, and as a vessel was hourly looked 
for from Bougainville, all suspicions were hidden in the darkness 
ol the hour, and the English fleet passed on. Soon another sum- 
mons from a sentinel brought forth similar responses from the cap- 
tain of the English vessel, find all was well. The designated point, 
at the base of the heights, \yas reached,— -ever after memorable as 
"Wolfe^s cove."' The ascent was very great. Wolfe felt doubtful. 
Said he, to one of his ofiScers, "you can try it, but I don't think 
you'll get up. " 

Soon one Donald McDonald, the same, doubtless, who had just 
before so readily responded to the French sentinel, began to scale 
the heights. Again came a challenge from a guard above. The 

-This \v.iK the name of a. corps iindor Uio Fi-onch couiinandcr. Eoiigainvillc, a I'fiol. 
irnown to the cjiptain rol'ciTeci to. 



HisTOEY OF Fort Wayne. 



55 



reply was prompt and satisfactory. He had come, said he in 
French, to relieve him, (the French sentinel) and the guard was 
silenced. Close upon the ascent of McDonald, came a number of 
Highlanders, scrambling up by every available means— and still 
tliey came, until the height above swarmed with the English sol- 
diery. A fierce resistance ensued between the guards' and the 
English. The guards y/ere compelled to give way. Wolfe's idea 
and the stratagem of the Highlander haff done the work. Morn- 
ing came, and with it the clear sunlight. The Plains of Abraham 
presented to the opposite ramparts of Quebec a scene of terror and 
dismay. The shining bayonets of the enemy, " and the dark-red 
lines of the English forming in array of battle," readily told the 
French what was coming. The long siege had already greatly ex- 
hausted the French supplies — their militia had withdrawn for 
want of food. Their alarm drums were beaten; and all was ex- 
citement. " They have gotten to the weak side of us at last, and 
we must crush them with our numbers," said Montcalm; and the 
French soldiers began to move to the front of the English. Firino- 
began, and nine o'clock savv^ the two armies confronting each other. 
Montcalm soon began to advance. Coming yet nearer, his troops 
opened a heavy fire upon the English. All was still in the English 
ranks. No one ventured to pull a trigger, until the army of Mont- 
calm had advanced within some forty yards of the regulars. " At 
once," runs the account, " from end to end of the British lino, the 
muskets rose to the level, as if with the sway of some great ma- 
chine, and the whole blazed forth at once in one crashing explo- 
sion." The smoke became intense, and for a time enveloped the 
soldiery in darkness. The execution of the English had been great ; 
and now, that the smoke had cleared ay^ay, they began to redouble 
their efibrts — "hewing down the Frenchmen with their broadswords, 
and slaying man}^ in the very ditch of the fortifications. " The ac- 
tion was short and rapid. The French loss was estimated at " fif- 
teen hundred men, killed, wounded, and taken." The French now 
fled precipitately. Wolfe had fallen, mortally Vt^ounded, and been 
conveyed to the rear, before the flight of the French began. "See 
ho\Y they run," cried an English officer standing near to Wolfe, 
as he lay upon the soft turf. "Who run?" anxiously enquired 
Wolfe, " opening his eyes, " says the account, " like a m;m moused 
from sleep. " " The enemy, sir, " replied the ofiicer ; " tliey give way 
everywhere." "Then," returned the dying AVolfe, "tell Colonel 
Burton to march Webb's regiment down to Uharles river, to cut olf 
their retreat from the bridg-^e.. Now, God be praised, " he softly 
murmured, turning on his side, "I will die in peace;" and liis 
heroic spirit passed away. Montcalm had also received a mortal 
wound, and was dying. "lam happy,"' said he, " that I shall not 
live to see the surrender of Quebec." Being interrogated as to in- 
structions, his reply was, " I will give no more orders ; I have much 
business that must be attended to, of a;reater moment than yo^' 



50 



The PawjS of a New EiiA. 



ruined oarrison and this wretched country;" and Montcalm, too, 
soon went out. The white flag was run up on the ramparts of Que- 
bec, and on the I8th of September, 1750, that point was forever 
wrested from the power of the French. A year later, September 
8, 1760, and the whole dominion was swept from their grasp, and 
England ever after swayed the province. A new rule began at 
once to extend itself over the north-western territory. 

A new era had dawned upon the New World. The sun-light of 
a new governmental superstructure — a broad Democratic-Repub- 
lican basis, — wherein the great principles of "life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of Happiness, " were to form the pillars of a beautiful 
edifice, — had already risen above the hill-tops of the Future, soon 
to penetrate tlie tliick forests and glimmer along the valleys and 
hill-sides of the fai,' west. 




CHAPTER VL 



' O'er a \nthc from oliaow Leatiiii;, 

With its luystic How of ])ride. 
We are drifting — ever driitiiig, 

And are floating down the' tide."— Wm. H. Bi-oHXei,:,. 



Numbers and condition of tlie tribes of the northwest at the elose of tlie Frencli and 
Indian war — The western route — TJie Shawanocs and Mi^iTiies — Indian attaeli- 
nient to the French — Their hatred of the English — The Delaware Prophet — 
British occupancy of forts Mianu and Ouiatenon — Treaty of 1763 — The Indian 
domain — The conspiracy of Pontiae — His designs first discovered at tliis point — 
Discovery of the "bloody belt" — Council called — Holmes' letter — Office of the 
chiefs — The great council at the river Ecorees — Great speech of Pontiae — The 
Ojibwa girl's warning — Pontiae 's visit to the fort — His failure — Further efforts — 
(Uadwyn's letter — Further eft'orts of Pontiae — Visit and retention of Camjilxl^ and 
]MeDougal at the camji of Politiac — Ca])tTire of the forts — The conspiracy at this 
point — Betrayal and death of Holmes — surrender of the fort — One hundred and 
four years luive passed — "Progress ! Civilization ! Onward I 



^^T the close of the P'rendi strug-gic, so great liad been Ihe 
havoc among- the A^arious tribes of the north-west, that, from tlie 
^>p estimates of Sir William Johnson, it was presumed there were 
(^ not. more than ten thousand fighting men to be found in the 
'^ whole territory lying "between the Mississippi on the west, and 
the ocean on the east; between the Ohio on the south, and LakeSu- 
]~»erior on the north ;" which, according to a further estimate by Sir 
William, in 1763, placed the Iroquois at 1950; the Dclawares at 
about 600 ; the Shawanoes at about 300 ; the Wyandotts at about 450; 
the Miaraies, with their neighbors, the Kickapoos, at about 
800; while the Ottawas, Ojibwas, and a few wandering tril)os, 
northward, were left wdthout any enumeration at all. At that 
period, so thin and scattered w^as the population," say the best ac- 
counts,* " that, even in tliose parts which were thought well popula- 
ted, one might sometimes journey for days together through the 
twilight fprest, and meet no human form. Broad tracts were left 
in solitude. All Kentucky was a vacant waste, a mere skirmish- 
ing ground for hostile war-parties of the north and south. A great 
part of Upper Canada, of Michigan, and of Illinois, besides otlipr 
portions of the w^st, were tenanted by wild be^ists alone. '' 

*See Parkman's History of Consi->iraey of Pontiae, p 132. 



58 (JOWDITIOK OF AFt-AIKS AT THE ClOSE OF THE "WaS. 

The most favored route westu'ard from the central colonial dis- 
tricts, at that period, " was from Philadelphia across the Allegha- 
nies, to the valley of the Ohio, " by way of Fort du Qnesne, (after 
the war, being rebuilt by the Engiish, called "Fort Pitt,'') where 
Pittsburg nov/ stands. It was this route that most of the traders 
westward took, vvdiither, from that point, they penetrated the inte- 
rior vath their goods, upon pack-horses, to traffic with the Indians. 
An Englishman, for sometime subsequent tb the war, became a 
ready subject for the scalping-knife, and, consec|uently, was com- 
pelled to move with great precaution. 

At this period, says Parkman, in his interesting researches, " the 
Shawanoes had fixed their abode upon the Scioto and its branches. 
Farther towards the west, on the waters of the Wabash and the 
Maumce, dwelt the Miamies, who, less exposed, from their posi- 
tion, to the poison of the whiskey keg, and the example of de- 
bauched traders, retained their ancient character and custom in 
greater purity than their eastern neighbors, " " Fa-om Vincennes," 
says the same writer, "one might paddle his canoe northward up 
the Wabash, until he reached tlio little wooden fort of Ouiatenon. 
Thence a path through the woods led to the banks of tlie Maumee. 
Two or tliree Canadians, or half breeds, of whom there were num- 
bers about the fort, would carry the canoe on their shoulders, or, 
for a bottle of whisky, a few Miami Indians might be bribed to 
undertake the task. On the Maumee, at the end of the path, stood 
Fort Miami, near the spot where Fort Wayne vras afterwards built. 
From this point," continues he, " one might descend the Maumee 
to Lake Erie, and visit the neighboring Fort of Sandusk}- ; or, if he 
chose, steer through the strait of Detroit, and explore the Vv'atery 
v/astes of the northern lakes, finding occasional harborage at the 
little military posts which commanded their important points. 
Most of these V\^estern posts were transferred to the English during 
the autumn of 1T(J0 ; but the settlements of the Illinois (Kaskaslda, 
Cahokia, cfcc.,) remained, " says Parkman, "several years longer 
under French control. " 

The Indians of the northv/est had lost their French Father, and 
with him, for a time, their trinkets, and much besides, in the form 
of powder, balls, &c., that Ihey had long annually been accustomed 
to receive from that quarter. They could hardly realize, ]^ot- 
withstanding the many whisperings to that effect, that their French 
Father was forever divested of his power in America, and that his 
rule this side of the great waters had ceased. They believed the 
oft repeated sfories of the many JiaMtans^ coureiirs des bois, &c,, of 
the various villages, and wandering from point to point among the 
tribes of the northwest, which were also greatly strengthened by 
fciimilar assurances from those of the French still holding possession 
of the territory along the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, and at 
other points, that their French Father "had of late years fallen 
asleep,'' and that his numerous vessels and soldiers -would soon be 



HiSTOiiY OF FOKT WaYKK, ;jD 

nioving up the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, to drive tlie English 
from their dominions, leaving them again iu quiet possession oT 
their former hunting grounds. Every means was now resorted to 
by the French thus scattered about the w^ilderness to arouse the 
savages, and their efibrts were not in vain, The rancor of the In- 
dians was greatly increased from time to time, until at length, after 
a laspe of two years, a great sclieme was developed and put on 
foot for the overthrow and destruction of the English and the 
various posts so recently occupied by them. As had been frequent 
at other periods among the aborigines in the wilds of the New 
Yv orld, a great Prophet suddenly began to exert a powerful inilu- 
cnco among the tribes of the northwest. He held his mission un- 
der the Great Spirit, and earnestly enjoined upon the tribes to re- 
turu again to their primitive habits — to throw away the weapons, 
apparel, &c., obtained from the pale faces. Here, said he, is the 
starting point of success. The force of the new prophet's teachings 
were truly G;reat, and the tribes came from long distances to hear 
him. For the most part his suggestions were much regarded by 
the tribes ; but the v/eapons of the white man could not be dis- 
pensed with. These they retained. The prophet was a Delaware, 
and the great leader of the movement, was an Ottawa chieftain, 
whose Indian name was Pontiao. Detroit was surrendered to the 
English on the 29th of November, 1760; and while many prisoners 
vv'ere removed down the lake, " the Canadian inhabitants were al- 
lowed to retain their farms and houses, on condition of swearing 
allegiance to the British crown." An officer being speedily dis- 
patched to the southwest. Fort Miami, at the confluence of the 
rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, and Oaiatenon, below the present 
site of Lafayette, so long standing guard between the Ohio river 
and Lake Erie, were soon possessed by the English, and a new rule 
begun. 

For over two years, forts Miami and Ouiatenou remained in com- 
parative security. No hostile movement on t'ne part of the French 
or savages had thus far conspired to greatly ruffle the complacency 
of their guardianship. 

The tenth of February, 1703, at length arriving, a treaty of Peace 
was convened at Paris, France, between the two great Pov/ers of 
France and England — the former surrendering to the latter all 
claims to the vast region lying east of the Mississippi, making the 
great Father of Waters the boundary line of the British possessions 
in America. 

A few months later, on the 7th of October, the English govern- 
ment, " proportioning out lier ncv/ acquisitions into separate gov- 
ernments," set apart '^'the valley of the Ohio and adjacent regions 
as an Indian domain," and, by proclamation, strictly forbade " the 
intrusion of settlers " thereon. Each came at an unpropidous pe- 
riod. The seeds of future trouble had long since been sown, and 
the little forts in tlic wiidcrness, here (Fort Miami) and at 



(JO A l"mE^■l)LY Admo^iikix — The Ili-ooD-i- JJ]:lt. 

Ouiateiion, were destined ere lonj;' to feel tlio sliock of " conilnp; 
events." The great plot of Pontiac and the efforts of the Delaware 
prophet for the destruction of the Encrlish and the recapture of tlie 
posts so recently lost to the French, were rapidly tliough silently 
inaturing. Intimations and surmises were all that could be gained, 
so still and cautious were the moven^ents of the savages; and the 
first really positive assurance (as it afterwards proved) of the efforts 
and designs of the Ottawa chieftain and his followers, was dis- 
closed at Fort Miami, opposite the present site of Fort Wayne, 

With the utmost vigilance, on the one hand, and the greatest 
possible activity on the other, Pontiac was now pushing forward 
his scheme of destruction against the English. War belts were 
dispatched to various tribes at a distance, inviting them to join in 
the overthrow of the invaders and capture of the forts ; and soon 
the entire Algonquin race, combined with the Senecas (of the Six 
Nations) tl.ie Wyandotts, and many tribes from the valley of the 
Lower Mississippi, were allied to the great scheme of destruction. 
An English officer, by the name of Holmes, was in command, witli 
a small body of men, at this point, Fort Miami; and it was throu'^ii 
Holmes that the first most positive intimations were received of 
the ])rcmeditated plot of the Indians. 

One day, early in the month of March, 1763, Holmes Avas startled 
by a friendly admonition. A neighboring Indian, who, tlirough 
some acts of kindness, perhaps, on the part of Holmes, had formed 
a strong friendship for the ensign. The Indian told liim that the 
Avarriors of one of the villages near by had recently received a 
bloody helt* with a " speech," pressing them to kill him (Holmes) 
and demolish the fort here, and which, whispered the friendly In- 
dian, the warriors were then making preparations to do. The peril 
was iminent, and Holmes began at once 'to look about him. Soon 
summoning the neighboring Indians to a council, he made bold to 
charge them with the design, which they readily acknoMded<2e(l, 
with seeming contriteness and regret, charging the whole affair 
upon a tribe at another locality in the region. Holmes obtained 
the belt, and, from a speech of one of the chiefs of the Miamies, 
was at least partially induced to entertain the belief that all would 
now be trancjuil. 

A few days later, and the following letter, from Ensign Holmes, 
at this point, was on its vray to Major Gladwyn, commanding at 
Detroit : 

" FoKT MiAMis, Makgh 30th, 1763. 

" Since my Last^Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of 
the Bloody Belt being in this village,! I have made all the search 

*f t Avas a custom -with many tribes in those days to send belts of •wampnm and 
pom'times tobacco Avhen aid was desired, or peace was to be made. The wliite belt 
denoted peace ; the lilack or red belt were emblamatic of war. 

fTlie old Twightwee or Miami village, on the west side of the St. Joseph, and scat 
tired in the neigliborhood of the " Old Apple Tree," nearly opposite tlje site of old 
IbrL WyyuG. 



History of Fokt Way^e. CI 

I could filioiit it'i and have fomid it out to bo True; Whcioou I 
Assembled all the Cliiel's of this Nation,* ifc and after a lono> and 
troublesome ypell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech^ 
as you will Receive Enclosed ; This Affair is very timely Stopt, 
and I hope the News of a Peace vcill put a Stop to any further 
Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principle Ones of Settinfi,- 
Mischief on Foot. I send You the Belt with this Packet, which I 
hope You will Forward to the General." 

The peculiar org-anization of the Indian — his habits ; tlie ^\•'\]^[ 
reaving- life of many of the tribes — their want of military order; 
the lack of proper central governmental relations to unite and hold 
the tribes together ; their inability and want of judgment in furnish- 
ing supplies for a large body of men in time of war; their custom 
of ra])id blow s to secure speedy victory ; their native idea of indi- 
vidual and collective freedom ;t small producers and lai'ge con- 
sumers — subsisting mainly upon the wild animals of the forest, and 
the (ish of the streams — -" loose and disjointed as a whole;" scat- 
tered, for the most part, in small bodies over large regions of terri- 
tory — all combined, at the period in question, to render it impossi- 
ble for the tribes of America long successfully to conduct a seige 
or sustain themselves, — however cunning, intelligent, resolute, and 
brave their chief or chiefs, — in a contest with the active civiliza- 
tion and formidable means of warfare of the English. It is true, 
that soon after the French war, the strength of the British became 
greatly diminished — the army wiiich had been brought to bear 
upon Canada with such salutary eii'ect, having soon alter been dis- 
solv(>d, and the main body of the regulars recrossed the ocean to 
join their friends again in the Old ^Vorld. Yet, with small garri- 
sons, they were, to a considerable extent, still formidable, as com- 
])ared with the advantages possessed by the savages, uliaided by 
the French. 

Signs of coming trouble with the Indians at length became more 
apparent. They had now begun to hang about the forts, ^' with 
calm, impenetrable faces, " asking " for tobacco, gunpowder, and 
Avhisky. Novv^ and then some slight intim:ition of danger would 
startle the garrison from security, and an English trader, coming 
in from the Indian villages, would report that, from their manners 
and behavior, he suspected them of mischievous designs." Occa- 

-TIk' Miaiuies. 

tft was the office of the ohiefri, 8a3-s rark-nau, "to (.]ool;u\' war aivl muk.^ ]h"u-i^; 
h-iL wh.^n war was deelai-.'d, the}' iiad III) |>()W.T to eaiTv the (h'chvr;itio:i iuti. cff.'ct. 
The warriors louglit if they ehose to do so ; but if, on the contrary, they ].referred t.> 
remain quiet, no mail eoutd force them to lift the liatchet. The war-ehief. wiios- 
part it was to lea 1 them to battle, was a uvi" partizau, wlioni liis bravery and ex- 
|.h.its had led Vo distinction. If lie thou^■ht proper, he sanff his war-son;;, and danced 
his war- lanee. an^l as many of the vomit? uu'U as were disinned to follow him t;'ath- 
<-i-,-d around and .■nlisl.-l t;ii';ii*<dv;s under him. Owr t;ips,j volunteers lie Jiad no 
1,-ii-al auiJioritv, an. 1 tlnv ei.uld desert him at ally luo'iieui, with no ofher penally 
lliaa dls^riKv'. ^ * ' Man ,• a)! I n tian army, 'b^'or-.- r ■ae'iinu' the eneiii v's .-'Miiitry, 
li:iS beell'icnoWll to dwindle aWaV until it W -a- l-edueed to a uiei-e seaipinv parlV. 



{f^} The Gkeat Coltncil at tiif. lir-TSK EcoircES. 

Kionally some " half-breed would be heard boasting in his cups 
that before tlie next summer ho M^ould have English hair to fringe 
his hunting-frock. "* 

By the iiTth of x\pril, 1703, Pontiac having largely matured his 
plans — great numbers of the villages and camps of the western 
tribes, including all grades and ages, women aiid children, of the 
tribes, having celebrated the savage rites of v/ar; magicians " con- 
sulted their oracles, and prepared charms to insure success ; " 
many warriors, as was long the Indian custom, before great events 
in war, withdrawing to the deep recesses of the forest, or hiding in 
caves to last and pray, that the Great Spirit might give them vic- 
tory, — of the tribes already mentioned a grand council was con- 
vened at the river Ecorces, where Pontiac delivered to the vast 
throng a speech rife with both eloquence aiid art. 

On the morning of the great council, " several old men, heralds 
of the camp, passed to and fro among the lodges, calling the war- 
riors, in aloud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with 
the summons, they came issuing from their cabins — the tall, naked 
figures of the wild Ojibwas, v/ith quivers slung at their backs, and 
light war-clubs resting in the hollow of their arms; Ottawas, 
wrapped close in their gaudy blankets ; Wyandotts, fluttering in 
painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers, and their legginB 
gnrnished with bells. All were soon seated in a wide circle upon 
■the grass, row within row, — a grave and silent assembly. Each sav- 
age countenance seemed carved in v\''ood, and none could have 
detected the deep and firey passions hidden beneath that unmova- 
ble exterior. Pipes, v/ith ornamented stems, Vt'ere lighted and 
passed from hand to hand, "f 

Soon placing himself in the centre of the v»'ild, though silent mul- 
titude, Vv'ithlong black hair flowing about his shoulders ; stern, reso- 
lute, with an imperious, preemptory bearing, " like that of a man 
accustomed to sweep away all opposition by force of his impetu- 
ous v\'ill,'' plumed and painted, with a girt about his loins, Pontiac 
began at once to arouse his auditors by a recital of the injustice of 
the English, and by drawing a contrast between the conduct of 
the French and the British towards the tribes assembled; presen- 
ting to them the terrible consequences of English supreinacy — 
persisting that it Vvas the aim of the British to destroy and drive 
them from the land of their fathers. They have driven away the 
French, he recounted, and now they seek an opportunity to remove 
lis also. He told them that their French Father had long been 
asleep, but that then he was awake again, and would soon return, 
in his many canops to regain his old possessions in Canada. 

Every sentence was rounded with a tierce ejaculation; and as 
the impetuous orator proceeded, his auditory grev,' restless to 
spring at once into the bloody arena of battle and bury the scalping 
knife and tomahawk in the body of tlie enemy. Turning to tlu? 

*Ris1-,. C>msn. F.-^ntinc. p "till. rPftrkwan. 



HiSTOitY OF FoKT "WArJSTB. {fS 

Opposite side of Gavage nature, appealing- to their sense of 
the mysterious, in a somewhat mellowed tone, though still aa 
earnest in demeanor, he said: 

" A Delaware Indian conceived an eager desire to learn wisdom 
from tlie Master of Life ; but, being ignorant where to find him, ho 
had recourse to fasting-, dreaming, and magical incantations. By 
these means it was revealed to him, that, by moving forward in a 
straight, undeviating course, ho would reach the abode of the Great 
Spirit. He told his purpose to no one, and having provided the 
equipments of a hunter, — gun, powder-horn, ammunition, and a 
kettle for preparing his food, — he set forth on his errand. For some 
time he journied on in high hope and confidence. On the eve- 
ning of the eighth day, ho stopped by the side of a brook, at the 
edge of a small prairie, where he began to make ready his evening- 
meal, when, looking up, he saw three large openings in the woods, 
on the opposite side ot the meadow, and three v/ell-beaten paths 
Vvhich entered them. He was much surprised; but his wonder in- 
creased, when, after it had grown dark, the three paths were more 
clearly visible than ever. liemembering the important object of his 
journey, he could neither rest nor sleep; and leaving his fire, he 
crossed the meadov/, and entered the largest of the three openings. 
He had advanced but a short distance into the forest, when a 
bright flame spirang out of the ground before him, and arrested his 
steps. In great amazement, he turned back, and entered the 
second path, where the same wonderful phenomenon again en- 
countered him ; and now, in terror and bewilderment, yet still 
resolved to persevere, he pursued the last of the three paths. On 
this he journied a whole day without interruption, when, at length, 
emcrsino; from the forest, he &aYV before him a vast mountain, of 
dazzling whiteness. So precipitous was the ascent, that the Indian 
thought it hopeless to go farther, and looked around him in despair; 
at that moment, he sa.w, seated at some distance above, the figure 
of a beautiful v/oman arrayed in white, who arose as he looked 
upon her, and thus accosted him : ' Hov/ can you hope, encumber- 
ed as you are, to succeed in your design? Go down to the foot of 
the mountain, throw away your gun, your ammunition, your pro- 
visions, and your clothing; wash yourself in the stream which flows 
there, and then you will be prepared to stand before the Master ot 
Life ! The Indian obeyed, and then began to ascend among the 
rocks, while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at 
his faintness of heart, and told him that, if he wdshed for success, he 
must climb by the aid of one hand and one foot only. After groat 
toil and sufiering, he at length found himself at the summit. The 
woman had disappeared, and he was left alone. A rich and beau- 
tiful plain lay before him, and at a little distance he saw three 
great village's, far superior to the scpallid dwellings of the Dela- 
vv-ares. As he approached the largest, and stood hesitating, whetli- 
(»-r he should enter, a man gorgeously attired, stepped forth, and, 



C-i Siege of Detriot — WAitkixo oi. the OimwA Gji:l. 

taking liim by the hand, welcomed him to tlie celestial abode. He 
then condnctcd him into the presence; of the Great Spirit, where the 
Indian stood confounded at the unspeakable splendor which sur- 
rounded him. Tlie Great Spirit Ixide him be seated, and thus 
addressed him: 

" ' I am the maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, rivers, 
and all things else. I am the make}- of mankind ; and because I 
love you, you must do my will. The land on wliich you live, 1 
made for you, and not lor others. Why do you suffer the white 
man to dwell amono' you? My cliihh-en, you have foro-otten the 
customs and traditions of your fathers. Why do you not clothe 
yourselves in skins as they did, and use the bows and arrows^ and 
stone-pointed lances, which they used v You have bought guns, 
knives, kettles, and blankets of the Mdiite man, until you can no 
longer do wdthout them ; and what is worse, you liave drunk tlie 
poison fire-water, which turns you into fools. Fling all these 
av^ay; live as your Avise fore-fathers li^ed before you. And, as 
for these English, — these dogs dressed in red, who have come to 
rob you of your hunting-grounds, and drive away the game^ — you 
must lift the hatchet against them, -wipe them from the face of tlie 
earth, and then you will win my favor back again, and once more 
he. happy and prosperous. The children of your great father, the 
Kiug of France, are not like the English. Never forget that they 
are your brethren. Tliey are very dear to me, for they love the 
red men, and understand the true mode of worshiping me!" 

With some further admonition from the Great Spirit, of a mbral 
and religious nature, says the account,* tlie Indian took leave of 
the Master of Life, and returned again to terra firma, where, among 
his people, he told all he had seen and heard in the wonderful land 
of the Great Spirit. 

All was now ripe for action. Pontiac's words and the glowing 
allegory lie had presented, had spread a magnetic fire among Ihe 
gr(>at throng of listeners that nothing short of a desperate encounter 
ur defeat would smother. The first great move was destined to 
culminate upon Detroit. 

A beautiful Ojibwa giil, v»'liose love for the commander, Glad- 
wy 11, 8i'ems to have been oidy equalled by her precaution and care, 
V, as in the secret. Had prol)ably attended the council, and heard 
the pliiU of Pontiac's movement to surprise and capture the fort 5 
and true to her sense of regard for her kind friend, Major Glad- 
M'yn, on the afternoon of the Gtli of May, she found occasion, (hav- 
ing juado a handsome pair of moccasins for the commander,) to 
visit the fort, whither she quietly strode, with anxious heart, in 
ho|)es to reA'eal to her lover ids perilous situaiion, and unfold to 

*Fioiii tile Pontine MSS., orii^niially in llie liaiid of out- McDoiio-al, who. says 
l^irkinaii, '■ stutes tliiit he del ivcii his information from tho IndiaiKS." And fui'tliiT 
^ays tliiit " t!ic. uutlior of the Pontiiic J\IS8. ]irobuldy writes on the uutliority of C^n- 
;HJiM!is, sduii- (if wliom were }>n'si,'iit at the council." Sec Kis'orv Oonspiriicy of 
l'..i!ii.-ie, ii[.. ISO, l!^i, 18:2, \83. 



HisToiiY OF Fort Wayxe. 



G5 



him the movement about to be made upon the fort by Pontiac and 
his warriors— his plan of surprise, &c. As she entered, Gladwyn 
observed that she wore a different air than on other occasions. 
Her countenance assumed the expression of one in distress. Fear 
and depression both seemed to sway her, and she could say but 
Httle. Eemaining but a short time, she stepped forth again into 
the open air, to look about, perhaps, to see who might chanced to 
have seen her enter the fort. Sorrow still weighed heavily upon 
her. She could not depart from the scene of her friend without 
acquainting him with the work that was fast maturing for his death, 
and the destruction of all within the garrison. With this feelino-, 
she lingered about the fort until cjuite late, which not only attracteli 
the attention of the sentinel, but Gladwyn himself, who, noticino- 
her strange conduct, called her to him, and asked her Avhat was 
giving her trouble. Her heart beat heavily. She could not speak. 
Still her friend pressed her for a response, assuring her that he 
Yv^ould not, under any consideration, betray her — that, wiih him, 
^vhatever she told Vv^ould be safe — that no harm should befall her. 
Her fear was suddenly overcome, and her admiration for her 
friend, united with an irresistible determination to save him, even 
in the midst of danger, as the beautiful Pocahontas had saved the 
life of Captain Smith, she confidingly told him all. 

Said she, very sadly, " to-morrow Pontiac with sixty of his war- 
riors will come to the fort. All will have short guns hidden under 
their blankets — blankets close about their necks, so as to hide 
guns. Pontiac will want to hold peace-council, will make a great 
speech ; then offer ^^ou peace-wampum. With hands on short guns, 
warriors all to make a cjuick jump and lire, killing all English offi- 
cers. Then come all Indians outside, and kill all but French — leave 
no English alive." 

The soul of Gladwyn suddenly loomed above the perilous hour 
that awaited him on the morrow. His naturally courageous heart 
Isegan to beat with renewed activity and determination. Bidding 
the faithful squaw* be faithful still and fear not ; to acquaini him, 
if possible, with any further movements that might transpire, with 
a lighter heart, and a freer air, the Ojibwa beauty strode quietly 
out and was soon lost to the view of her lover and the perilous 
garrison. 

If the Great Spirit had inspired an Indian to destroy, he had also 
superinduced one of his red children to save ; and thus moved, the 
Ojibwa girl had already won the victory. Acting at once upon 
the admonition of the Indian girl, Gladwyn soon acquainted his 

*Oiie M. Peltier, -wlio lived at Detroit during most of the period of the siege, and ' 
Tjrho, though but 17 years old at the time, remembered much that then occurred, in C 
1824, in a statement made to Gen. Cass, said that " he remembered that soon after the 
failure of Pontiae's atteraiuto surprise the garrison, he punished, by severe flogging, 
a woman named Cathcririe, accused of having betrayed the plot." He also remem- 
bered " the several attacks oq the armed \emh, by "the Indians, and the attempts to 
set them on lire h\- moan? of blozina; rafts." 



6fi> IIisTOKY OF Fort W'Aysii, 

ofljcers of the event to be looked for on the morrow, and all was 
preparation and readiness. From mist and rain, tlie sky cleared 
away, and the sun disappeared in a glow of brightness. Night 
came gradually on ; and vdiile all was stillness and anxiety within 
the garrison, no hostile movenient intruded from without. All 
night the English soldiers, without knowing why, (for the secret of 
the Ojibwa girl had not been told the privates, for prudential 
reasons,) kept watch and paraded the ramparts with anxious and 
sleepless vigil. Nothing, however, served to ruffle the air, save 
the distant bum-bum of the Indian drum, and the fierce whoop of 
the warriors as they mingled their hoarse voices in the wily dance 
and pushed forward their arrangements for the strategefic effort that 
was to begin with the dawning of another day. 

The night at length passed, and witli its passing soon came the 
evidence of Pontiac's design, as told by the Ojibwa girl. Soon, in 
/the distance, many canoes could be seen, from the palisades of the 
(fort, slowly moving across the river, as was subsequently learned, 
laden with Indians lying compactly in the bottom of each canoe, 
well concealed, that a knowledge of their strength might be kept 
from the garrison. 

The open ground without the fort began gradually to fill up. 
Warriors, fancifully decorated, with here and there many women 
and children, gathered upon the ground. To allay suspicion, with 
marked activity and restless anxiety, preparations were soon mak- 
ing in trout of the garrison for a great game of baggattaway. "At 
ten o'clock," says Parkman, "the great war-chief, with his treach- 
erous followers, reached the fort, and the gate- way was thronged 
with their savage faces. All were wrapped to the throats in col- 
ored blankets. Some were crested with hawk, eagle, or raven 
plumes ; others had shaved their heads, leaving only the fluttering 
scalp-lock on the crown ; while others, again, wore their long, black 
hair, flowing loosely at their backs, or wildly hanging about their 
brows like a lion's mane." 

The account runs, that, as Pontiac, followed by his warriors^ 
stepped within the enclosure, (the entire garrison being on duty, 
with sabers and bayonets glistening, ready for action at every 
point, by special order of the commander,) "a deep ejaculation 
half escaped from his broad chest. " The very air about him 
seemed to whisper : " Pontiac, your plot is known." But ho 
moved on, and soon passed into the doorway of the council- 
house, followed by his flerce coadjutors. The commandant, Glad- 
wyn, and his officers, with swords at their sides, and a brace of 
] pistols in their belts, all seated, in readiness for the reception of 
iho wily chief and his followers. The Indian, as a general rule, 
always sj^t upon the ground or upon a coarse mat. Before taking 
their seats, Pontiac's perturbed spirit led him to enquire as to the 
cause of so manv of Ins '* father's young men standing in the street 
with their guns?" To which the commandant replied, through his 



PoNTiAc-s Visit to the Fokt— The Coxspieacy. tJT 

interpreter, that " he had ordered the soldiers under arms for the 
sake of exercise and discipline. ■' Seating- themselves at once upon 
the matts arranged for them upon the floor, with much discora- 
titure and evident mistrust, in each countenance, Pontiac arose hold- 
ing in one hand the peace-belt, referred to by the Ojibwa girl, and 
at once began to express to Gladwyn his strong admirat'ioii' and 
love for the English— said that " he liad come to smoke the pipe of 
peace and biighten the chain of friendship witli his English brotli- 
ers." And it is said, that though evidently conscious of his detec- 
tion, "-ho raised the belt and was about to give the fatal signal," 
when, instantly, " Gladwyn waved his hand " — and, as if by magic 
— so well matured were the plans of the commandant, — the garrison 
drum beat a most stunning roll, lllling the air with its reverberations, 
and startling the warriors, both within and without the fort, into 
sudden dismay ', while the guards in the passage to the council- 
house suddenly made their jlrmg to clash and rattle as they brought 
them into a po'sition for action ; and the oflicers, with Gladwyn, 
looking stearnly upon the figures of the"' tall, strong men" before 
•ihem, had simultaneously clasped their swords, in anticipation of, 
and with a view to meet, if need be, the premeditfited on-slaught 
of Pontiac and liis warriors. The moment was one of heroic de- 
termination on the part of the little garrison of Detroit, and of the 
utmost discomfiture and chagrin with the savages. T'he plans of 
the great Ottawa chieftain were foiled, and he stood before the 
commandant and his officers like one suddenly overcome by a 
terrible shock. 

Says Gladwyn, in a letter dated May 14th, 1763, " they were so 
much surprised to see our disposition, that they would scarcely 
sit down to council : HoAveyer, in about half an hour, after they 
saw their designs were discovered, they sat down, and Pontiac 
made a speech, which I answered calmly, without intimating my 
suspicions of their intentions, and after receiving some trifling 
presents, they went away to their camp." 

Accompanied by three of his chiefs, he returned to the fort the 
next morning, with a calumet or peace-pipe, neatly ornamented 
with different colored plumage, which he offered to the comman- 
dant, with the following- speech : "My ftithers, evil birds have sung 
lies in your ears. We that Stand before you are friends of the Eng- 
lish. We love them as our brothers, and, to prove our love, we 
have come this day to smoke the pipe of peace;" Presenting the 
pipe to Major Cam^pbell, second in command, as a pledge of friend- 
ship, the chiefs again took their departure-. 

A great game of ball was played that afternoon, and Pontin(; 
s5:rode among the villagers ai^ousing them, to action. On the next 
day, surrounded by an imhiense throng upon the grounds near the 
fort, Pontiac stepped forth, and again approached the entrance t<» 
the fort, but could not now gain an admission — all was barred 
ag-ainst him. Enquiring as to the nause of this, the commandant 



()8 IIlSl'OKY OF FOUT WaT^S'E. 

replied that the Great Chief could enter, hnt. none otJier,?. To 
which Pontiac replied that " he wanted all his warriors to enjoy the 
fragrance ot the friendly calumet." But all was of no avail. None 
could enter but the chief. Pontiac is here said to have thrown off 
the mask of friendship, and exhibited, in unmistakable action, a 
determination for vengeance against the English. His followers 
now repaired to the dv/ellings of two English residents near, mur- 
dered and scalped them. Pontiac repaired to the Ottav/a village, 
aroused his warriors, and danced the vv'ar-dance. Two English officers 
had been waylayed and killed by die savages near Lake St. Clair; 
and on the morning of the 10th of May (1763), all the tribes com- 
bined under Pontiac, aided by a few French engagees^ by shouts, at 
least, approached the fort, and began an attack, which lasted some 
six hours. Efforts now being made for a reconciliation. La Butte, 
the interpreter, accompanied by two old Canadians, was sent to 
the camp of Pontiac to ascertain the cause of his action, and to 
assure him that any grievance he had to complain of, would be 
speedily redressed. Pontiac listened attentively, and seemed io 
assent to all proposed, and La Bijtte soon hastened back to the fort 
to report progress; but sliortly after, returning to the camp of Pon- 
tiac, learned that he had been deceived. Pontiac, with Ijis chiefs, 
now wished to hold an interview with their English fathers them- 
selves, that the peace might be the more complete and binding. 
Major Campbell was much liked by many of the savages, and with 
him they wished to speak. U])on hearing of this desire irom La 
Butte and the two Canadians, Campbell unsuspectingly expressed 
a wish to visit the camp of the savages. Gladwyn was fearful. 
He suspected the intentions of Pontiac. But Campbell went,- 




just made himself sufiiciently well acquf 
the designs of the Indians in getting Campbell and McDou- 
gal i)ito their camp, hastened to warn them of their danger; 
but all was of no avail. They went, and were taken prisoners. 
After a few hours parley, feeling that his fate was already sealed, 
to test his position more fully, it is stated that Campbell once arose 
to depart for the fort again, after finding all eflbrts for reconcilia- 
tion unavailing, when Pontiac bade him be seated, saying " Mv 
fathers will sleep to-night in the lodges of his red children." Their 
lives were at once eagerly sought by the savages, but Pontiac 
would not then permit them to be injured^ though Campbell was 
subsequently destroyed by the Indians, while McDougal is said to 
Irnve made his escape. 

On the 13th of May the attack was renewed, with an increased 
force and great vigor. The condition of the fort seemed most per- 
ilous, and the officers had a consultation as to what was best to do, 
in view of their garrison being but weak at best, and a powerful 
enemy to contend with. (From 600 to L\000 Indians was the osti- 



Cai'tuke of the i^NGLisu Posts. ly,) 

mate against which the fort at that time had to contend.) But 
there v/as now no means of escape. To light and defend were the 
only ahernativcs ; and for several weeks the~siege continued ; during 
which time, it was told by an officer at Detroit, " no man lay down 
to sleep, except in his clothes, and with his weapons by his side." 
Pontiac strove in vain to gain the Canadians as allies. The provi- 
sions of the garrison became reduced ; and but for the timely aid 
they received from the Canadians, they would have been compelled 
to suffer defeat. But the tables, in this respect, were soon turned, 
and the Indians began to v,^ant for the necessaries of hfe. Not 
])eing able to demolish or capture the fort as easily as they had 
anticipated, — the Indian never accustomed to lay in stores for such 
occasions — their food became exhausted, and they too called upon 
and received from the Canadians like aid. It was about this peri- 
od that several attempts, from other points, were made to relieve 
the garrison, by additional troops and provisions; but without 
success. The action of the Indians at other points, embraced in 
the great conspiracy of Pontiac, v/ere now also becoming impor- 
tant. Nine Posts, held by the English, had been included in the 
great conspiracy and sought to be captured, viz: Detroit, Presque' 
Isle, Michillimackinac, Miami, (at this point,) Ouiatenon, (below 
Lafayette, ind.) Le Bccnf, Venango, Fort Pitt, (Pittsburg) and Fort 
Sandusky. The plan of capture seems to have embodied the cun- 
ning and resolution of Pontiac at every point; and the pretensions 
somewhat similar to those at first presented by the great head of 
the conspiracy at Detroit, were mostly manifested at every post 
essayed to be taken; and one after another, excepting Detroit 
alone, rapidly fell into the hands of the Indians. jMany were the 
bloody scenes enacted. 

On the iGth of May, Sandusky fell ; on the 1st of June, Ouiatenon 
vras captured ; Michillimackinac on the 12th, and PresqueTsle, on 
the 15th of June, also fell into the hands of the wild conspirators. 

After Presque'Isle vras taken, runs the narration of Parkman, 
the neighboring little posts of Le Bceuf and Venango shared its 
fate, wiiile, farther southward, at the forks of the Ohio, a host of 
Delaware and Shawnoe warriors were gathering around Fort Pitv, 
and blood and havoc reigned along the whole frontier. 

Father Jonois, a Jesuit missionary, had reached Detroit and 
conveyed to the garrison a letter from Captain • Etherington, at 
Michillimackinac, giving an account of the capttijrfi. -ot that post. 
Soon after, a letter from Lieut. Jenkins, at Ouiatenon,: telling: .of the 
capture of that post, was also received by Major GMlwyfi. . ''^ Close 
upon these tidings," says the account, as given 'by; Piirkutaii, 
" came the news that Fort Miami (at this point. Fort Waynf)) was 
taken. This Post, " continues the narration, * * * * • " was 
commanded by Ensign Holmes ; and here I cannot but remark, 
says the sam.e writer, "on the forlorn situation of these oihcers, 
isolated in the wdideruess, hundreds of miles, in sonic instances, 



70 lliSiOltl' OF i'OKT V\ AYAli. 

from any cong-enial associates, separated from every human beiug 
except the rude soldiers under their command, and the white or 
red sava;4es "wlio ranged the surrounding woods." 

The Miamies at this point, had been deeply embroiled in the 
great conspiracy, and the region of* Ke-ki-ong-a" resounded with 
many a savage yell of hatred towards the English. 

Stratagem ever formed a part of Indian warfare and savage 
character. By its skillful employment, the red man as readily 
looked for success in war, as, with his rifle or bow and arrow, by 
deliberate and steady aim, he sought to bring down the wdld game 
of the forest. 

Holmes liad long suspected the designs of the Indians, and, for 
that reason, had, for some months, been somewhat vigilant in his 
observations of their conduct, more especially after the discovery 
in the neighborhood of the bloody belt, already referred to. But 
savage ingenuity and deception were striving hard, and Holmes, 
seemed destined to fall a victim to the perfidy of the conspirators, 
white and red, prowling about the village and neighborhood. 

The 2Tth of May had come. All nature was radiant again with 
the beauties of spring. The great, expanding foliage of the forest 
waved gracefully over and mainly shut out from the broad blaze 
of a vivifying sunlight, the beautiful blosoms and awcet-scented 
wild flowers that grew profusely beneath the tall majestic oaks, 
maple, and sycamores, and countless other and smaller trees, that 
lined the margins of our beautiful rivers, and mainly covered the 
vast regions of soil, where now, under a new reign of civilization 
and human progress, the same great sun daily reveals to the civil- 
ized eye, innumerable fields and meadows ; beautiful towns and 
cities; fine orchards ; and, each season, vast numbers of blooming 
and fruitful gardens. 

An Indian girl,* with whom Holmes had for some time been 
intimate, and in whom ho placed much confidence, by compulsion 
on the part of the conspirators, came into the fort and told Holmes 
that there was a sick 8C],uaw lying in a wigwam not far from the 
fort, and expressed a desire tliat he should go and see her. The 
fatal hour had come. Unsuspectingly, and with a view to serve 
and perhaps relieve the supposed sick squaw, (knowing perhaps 
something of medicine ; for it Avould seem, had there been a sur- 

*Mr8. Suttenfield, one of the early niothors of Fort Wayne, living here since 1814, 
informed the writer that slie bec^ime acquainted -vs'ith this woman in 1815; that she 
and her family lived neighbors to her for several years. At the period of Mrs. S.'s 
acquaintance with the woman, she had a son, a man of some years. On one occasion, 
being at the hut of the woman, the man, her son, came in intoxicated, and somcAvhat 
noisy, and the woman, by way of an apology to Mrs. S., remarked that he was a lit- 
tle SQUABBT, or drunk ; and concluded with the remark that he was a Saginash, (Eng- 
lish) ; and from the age of the man, the inference is drawn that he was a son of 
Holmes. After leaving here, the women took up her residence at Raccoon Village. 
She lived to a very old age, and was known to many of the early settlers of Ft. Wayne. 
Mrs. Suttenfield's recollections of the account she received are, that the Indians at the 
time of the conspiracy, (probably induced by Godefroi and his associate*) forced hci" 
to act as she did t-owards Holmes, which is quite probable. 



Betkayal asd Beatii of Exsign Holmes. 71 

geon in the I'ort, he would liave been more likely to have at lea^t 
been called on by the Ensign t{ian for Holmes to have gone him- 
self,) preceded by the Indian girl, he was soon without the enclo- 
sure of the garrison, and advancing with cautious steps in the di- 
rection of the hut v/herein lay the object of his philanthropic mis- 
sion. Nearing a cluster of huts, which are described* to have been 
situated at the edge of an open space, " hidden from view by an 
intervening spur of the woodland,'' the squav/ directed him to the 
hut wherein lay the supposed invalid. Another instant, — a few 
jnore paces, — and the sudden crack of two rifles from behind the 
wigwam i« vievs", felled Holmes to the earth, and echoed over the 
little garrison, startling the guards and inmates into momentarv 
surprise and wonder. Amid the confusion, the sergeant unthought- 
edly passed without the fort to ascertain the cause of the riHe 
shots. But a few paces were gained, when, with loud, triumphant 
shouts, he was sprung upon by the savages and made a captive ; 
which, in turn, brought the soldiers within, about nine in all, to 
the palisades of the garrison, who clambered up to see the move- 
jnent without, when a Canadian, of the name of Godi'roi, (or 
Godfri) accompanied by " two other white men," stepped deiiantly 
forth, and demanded a surrender of the fort, with the assurance to 
the soldiers that, if at once complied with, their lives would be 
spared; but, refusing, they should " all be killed vfithout mercy ."f 

The aspect before them was nov; sadly embarrassing. Without a 
commander — without hope, and lull of fear, to hesitate, seemed only 
to make death the more certain, and the garrison gate soon swung 
back upon its hinges ; the surrender was complete, and English 
rule, at this point, and for a time, at least, had ceased to exercise 
its power. 

More than a hundred and four years have now rolled away since 
this eventful hour; and the placid and beautiful St. Joseph, (near 
which the fort stood), with its high embankments and overhanging 
boughs, sweeps as noiselessly and unpretendingly by the scene, as 
when the fort, with its bastions and palisades, overlooked its waters, 
and the Indian huts, with their dusky inmates, dotted the adjacent 
localities ; while, in the distance, appears a beautiful city, with nu- 
merous tall spires and handsome edifices, covering more than two 
thousand acres of ground, and containing nearly thirty thousand 
inliabitants, whose busy tread, mechanical industry, active pur- 
suits, and habits of thought, tell of a glorious, free, and happy 
Future. In silent awe, indifferent alike of the Past, the Present, 
and the Coming Time, the long line of buildings, gazing compla- 
cently, as it were, upon the scene of the ancient garrison, and tin." 
site of the Indian village, seem to say: "Whither and why have 

*In the MSS. of the " Loss of the Posts." See His. of CoriFp. Pontiac, pnge.* 1244 and 
5245. 

rOiie statement is, that they were .ill killed; but I iifive been unaidc (o tind i;.v 
reriiication in any of the printed accounts I h»\v eTJisnijiod. 



72 



HiSTOiiY OF FoiiT WaI'SS. 



you vanished? Where are the years that have gone hy? And 
why are we here ? " And the o'reat clock, near the center, (th<e* 
Court-house) looking from all sides, momentarily responds: 

" Progeess ! — Civilization ! — Onv^'Akd ! •' 







CHAPTSE YII. 



'* Thesf forost-islea are full of story : — 

Here many a one of old renown 
First sought the meteor-light of glory. 

And "liiid its transient flash wont down. 

w * « * * 

And all the bright and teeming Present 

Thrills with ihe great and ecenescent Past." 



A return to the beleagured garrison at Detroit — Aid hourly expected — Anxietj' of the 
inmates — Pontiac solicits aid from tlie Canadians — Relief approaches the fort — 
''Broadside" from a schooner — Pottawattamies and Wyandotfs sue for peace — A 
calm comes over the troubled waters — Fight at "bloody bridge" — J^ew recruits 
to the army of Pontiac — Indians board the schooner "Gladwj'n" — A panic — Es- 
cape of the vessel — The siege abandoned by the main body of the tribes — Pont-iac 
and his tribe left alone to carry on the siege — Pontiac abandons the siege — Starts 
for the Maumee — A hard winter — Much suffering — Great council at Niagara — A 
new campaign against the western tribes — Bradstreet relieves the besieged fort — 
Makes a treaty — Speech of Wasson — Captain Morris — He arrives at the camp of 
Pontiac — Rough treatment — Escapes — Reaches this point — Miamies want to kill 
him — Is lodged in old fort Miami — Taken across the St. Joseph — His final relea;;c 
and return to Detroit — Bradstreet's movements — Bouquet penetrates the Indian 
country— The captives — Indians subdued — Ci'oghan's visit to the west — His cap- 
ture — Meets Pontiac — Council at Ouiatenon — Croghan's return — Visit to this point 
— His journal — His arrival at Detroit — Holds a council there — The great council 
at Oswego — Pontiac attends — English rule again in the west — Pontiac visits St. 
Louis — His death. 



fy ETURNING again to Detroit, we find the Indians still active 
£in their efforts to capture the garrison, and all within the pal- 
\5jw^isades of the fort anxiously expecting the arrival of vessels 
^ with men and provisions. Pontiac had called a council with 
*" the Canadians, and made a strong speech, and again impor- 
tuned them to join him in the overthrov^ of the English. The 
Canadians had refused, on the ground that the French King and 



7-i UiSTOiiY OF FoiiT Way:^,"e. 

the English had signed a paper stipulating certain bounds, that 
then belonged to the English ; and being under English rule, the 
French King having told them to remain still for a time, until he 
could come to their relief, to join the Indians v/ould be to bring 
the wrath of the King upon both the Canadians and the Indians. 
•'But, my brothers," said the Canadian speaker, at the council with 
Pontice, " you must first untie the knot with which our father, the 
King, has bound us ;" and, though a few reckless characters among 
tlie Canadians are said to have joined the Indians at the time, in 
compliance with Fontiac's desire, yet the eftbrfc was nevertlieless 
a failure. Fontiac was defeated in his designs, and was destined 
soon to meet with utter failure in his eflbrt to capture the garrison. 
Onthe 19th of June, Gladwyn had received news to the effect that 
a. " vessel had been seen near Turkey Island, not far distant from 
Detroit; and the anxiety for her arrival became very great. On 
the 28d the vessel began to near the point of landing, opposite the 
fort, and the Indians could be seen in the distance preparing to 
make an attack upon her; which induced Gladwyn to fire two 
cannon shots, as well to put the Indians to flight as to let the vessel 
know all was yet safe within the fort. Having encountered some 
resistence on the part of the Indians, and desiring to move M'itli 
care, several days now elapsed before the vessel succeeded in 
reaching the place of landing, beside another schooner that had 
for some time previously been lying at anchor there. Bringing a 
supply of provision and a number of fresh recruits, the new schoon- 
ers had readily become objects of no little aversion to the wild 
assailants. On one occasion, shortly after the arrival of the last 
vessel, thinking to assail the Indians with a few broadsides from 
some point in the stream, " Gladwyu himself, with several of his 
officers, had embarked on board the smaller vessel, while a fresh 
breeze was blov/ing from the northwest. The Indians on the 
bank stood watching her as she tacked from shore to shore, and 
pressed their hands against their mouths, in amazement, thinking 
that magic power alone could enable hor thus to make her wiiy 
against wind and current. Making a long reach from the opposite 
shore, she came on directly towards the camp of Fontiac, her sails 
swelling, her masts leaning over till the black muzzles of her guns 
almost touched the river. The Indians watched her in astonish- 
ment. On she came, till their fierce hearts exulted in the idea 
that she would run ashore within their clutches, when, suddenly a 
shout of command was heard on board; lier progress was arrested; 
she rose upright, and her sails fla,pped and fluttered as if tearing 
loose from their fastenings. Steadily she came round, broadside 
to the shore ; then, leaning once D,iore to the wind, bore away gal- 
lantly on the other tack. She did not go far. The wondering 
spectators, quite at a loss to understand her movements, soon heard 
the coarse rattling of her cables as the anchor dragged it out, and 
saw her fnrjin,'.i; her vast white wings. As they looked nnsuspect' 



IlS'DIAIsS BOAKD A 8c]J00I>.EK TjlElil FlIGHT. 75 

infrly on, a puff of smoke was emitted from her side ; a long report 
followed ; then another, and another ; and the balls, rushing over 
their heads, flew through the midst of their camp, and toi-e wildly 
among the thick forest trees beyond. All was terror and conster- 
nation. The startled warriors bounded away on all sides; the 
squaws snatched up their children, and fled screaming; and,' with 
a general chorus of yells, the whole encampment scattered in such 
haste, that little darnage was done, except knocking to pieces their 
frail cabins of bark."* 

This procedure being followed by similar efforts, the Indians 
now sought to destroy their nevv opposers by means of floating 
rafts of fire; but all to no great purpose, as the vessels always 
managed to escape their contact. And thus the besiegers, with occa- 
sional new recruits, continued, in various ways, until the m,iddle of 
July, when some Pottawattamies and Wyandotts sued for peace, 
which, under certain considerations, being granted, but littje of in- 
terest is said to have occurred until the end of July, when the gjir- 
rison was again reinforced by the arrival, after a sharp encounter 
with the Indians, (those who had recently made peace), of twenty- 
two barges, with about two hundred and eighty men, including 
" several small cannon, and a fresh supply of provisions and ammu- 
nition.;' 

The new body of troops, under command of Captain Datzell, a 
brave olficer, who was killed soon after his arrival, were not long 
idle. On the 81st of July they moved out with a view of silently 
attacking the Indians at a certain point, afterwards known as the 
" bloody bridge." The Indians heard of the movement, and lay iu 
ambush. The fight was a short but bloody one for the Englisli, 
loosing, as they did, about fifty-nine men, killed and wounded, their 
captain among the number; and the Indians some fifteen or twenty, 
which grpatly elated the latter, who sent the news to the tribes in 
every direction ; and "fi'esh warriors," wrote Gladwyn, soon began 
to "arrive almost every day ;'' until "upwards of a thousand" were 
thought by him to be engaged in the attack under Pontiac. With 
a few skirmishes, now and then, nothing of special interest occurred 
until the night ol September tiie-ith, when the schooner "Gladwyn", 
returning to Niagara, was attacked by the Indians, not far from the 
fort, as she lay anchored in the stream, having been detained for 
the want of suflicient wind. The Indians, some three hundred in 
number, the night being densely dark, dropped silently down with 
the current, and were unobserved until near the vessel, when a 
broadside, with musketry, was opened upon them, of whom 
luany were killed ; but they soon began to board the vessel. " The 
master of the vessel was killed ; several of the crew w-ere disabled; 
and the assailants were leaping over the bulwarks, wdien Jacobs, 
the mate, called out to blow up the schooner," which "saved her 
and her crew" — some of the Wyandotts, having comprehended "the 

'"Parkraarii 



'76 ' IIlSTOKY OF i'\3KT A'/ayKE. 

meaning ofliis words," giving " tlie alarm to their companions, in- 
stantly causing every Indian to leap overboard in a panic, and tlie 
■whole were seen diving and swimming oif in all directions to escape 
the threatened explosion,"* The schooner being thus freed, apd 
the Indians fearing to make farther effort, "on the following morn- 
ing she sailed for the fort," and reached Niagara in safety. 

At length, towards the close of September, hearing tliat 
a large force was coming to relievo the garrison, and being 
weary of their labors, the Indians, with the exception of Pontiac 
and his tribe, the Ottav/as, began to sue for peace, and a truce be- 
ing granted them, they soon departed from the scene of the besieg- 
ed fort, and took to the forest to provide food for their families and 
obtain the furs and hides of the animals so long left unmolested. ^ 

The Ottavv'as, with Pontiac, being now left alone to carry on the 
siege, ke]yc up the attack till the last of October, v/hen, learning 
from the'Proncii that a lasting peace had been made between the 
French and the English, and that aid from their French father, the 
King, was now no longer to be hoped for, " in rage and mortifica-. 
tion," he loft Detroit, and, with a number of his chiefs, " re- 
paired to the River Maiimee, witli tlie design of stirring up the 
Indians in that quarter, and renev,dng hostilities in the spring."! 

The v/inter proved a hard one ; and the Indians suffered much 
from cold and hunger. The siege had exhausted their ammuni- 
tion ; the fur-trade having been interfered with, left them without 
many articles they had previously been in the habit of enjoying. 
But before the cold had spent itself. Sir William Johnson had dis- 
patched messengers to many tribes, inviting them to a great peace- 
council, at Niagara, which was readily responded to ; and some 
two thousand warriors, were soon gathered about Niagara to meet 
and talk with Sir V/illiam. 

There were yet, however, many who were still much embittered 
in their feelings towards the English, and would not attend the 
council. 

The "Menomenies, Ottawas, Ojibw^as, Mississaugas, from the 
north, Caughnawas, from Canada, even Wyandotts, from Detroit, 
with a host of Iroquois;" while "the Sacs, Foxes, and the Winne- 
bagoes had sent their deputies; and also the Osages, a tribe be- 
yond the Mississippi, had their representatives in the general 
meeting." 

The attitude of many of the tribes of the northwest, had early 
superinduced a vigorous movement on the part of the English gov- 
ernment for their chastisement. 

The plan of this campaign embraced two armies, — one to be 
led by Colonel Bouquet, and the other by Colonel'. Bradstreet, the 
former to move towards Fort Pitt, and to the country of the hos- 
tile Shawanoes and Delawares, along the Scioto and Muskipgum 
rivers; while Bradstreet x^a& to push forward to D<2troit. 

*Parkmau. flbi'i. 



The Siege xIbandoned by Poxtiac. 



t i 



_ Bradstreet Lad preceeded Bouquet, and bein,<^ of a most ambi- 
tious turn of mind, or at least quite anxious to do as much of the 
work as possible, met some of the hostile tribes, on his march who, 
to delay the action of the army, sought for peace, and he concluded 
treaties with them, on certain stipuLited grounds, a matter that be- 
longed entirely to Sir V/illiam Johnson/ Supposing that ho had 
done about all the v/ork, (though the Indians were then menacing 
the frontier settlements,) sent word to Bouquet to that effect; and 
^ while Bradstreet's troops were advancing upon the lakes, or lyino- 
idle in their camps at Sandusky, another expedition (Bouquet's^ 
was in progress southyv^ard, with abler conduct and a more auspi- 
cious result.''* 

On the 2Gth of August, Bradstreet reached the long-besieo-ed 
fort of Detroit, which Y>^as a most happy moment to Gladwyn and 
his little corps of soldiers within the garrison, who had been more 
or less beset by the beseigers up to that time, — the Indians, havino- 
resurned hostilities, in the spring, as proposed by Poutiac — a 
period of upwards of fifteen months. 

Before quiting Sandusky, Bradstreet had commissioned and sent 
one Captain Morris, an Englishman, accompanied by a number of 
Canadians and friendly Indians, as attendants, towards the country 
of tlie Illinois to treat with and bring the Indians of that portion of 
the west to friendly terms. 

Pontiac and his followers, sullen and intractable, had left De- 
troit, and again taken up his abode, for the time, on the Maumee^ 
a few miles below the present site of Fort Wayne, whence he is 
said to have " sent a haughty defiance to the English commander" 
at Detroit ; and many of the Indians about Detroit had gone with 
Pontiac, leaving there but a few remnant tribes, who, for the most 
part, exhibiting a desire for peace, Bradstreet soon gave them an 
opportunity to express their sense of feeling in this relation, and a 
council v\'as held with this view, at that point, on the 7th of Sep- 
tember. 

Upon the condition, — which thej are said to have happily not 
understood at all^ and v/hich, not understanding, they readily ac- 
cepted, — "• that they become subjects of the King of England," — a 
treaty of peace was concluded with them. 

At this council were present portions of the Miamies, Pottawat- 
tamies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Sacs, and V/yandotts. Said Wasson, 
an Ojibwa chief, to the English commander, on this occasion: 




should be peace and tranquility over the face of the earth and of 
the waters"— openly acknovvdedging that ''the tribes he repre- 

*Parkman. 



T8 Ulstoky of Fort Wayne* 

Rented were justly cliargeable with the war, and deeply regreted 
their absence." 

But let us look after Morris and his companions', who are noVs^ 
rowing-, as rapidly as their strength and tlie current will admit, up 
the beautiful Maurnee. 

Ascending this stream in a Canoe, runs the narration,* he soon 
approached the camp of Pohtiac, who, as we have s&en, had with- 
drawn to the banks of this river, with his chosen warriors. While 
yet at some distance, Morris and his party were met by about two 
hundred Indians, who treated him v;ith great violence, while they 
offered a friendly welcome to the Iroquois and Canadian attend- 
ants. Accompanied by this clamorous escort, all moved together 
towards the camp. At its outskirts stood Pontiac himself. He 
met the ambassador with a scowling brow, and refused to offer his 
liand. "The English are Hars," was his first fierce salutation. He 
then displayed a letter addressed to himself, and purporting to have 
been written by the King of France, containing^ as Morris declared, 
" the grossest calumnies which the most ingenious malice could 
devise, to incense the Indians against the English." The old story 
had not been forgotten. " Your French Father," said the writeij, 
" is neither dead nor asleep ; he is already on his way, with sixty 
great ships, to revenge himself on the English, and drive them out 
of America." It is evident, concluded the account, " that the let- 
ter had emenated from a French officer, or more probably a French 
fur-trader, who, for his own aggrandizmcnt, sought to arouse the 
antipathy of the natives to the detriment and further encroachment 
of the English; and Bradstreet, for not having brought the Indians 
to a state of subjection before his departure from Sandusky, is in 
no little degree censured for the result of Morris' subsequent efforts 
and harsh treatment in meeting with Pontiac ; for the fact of so 
many of the Indians being held as prisoners by the English, at De- 
troit, even acted as a po^^•erful check to the Ottawas in their action 
towards Morris. 

"The Indians led me," says Morris,t " up to a person, who stood 
advanced before two slaves, (prisoners of the Panis nation, taken 
in war and kept in slavery,) wiio had arms, himself holding a 
fusee, witli the butt on the ground. By his dress and the air he 
assumed, he appeared to be a French officer: I afterwards found 
he was a native of old France, had been long in the regular troops 
as a drummer, and that his war-name was St. Vincent. This fine- 
dressed, half-French, half-Indian figure desired me to dismount ; a 
bear-skin was spread on the ground, and St. Yincentand I sat upon 

*As compiled froril Morris' own statement and 1,he tftstimony of the Canadian and 
Indian guides. See History of the Cousp. of Pontine, pages 469 to 474, and in Appen- 
dix F. 

iSays Parkman : ",Morris appears to have heen a person of strong literary tasteiS. 
His i^ortrait, prefixed to the little volume, (containing this narration) exhibits a round 
English face and features more indicative of placid good humor than of the resolution 
■vvhicli must have characterized him." The volume referred to, was published in 
London, lu lT:)l, ir. eanneclion Avitb other rr:itt<>r of n iTi;see1l8Jie<inB obaract^'i-. 



Hoiiiiis AND HIS Guides Arrive Hekk. tt) 

it, the whole Indian armj-, circle Vy-ithin circle, standing round us. 
Godefroi sat at a little distance from us; and presently came Pon- 
diac,* aiid squatted himself, after his fashion, opposite to me. This 
Indian," continues he, " has a more extensive power than ever was 
known amon": that people ; for every chief used to command hi8 
own tribe! but eighteen nations, by French intrigue, had been 
brought to unite, and chuse this man for tlieir commander hi'ter 
the English had conquered Canada ; having been taught to believe, 
that, aided by France, they might make a vigorous push and drive 
us out of Worth America." * * * * * " Pondiac said to 
my chief: 'If you have made peace with the English, we have no 
business to make war on them. The war-belt came from you.' He 
afterwards said to Godefroi : 'I will lead the nations to war iio more 5 
let 'em be at peace, if they chuse it ; but I myself will never be a 
friend to the English. I shall now become a wanderer in the 
woods ; and if they come to seek me there, while I have an arrow 
left 1 will shoot at them.' 

"He made a speech to the chiefs," continues Morris, "wlit* 
wanted to put me to death, Avhich does him honor ; and shows that 
he was ac^quainted with the law of nations ; " AVe must not,' said he, 
^ kill ambassadors ; do we not send tbem to the Flat-heads, our 
greatest enemies, and they to us ? Yet these are always treated 
with hospitality.' '' 

After relieving the party of all but their canoe, clothings and 
arms, they were permitted to resume their course without further 
molestation. 

Quitting the inhospitable camp of Pontiac; with poles and pad- 
dles, against a strong current, they continued their course up 
the beautiful Maumee, and, in seven days from their first out-set, 
in the morning, they arrived and made a landing, within sight of 
Fort Miami, (at this point) which, from the time of its capture, 
after the death of Holmes, the previous year, had been without a 
garrison, its only occupants being a fe\v Canadians who had erec- 
ted some huts within its enclosure, together with a small number 
of Indians who made it their place of shelter for a time. The 
open points in the locality of the fort, at that time, were princi- 
pally covered with the wigwams of the Kickapoos, quite a large 
body of whom having but lately reached here. On the opposite 
side,t covered by an intervening strip of forest, quite hiden from 
view, stood the Miami villages. 

Having brought the canoe to a place of landing, a short distance 
below the fort, and began the adjustment of some necessary aflairs^ 

*The former style of spelling the name, or at least as usually ispelt by the English at 
that time. 

fAt the period of Morris' arrival at this point, and for many years after, the reader 
must infer that the huts of the Miamies extended on both side^ of the Bt. .Toseph, dot- 
ting much of the field adjacent to the "Mad Anthony Pjrk" or orchard, including, 
perhaps, much of the present site of the orchard itself, and on the opposite side, run 
ning as far west, a» the Agricultural Works and tliereshout. 



so liiSTORY OF 1?0RT WAtKfi. 

Ills attendants strode off tlirongli the strip of woods* towards the 
village; and it is stated as most fortunate that he thus remained 
behind, for, scarcely had his attendants reached the open space be- 
yond the woods, when they were met by a band of savages, armed 
with spears, hatchets, and bows and arrows, resolutely determining 
to destroy the Englishman, Morris.f Not yet perceiving him, the 
chiefs accompanying Morris, began at once to addrisss them, and 
to endeavor to dissuade them from their purpose, which had the 
desired effect, at least, in so far as taking his life was concerned. 
Coming up, in a few moments, to the point where Morris stood, 
they at once began to threaten him and treat him very roughly, 
and took him to the fort, where he was commanded to remain, for- 
bidding the Canadians there to permit him to enter their huts. A 
deputation of Shawanoe and Delaware chiefs, v,'hich tribes, the 
reader v^^ill remember, were at that time making great prepara- 
tions to move against the English, though pretending to be friendly, 
had recently come to the Miami village here, with fourteen war- 
belts, and with a view of arousing the Miamies again to arms against 
the English; and it w'as to these that was mainly ascribed the cause 
of Morris' treatment on his arrival here. From this point they had 
proceeded westward, arousing a similar spirit among all the 
iribes from the Mississippi to the Ohio, avowing that they would 
never make friends wifh the English — that they would fight them, 
as long as the sun shone; and earnestly pressed the Illinois tribes 
to join them in their terrible determination. 

But Morris had not long remained at the fort, before two Miami 
warriors came to him, and, with raised tomahawks, grasped him 
by the arras, forced him without the garrison, and led him to the 
river. Walking forward into the water with him, Morris' first 
thought was that the Indians sought to drown him, and then take 
his scalp ; but, instead, they led him across the stream, then quite 
low, and moved towards the center of the Miami village, on the 
west side of the' St. Joseph. Nearing the wigwams, the Indians 
ceased to go further, aiid at Once sought to undress him ; but finding 
the task rather difficult, they became quite angry thereat, 
and Morris himself, " in rage and despair," "tore ofi'his uniform." 
Then tying his arms behind him with his own sash, the Indiana 
drove him forward into the village. Speedily issuing from all 
the wigwams to see and receive the prisoner, in great numbers, 
the Indians gathered about him, "like a swarm of angry bees," 
giving vent to terrific yells — " sounds compared to which, the noc- 
turnal bowlings of starved w^olves are gentle and melodious.".]; The 
largest portion of the villagers were for killing him ; but a division 
arising between them, as to what was best to do with him, readily 

*This point must have been near or just below the confluence of the St. Maiy and 
Si. Joseph. A visit to and little survey of all these points, -would render them the more 
interesting and familiar to the thoughtful and curious. 

i'His. Conpp. Ponti.io, p 47i. :jParlanan. 



Rough Treatment of Morris at the Miami Village. 81 

developed a vociferous debate; when two of the Canadians, of the 
nanies of Godefroi and St. Yincent, who had accompanied him to 
this point, and who had now followed him to the village, came for- 
ward and began to intercede with the chiefs in behalf "of their pris- 
oner. A nephew of Pontiac was among the chiefs, — who is rep- 
resented as a young man, possessing much of the bold spirit of his 
uncle, and wdio heroically spoke against the propriety of killing the 
prisoner; and Godefroi desisted, saying "that he would not see 
one of the Englishmen put to death, when so many of the Indians 
were in the hands of the army at Detroit." A Miami chief, called 
the Swan, is also represented as having protected the prisoner, and 
cut the sash binding his arms. Morris, beginning now to speak in 
his own defense, was again seized by a chief called the White Cat, 
and bound to a post by the neck; at which another chief, called the 
Pacanne, rode up on horseback, cut the band with his hatchet, at 
once giving Morris his freedom again, exclaiming, as he did so, "■ I 
give this Englishman his life. If you want English meat, go to 
Detroit or to the lake, and you will find enough of it. What busi- 
ness have you with this man, who has come to speak with us?" 

The determined will and bold words of Pacanne had the desired 
effect. A change of feeling now readily began to show itself; and 
the prisoner, without further words or beating from any of the crowd; 
was so®n violently driven out of the village, whither he soon made 
his way to the fort. On his way, however, it is stated, an Indian 
met him, and, with a stick, beat his exposed body. 

His position was now most critical ; and while the Canadians in 
the fort were disposed to protect him, they were yet loth to lay 
themselves liable to distrust or danger; and the same warriors who 
liad taken him to the village, were nov/ lurking about, ready to em- 
brace the first opportunity to kill him ; while the Kickapoos, near 
by, had sent him word that, if the Miamies did not kill him, they 
would whenever he passed their camp. Again, on the eve of set- 
ting out on his journey to the Illinois, notwithstanding the dan- 
gers now thickening about him^ and the great distance yet before 
iiim, his Canadian and Indian attendants strongly urged him not to 
proceed farther ; and, on the evening of this day, they held a coun- 
cil with the Miami chiefs, v/herein it became the more evident that 
his situation was most perilous, and that any attempt to continue 
his journey would be most disastrous; and vdiile many messages 
were continually reaching him, threatening to put an end to his 
life, should he attempt to fulfill his mission, report was also con- 
veyed to him that several ol the Shawauoe deputies were then re- 
turning to the garrison expressly to kill him. Under these circum- 
stances, readily abandoning his determination to proceed farther, 
he soon began to row his bark towards Detroit, whither he arrived 
on the iTth of September. Not finding Bradstreet there, as he had 
anticipated, he having returned to Sandusky, and Morris, now quite 
weary and fatigued, unable to proceed farther, from tlio h;'.rdsln])s 



S2 IIiSTOY OF Fort Waykk. 

lie had undergone, soon sent the former an account of his efforta, in 
whicli, togetlier with the facts ah-eady presented, wastlie following^ 
l)earing' date September 18 : 

"The villains have nipped our fairest hopes in tlie l)rfd. I trem- 
l)le for you at Sandusky ; though I was pleased to lind you have 
one of the vessels with you, and artillery. I wish the chiefs were 
assembled on board the vessel, and that she had a hole in her bot- 
tom; Treachery should be paid with treachery ; and it is more 
Than ordinary pleasure to deceive, those who would deceive us." 

Bradstreet's main object in returning to Sandusky, was to fulfill 
liis promise with the Delaware and Sha^^'anoc ambassadors to meet 
tliem at that point, — about the period of Morris' return, — to receive 
the prisoners held by them, and conclude a treaty of peace. The 
deputation not coming to time, left him much disappointed foi* sev- 
eral days, when a number of warriors of these tribes came to Brad- 
street'S camp Avith the plea, that, if he would not attack them, they 
would bring the prisoners the next week, which Bradstreet readily 
accepted, and, removing his camp to the carrying-place of Sandus- 
ky, lay in waiting for the Indians and the prisonei's. Soon receiv- 
in<2,- a letter from General Gage, condemnatory of his cOurse,^-in- 
siscing that his mode of treatment with the Indians was inadequate 
to elfect any good results ^vitll them, and ordering him to lireak en- 
gagements with them, and move upon the enemy at once, — close 
upon the receipt of which also came the journal of Captain Morris, 
enabling him readily to see '^ how signally he had been duped ; " 
t.}iou2:h subsequent facts proved that some good did result from 
Bradstreet's course with the Indians at Detroit, as many of them 
h.id oecome more reasonable and tranquil in their actions. Be- 
coming dispirited and not seeing fit to comply with Gage's 
commands, ne broke up his camp at Sandusky, and wended 
liis way towards Niagara, meeting with man}'' disasters on his voy- 
age thither. 

T\in expedition under Bouquet, to the southward, had now done 
the work. Having penetrated to the center of the Delaware towns, 
and into the most extensive settlements of the Shawanoss, about 150 
miles from Fort Pitt, to the northwest, with a large body of regular 
and provincial troops, he soon humbled tliese wily and unrelenting 
tribes, and speedily compelled tliem to deliver all tlie prisoners in 
their possession. 

During the frontier struggles, for some years prior to Bouquet's 
campaign, hundreds of families along the borders had been mas- 
sacred and many carried away to the forest by the Indians; and 
when Bouquet started on his expedition against the Shawances and 
Delawares, in the interior, leaving the border settlements, he was 
eagerly joined by many who, years before, had lost their friends. 
Among the many prisoners brought into the camp of Bouquet, 
(over two hundred, in al!,) while in the settlements of these tribes, 
Jitifibands lonjid their wives, and parents tlieir children, from whom 



Bouquet ani^ the Captives — Effectiko Scene. S3 

rliey liad been separated for years. Women, frantic between hope 
and fear, were running hither and thitlter, lookino; picrcinLily into 
the face of every child, to find their own, -vvhicli, pcHiaps, liad 
died— and then such shrieks of agony ! Some of the littk' captives 
shrank from their own forgotten mothers, and hid in terror in the 
blankets of the squaws that had adopted them. Some that had 
been taken away young, bad grown up and married Indian husbands 
or Indian wives, now stood utterly bewildered v^-ith conflicting 
emotions. A young Virginian had found his AVife ; but his little 
boy, not two years old when captured, had l:>cen torn from her, and 
had been carried off no one know^ whither. One dav, a v^-anior came 
in leading a child. No one seemed to own it. But soon the mother 
knew her offspring, and screaming wdth joy, folded her son to her 
bosom. An old woman had lost her granddaughter in the French 
war, nine years before. All her other relatives had died under the 
kniie. Searching, with trembling eagerness, in each face, she at 
last recognized the altered features of her child. But the girl had 
forgotten her native tongue, and returned no answ"er, and made no 
sign. The old v»'oman groaned, and com|5lained bitterly, that the 
daughter she had so often sung to sleep on her knees, had forgotten 
her in her old age. Soldiers and ofilcers were alike overcome. 
" Sing," said Bouquet to the old lady, " sing the song you used to 
sing." As the low trembling tones began to ascend, the wild girl 
gave one sudden start, then listening for a moment longer, her 
frame shaking like an ague, she burst into a passionate liood of 
tears. She was indeed the lost child. All else had been eflaced 
from her memory, save the recollection of that sweet song of her 
infancy. She had heard it in her dreams.* The tender sensibili- 
ties and affectionate throbbings so often manifested by the civil- 
ized soul under lieavy affliction, were feelings foreign, as a general 
rule, to the Indian heart. His temperament was iron ; he had ever 
been nurtured in an opposite condition of growth ; and, conse- 
quently, he is said to have held such expressions of the heart in con- 
tempt ; but when the song of the old lady was seen by them to 
touch the captive's heart and bring her again to a mother's arms, 
they were overcome wdth emotion, and the heart of the Indian beat 
heavily under the v/eight of feeling that suddenly convulsed him 
as he gazed upon the strange scene then enacted. 

Many captive women who returned to the settlements with their 
friends soon after made their esca.pe, and wandered back to tiieir 
Indian husbands again, so great was the change that had taken 
place in their natures. Such was the magnetic power of the I'.idian 
and the wilds of the forest over the civilized soul. 

The English having now subdued the tribes of tlie northwest, 
and compfeted definite treaties wdth them at Niagara, began to 
contemplate a farther move to the west and north, with a view to 
securing the country and posts along' tke lUirtois nnd Mississip])i ; 

« " States a!vl Terrilorios of tht* Gi';;it "Yqs.I," pages VU), m. 



84 History of Fort "Wayne. 

of which Fontiac soon became aware, and, leaving his place of 
seclusion on the Maumee, where Morris had met him and received 
such harsh treatment at the hands of his warriors, with four hun- 
dred of his chiefs, about the close of autumn, passed up to this 
point, (Fort Wayne) and, alter a short sta}^, on to the Wabash, and 
thence to the Mississippi, arousing the tribes at every point to pre- 
pare to meet and destroy the English; and, having gained the 
French settlements and other places where the French traders and 
Jiabitans were to be met, and where the flag of France was still 
displayed, (for the French held the country about the Illinois, Mis- 
sissippi, and to the southward, as far as New Orleans, for some 
time after the loss of Canada and the upper posts,) the French fur- 
traders and en<jagees^ who dreaded the rivalry of the English in the 
far-trade, readily gave encouragement to Pontiac and his foUoAvers, 
still insisting that the King of France v/as again awake, and his 
great armies were coming; "that the bayonets of the white-coated 
warriors would soon glitter amid the forests of the Mississippi." 
But Fontiae seemed doomed to disappointment and failure; and, 
after repeated efforts, having visited New Orleans, to gain the aid 
of the FrencJi governor of Louisiana, he returned again to the west. 

Determining to try the virtues of peace proposah^ in advance of 
tliG array to the. westward and southward, Sir William Johnson 
sent forvk^ard two messengers, Lieut. Eraser and George Croghan, 
to treat with the Indians on the Mississippi and Illinois. After 
.?nany hardships, and the loss of their stores, through the severity 
'A tlie winter, (tec, they reached Fort Pitt, where, after some delay 
liud the severe cold had subsided, with a few attendants, Eraser 
tnade his way safely down the Ohio for a thousand miles, where, 
coming to a halt, Jie met with very rough treatment from the In- 
dians. A sJiort time after, in the month of May, Croghan, with 
some Shawnoe and Delaware attendants, also moved down the Ohio, 
as far as the mouth of the Wabash, where, being fired upon by a 
party of Kicivapoos, and several of the attendants killed, Croghan 
and the remainder were taken prisoners, whither they proceeded to 
Vincennes, where, finding many friendly Indians, he was well re- 
ceived, and the Iiickapoos strongly censured for their work. From 
this point they went to Ouiatenon, arriving there on the 23d, where 
also Croghan met a great many friendly Indians. Here lie began 
(0 make preparations for a council, and was met by a large num- 
ber of Indians, who smoked the pipe of peace with him. Soon re- 
ceiving an invitation, from St. Ange, to visit Fort Chartres, lower 
down, Crogiian, accompanied by a large number of Indians, left 
Ouiatenon for that point, and had not journeyed far when they met 
Fontiae and a large body of chiefs and warriors. Fontiae shook 
the hand of Croghan, v/ho at once returned v»dth the part}^ to Ouiate- 
non, where a great concourse of chiefs and warriors were gathered. 

Fontiae complained that the F]-ench had deceived him, and 
offered the calumet and peace-belt, professing strong concurrence 



Cboghan's Journal. 85 

with the Ouiaten.on chiefs in their expressions of friendship for the 
English. 

At the conclusion of this meeting, collecting the tribes here he 
had desired to meet, he soon took up his line of march followed 
by Pontiac and a large number of chiefs, and set out towards De- 
troit, crossing over to this point, Fort Miami, and the villao;e ad- 
jacent. 

Having kept a regular journal of his mission, filling it up at 
every point on the route, — from vv^hich the foregoing is prmci- 
pally drawn, — while here, he wrote, 

" August IsU (1765). The Twigtw^ee (Tiviglitwee) village is sit- 
uated on both sides of a river, called St. Joseph. This river where 
it falls into the Miami (Maumee) river, about a quarter of a mile 
from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of 
which stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.* 

" The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, be- 
sides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, 
during the late Indian war ; they were concerned in it, and being 
afraid of punishment, came to this point, where ever since they 
have spirited up the Indians against the English. * * * * * 
The country is pleasant, the soil is rich and well watered. After 
several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up 
all the English prisoners they had, on the 6th of August we set out 
for Detroit, down the Miamis river in a canoe. 

" August 17th. — In the morning we arrived at the fort, (Detroit) 
which is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses ; It stands 
close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a 
very pleasant prospect for nine miles above, and nine miles below 
the fort ; the country is thickly settled with French, their plantations 
are generally laid about three or four acres in breadth on the river, 
and eighty acres in depth ; the soil is good, producing plenty of 
grain."t Says the Canadians were both poor and idle, — some 300 
or 400 families, depending mainly upon the Indians for subsistence ; 
had adopted the Indian manners and customs, raising but little 
graiuj and all, men, women, and children, speaking the Indian lan- 
guage perfectly well, etc. 

Many Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and Ojibwas were novv^ assem- 
bled, and, in the same old council hall where Pontiac, gome months 
before, by stratagem, had essayed to overthrow the English, great 
throngs of relenting warriors readily convened in obedience to the 
Call of the English ambassador. The expressions among the tribes 
and deputies of tribes present, was one of mingled repentence and 
regret; and on the twenty-seventh of August, Croghan addressed 
them, after their own figurative style, as follows: 

" Children, we are very glad to see so many of you here present 

*Any one, from this account, can at any time easily ascertain the site of tlie ol>l 
English fort, Miami, of which the reader is already quite familiar. 
i" Western Aanals," pages 184 and 185. 



86 History of Foj.it Waynk. 

at your ancient council-lire, whieli has been neglected for some 
time past ; since then, higli winds have blown, and raised heavy 
clouds over your country. I now, by this belt, rekindle your an- 
cient fire, and throw dry v/ood upon it, that the blaze may ascend 
to heaven, so that all nations may see it, and know that you live in 
peace and tranquility with your fathers the English. 

" By this belt I disperse all the black clouds from over your 
heads, that the sun may shine clear on your women and children, 
that those unborn may enjoy the blessings of this general peace, 
now so happily settled between your fathers the English and you, 
and all your younger brethren to the sun-setting, 

" Children, by this belt I gather up all the bones of your de- 
ceased friends, and bury them deep in the ground, that the buds 
and sweet flowers of the earth may grow over them, that we may 
not see them any more. 

" Children, with this belt [ take the hatchet out of your hands, 
and pluck up a large tree, and bury it deep, so that it may never 
be found any more ; and I plant the tree of peace, v/hich all our 
children may sit under, and smoke in peace with their fathers. 

" Chiljdren, we have made a road from the sunrising to the sun- 
setting. I desire that you will preserve that road good and pleas-^ 
ant to travel upon, that we may all share the blessing of this 
happy union." 

Closing this great peace-gathering about the last of September, 
1765, and after exacting a promise from Pontiac that he would 
visit Oswego in the spring, and, in behalf of all the tribes he had 
so recently led against the English, conclude a treaty of peace and 
amity witli Sir William Johnson, Croghan left the scene of his suc- 
cessful labors, and wended his way towards Niagara. 

About the period of the tirst snow, the 42d regiment of High- 
landers, a hundred strong, having moved down the Ohio, from Fort 
Pitt, commanded b}' Capt. vSterling, arrived at Fort Chartres. The 
jleur de Us of France Avas soon lowered ; and, in its stead, the Eng- 
lish planted their standard and forever destroyed the French 
power in America — holding, as the Enghsh then did, and for 
many years subsequent, all the Avestern posts, from Canada to the 
Illinois — which left the Indians also with but little to hope for. 

When spring came, Pontiac, true to his word, with Jiis canoe, 
left his old jiomc on the Maamee, for Oswego, whither he soon ar- 
rived, and where he made a great speech, and " sealed his submis- 
sion to the English" forever. 

His canoe laden with the presents he had received at the great 
council of Oswego, he rowed rapidly toward the ])Iaumee again, 
where he is said to have spent the following winter, living "in the 
forest with las wives and children, and hunting like an ordinary 
warrior." In the spring of 1707, considerable discontent began 
again to manifest itself among the tribes "from the lakes to the 
Potomac," and from which eventually came the spilling of much 



Death of Poktiac. ST 

Llood, as at former periods, along the frontier. The Indians had 
l)een disturbed in the possession of their lands, and had beo'un an- 
other terrible resentment. Pontiac had now long strangely kept 
out of the way. Whether he had been party .to the agitation along 
the border or not, was not known ; but many had their suspicions. 
Por two years subsequent to this period, Pontiac seems to have 
kept so close, some where, that few, if any, but his own imme- 
diate friends, perhaps, knew or heard of his whereabouts. In the 
month of April,* 17(5 U, however, he seems again to have visited 
the Illinois, and though not knowing that he had anything special 
in view, yet the English in that region were excited liy his move- 
ments. Prom this point, he soon after started for the (then) French 
.settlement of St. Louis, (i^Io.), where he was soon after murdered. 

The account of his death, as derived from the most reliable 
sources, is, that he was killed by an Illinois Indian, of the Kaskas- 
kia tribe ; that he had been to a feast with some of the Prench 
Creoles of Cahokia, opposite the present site of the city of St. Louis, 
and became drunk. Leaving the place of carousal, and entering 
an adjacent forest, the murderer stole quickly upon him and dis- 
patched him with his tomahawk, striking him on the head; that 
the assassin had been instigated to the act by an Englishman of 
the name of Williamson, who had agreed to give him a barrel of 
vrhisky, with a promise of something besides, if he would kill the 
Ottawa chieftain, which he readily accepted. Says (iouin's ac- 
count : 

" Prom Miami (here) Pontiac vv^ent to Fort Chartres, on the Illi- 
nois. In a few years, the English, who had possession of the fort, 
procured an Indian of the Peoria nation to kill him. The news 
spread like lightning through the country. The Indians assembled 
in great numbers, attacked and destroyed all the Peorias, excej^t 
aljout thirty families, which were received into the fort.'' And 
the death of Pontiac was revenged. His spirit could rest in peace. 
Such was Indian usage. And thus closed the career of one of Na- 
ture's most singular and resolute types of aboriginal character ; of 
whom Croghan wrote in his journal and sent to Gen. Gage in 1705: 
"Pontiac is a shrewd, sensible Indian, of few words, and roni- 
mands more respect among his own nation than any Indian I 
oversaw could do among his ovv^n tril3e.'' 

*It was in this yoiir that a definitive cesjaion of the provinee of Louisiana.—v.i-.ich 
liad formerly extended oyer the entire territory now known as the Slate of Indiana, — 
Avas terminated (because of the great losses sustained at various times in its inaiiiten- 
aiicR by tlic French government) between /ranee and Spain, the latter becoming, — by 
secret treaty, made some years prior, (1764) between Louis Htli, aiid the King ol 
Spain,— sole possessor of the province. And the surrender of St, Louis, _ by St. Ange, 
witli the Englisli already in i)0-?sassion of all Louisiana east of the Missi-si[ipi, cUised 
forever the dominion of the French in the jS^'ew World. 



CHAPTER YIIL 



A sound like a sound of tliunder rolled. 

And tlie lieartof a nation stirred — 
For the bell of Freedom at midnight tolled. 

Through a miglity land was heard, 

******** 

It was lieard by the fettered and the brave — 
It xas heard in the cottage, and iu the hall — 
And its chime gave a glorious summons to all." 

"Wm. Ross Wallacd. 



The struggle for Independence — Causes that led to the Revolution — Tlie men of '76 — 
Triumph over old conditions — Final treaty of peace — Foreshado wings of former 
ages realized in the founding of the New Republic. 



S the g-reat earth upon which we live swings with a lighter 

air in its orbit as the many inharmonious conditions and the 

^o great forests upon its surface are cleared away and reduced 

^^ to ashes by the necessities of improvement, so the advancing 

tide of human civilization brings to the circumambient air of 

human relations a less rarefied and more brilliant atmosphere of 

intellectual strength and love of Freedom. 

But the great soul of nature is never still — never ceases to act, 
to push forward, as with some imponderable impulse, to work out 
and develop a great and beautiful Future ; and scarcely had the 
French and Indian war of 1T59 and 1760 ceased its action, when 
the colonial settlements of the New "World began to exhibit a 
spirit of dissatisfaction, produced by the acts of the English par- 
liament, and King, that foreshadowed in the (then) not far distant 
future a momentous and long-protracted struggle ; and the heroic 
James Otis, then advocate-general of the province of Massachusetts, 
replying to Gridley, advocate for the crown, readily gave new 
strength and vigor to the foreshadowing. Said he, with great em- 
phasis, on the occasion in question : " To my dying day, I will op- 
pose, with all the power and faculties God has given me, all such 
instruments {JVrits of Assistance for the collection of revenue from 
the colonists) of slavery on one hand, and villainy on the other." 
The same formidable power, with colonial aid, that had crushed 



Beginning of the Ameeican Eevolu'iion. 89, 

and despoiled the French in Canada, and, for a time, mainly sub- 
dued the Indians of the northwest, had now (1761) beg-un to pre- 
sent a rigorous iront towards the colonists ; and though this point, 
a few years subsequent to the formidable effort of Pontiac, against 
the English, had remained in comparative quiet, in so far, at least, 
as the historic accounts run, yet, as step by step the struggle for 
Independence continued, and at length the strengthened voice of 
civilization on the new continent, echoing along the ridges of the 
Alleghanies and through the massive gloom of forest towards the 
setting sun, startling the little English garrisons at Detroit and 
other points into momentary activity, and awakening again the 
aboriginal tribes to a nevv consideration of their future, this again 
readily became a point of the greatest importance in both a civil 
and military point of vievv' ; and dearly was it bought by the efforts 
of the American army, as will be seen in subsequent pages. 

The first struggle on the new continent had readily scattered the 
seed that was to bring forth a second, a third, and a fourth revolu- 
tion. And, as the accelerated action of the globe becomes less com- 
motionate and easier in its rotative movement, as the refining pro- 
cess of its surface advances, and its internal heat and compressed air 
are reduced and evolved through volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, 
and fissury expansion, so the new colonial settlements were des- 
tined only to enjoy a wider range of social and governmental Free- 
dom in proportion as they removed the barriers of the forest, and 
became earnest, efficient, and resolute in action against the further 
aggression and power of the British Crown on the new continent ; 
and, as this germ of glorious determination and advancement in 
the establishment of free institutions seemed only destined to ex- 
pand to a fair expression of vital force and activity through the ag- 
gressive movements of the English Government; so the latter be- 
gan to exercise an undue control over the colonies of the New 
World, by a gradual disturbance, in various ways, of their colonial 
relations — at one time interfering with the charter of Connecticut ; 
at another, levying heavy duties upon certain articles of importa- 
tion into America ; and the adoption, soon after, of strenuous meas- 
ures for the collection thereof — insisting that the colonists should 
defray the expenses of the French andlndian war, upon the ground 
that it had been waged in defence of the colonies. 

Intense discord and excitement rapidly arose among the colon- 
ists. The people gathered at different points. Declamation met 
declamation. Protest followed protest ; and the agitation was still 
increased by the passage of the famous " Stamp Act," by the 
English Parliament of 1765, which imposed heavy stamp duties 
upon all newspapers, almanacs, bonds, notes, etc., issued in Amer- 
ica. And again determination followed determination. Eesis- 
tance became universal and uncontrollable. The spirit of Free- 
dom had found a place in every true colonial heart; and resistence, 
even to the sword and bayonet, if need be, became at length a fixed 



90 HisTOKY OF Foirr Wayne. 

and unaltorablo determination throng-lioiit the colpnies. Patrick 
Henry, amid the cries of " Treason!" " Treason!" in the Ilonse of 
Burgesses, in Virginia, thrilled the masses with a magpetic fir.e of 
determination that gave new impetus to colonial resenti^ient. And 
"treason!" " tre/ison J " as the yellow leaf of autumn, Huttering 
for a moment upon the passing breeze, falls gently to the earth, 
was as soon drowned by the eloquent voice of Henrys and " give 
me liberty, or give me death !" rapidly arose j,ip.on the tumultuDus 
air of the colonial settlements. 

English soldiers soon making their appearance in Boston, (Sept. 
27, 1708,) harsh treatment and imperious demands soon a^vakcned 
resentment. A collision between the citizens and soldiers, in which 
three Americans were killed, was the result. Determining neither 
to use, nor to pay tax upon tea, three ships laden v/ith this article, 
arriving in Boston harbor, were boarded at night by a party of 
disa^uisod Bostonians, and the tea was hurled into the water. 

Parliament still sternly demanding to be regarded in her claims, 
and Ihiding it out of the question either to bribe or buy the patriotic 
colonists, soon began more strenuous measures of control. The 
colonists rapidl}' formed into bodies of militia. " Minute men," 
ready for action at a moment's notice, sprang up at every hand. 
Tlie "English Parliament had declared Massachusetts to be in a 
state of rebellion, and more troops came over. " Boston Neck" 
was fortilled by tlie English, and the Patriots, concealing their can- 
nons in loads of manure, and their ammunitioii and cartridges in 
market baskets and caadle-boxos, gradually ptissed the guards to 
a point beyond Boston, unmolested. Concord, N. H., became a 
prominent point, whither the 2:)atriots gathered their stores and 
ammunition, etc. General Gage, then commanding the English 
forces, thought to route the colonists from thjs point, and one night 
secretly dispatched an arni}^ of eight hundred men towards Con- 
cord for the purpose. The Patriots heard of their coming. The 
bells of the place vrere rung; guns were fired, and the minute men 
were in arms. " Disperse, ye rebels," cried Gage, confronting the 
colonists and discharging his horse-pistols. The English soldiery 
followed with a discliarge of musketry. A number fell on the 
colonial side, and, giving way, th(^ British passed on to Concord. 
A few hours later, the English, starting on their return to Boston, 
the colonists having gathered in large numbers irom different points, 
and posted themselves behind barns, trees, houses, and fences, 
opened a terrible fire upon them from every side, and before reach- 
ing Boston, the former were Avell-nigli destroyed. 

The first blood was noAv spilled, and the account of the battle of 
Lexington aroused, at every point, the wdiole colonial population 
of America. " The farmer left his plow, and the meclianic his 
work-shop. Even old men and boys," says the records, "hastened 
to arm themselves" — the wife girding "the sword about her hus- 
band;" the mother blessing her son, and bidding him " go strike 



The IDe^lakation oi- Independence. tU 

a bloiv for his country." The colonists were ripe lor the straggle. A 
new era was tp dawn upon the worhl ; and Freedom was destined to 
triumph. 

As demand calls for supply; as necessities superinduce and do- 
velope the requisites of any great movement, so there soon n\i- 
peared upon thp colonial stage a Franklin, a Washington, a Jay, 
a Jeflerson, a Hancock, an Adams, a Monroe, a Eandolyjh, 'a 
Thompson, a Lee, an Otis, a Wayne, a Hei^ry, a Hamilton, a Knox. 
a Clinton, a MifHin, a Pickens, a Morgan, a Green, a Morris, a Lin- 
coln, a Marion, a Sumpter, a Tarleton, a Sullivan, a Jones, a Hop- 
kins, a Ilutledge, a Gates, a Putnam, a Trumbull, a Wm. '^Vashing- 
ton, a Bainbridge, a Schuyler, a AVarren, etc. 

Ticonderoga, had now, (May 10th, 17G5,) fallen into the hands 
of the Americans ; the Continential Congress, for the second time, 
was in session at Philadelphia ; Gkokge Washington became com- 
mander-in-chief o^f the colonial army ; great quantities of pa]xu- 
currency were issued ; the great battle of Bunker Hill was soon 
fought ; and the war for American Lidependence had begun with 
an earnestness nnd determination only equalled by the glorious 
spnrit that gave birth and impetus to the struggle. 

At length the 4th- of July, 177C, came. The Continental Con- 
gress had receiyed, considered, and, on this hallowed and ever- 
memorable day, adopted a. Declaration of Independence. The 
great old bell of Lidependence Hall soon rang out upon the still 
air the glorious consummation; and every Avliere the heart of the 
colonist thrilled with joy. In the midst of discord, and under 
heavy travail, the new continent had given birth to a rare and 
beautiful child of Freedom and Progress, destined to live and be- 
come more glorious, happy, free, and beautiful as time rolled on. 

As before this eventful and happy hour, — with now a victory ; 
now retreat and momentaiy defeat ; now suffering with cold and 
hunger ; annon encountering the savages of the forest, pushed on by 
British inffuence, for seven years the war continued ; during which 
period, the American forces had been joined by many brave and 
patriotic men from the Old World, whose souls had caught the 
spirit of the hour, and whose great love of Freedom brought thorn 
to the rescue of the struggling cause on the new continent; among 
whom were Lafayette, Kosciusko, De Kali), Pulaski, Baron Sten- 
ben, and France herself, but a few years before defeated by_ the 
British in Canada, and at other points, also became an ally of the 
Americans, and rendered valuable aid in the cause of Freedom. 

Effecting a final treaty of peace with the British September o, 
1788 ; and from that t'ime forward I'apidly gaining strength and 
recovering from the great pressure so long hanging over them, 
on the 4th of March the old Continental Congress ceased to be, and 
the main elements of the present Federal CoNSTrruTioN, under 
which our Republic has for so many years existed, and, under every 
adversity, maintained its primitive spirit of independence, became 



93 HiSTOKY OF FOET WaYNE. 

the organic basis of the new governmental superstructure of 
America. A glorious era in the World's History had now begun. 

A month and two days later, (April 6th, 1789,) by tlie unani- 
mous voice of the electors, the surveyor, the hero, and the sol- 
dier; the statesman and the philanthropist; the lover of Truth and 
Goodness ; the successful leader of the colonial army, and the man 
of Progress in Governmental Freedom " and the pursuit of Happi- 
ness" — Geokge Washington, of Virginia, became first President, 
and the good and patriotic John Adams, of Massachusetts, first 
Vice-President of the United States. 

The beautiful germ of the Ideal Eepublic of Plato, cast upon 
the soil of the World's necessities more than two thousand years 
before ; the great principles of civil and religious liberty, involv- 
ing at once " the inalienable rights of man " and the fundamental 
truths and necessities of continued jDrogression in all that pertained 
to his welfare in mental and physical growth, as the only safe and 
sure road to ultimate happiness and good government, seen, 
acknowledged, and declared years prior to the departure of Col- 
umbus on his great voyage of discovery ; and which " had shaken 
thrones and overturned dynasties " long before the regicidal fate of 
Charles the First, had now, within the wild domain of the New 
World, begun to bear their first fruits, and to give promise of a, 
continued and still more glorious fruitage in the years to come. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Wliere are the hardy yeomen 

Who battled for this land. 
And trode these hoar old forests, 

A brave and gallant bard ? 

* * * * * 4; 

They knew no dread of danger, 

Wlien rose the Indian's yell ; 
Right gallantly they struggled, 

Right gallantly they fell.'' — Charles A. Jones. 



t'eaceful attitude of affairs tit the close of the great council at Oswega — A desire foif 
more room — Movements of small parties westward — How they lived — Their dis- 
like of extensive settlements — The English colonists — Habits and vicissitudes of 
the early pioneers — Their appearance, houses, furniture, etc. — "Tomahawk rights" 
— The cabins often too " clnss " — Dangers and hardships — Efforte of Patrick 
Henry — Appointment of Geoi-ge Rogers CJark — His movement down the Ohio — 
Readies Louisville, Ky. — Starts for Kaskaskia — Takes the place by storm — Tlie 
"Long Knives" — The stratagem — Fright of the villager — Father Gibault and 
othei-s visit Clark — The inhabitants permitted to attend church — Expect to be 
separated — Revisit of Father Gibault and paity — Clark's response — Joy c-f the 
villagers — An expedition against Cahokia — Capture of that place and Vincennes 
— Appointments by Clark — " Big Door" — A " talk " — Big Door declares for the 
Long Knives' — Clark organizes a company of French — Moves against the Indians 
— Brings them to terms — His movements reach the English at Detroit — Hamilton, 
the English Governor, mc'ves against Vincennes, with a view to re-capture the 
lost posts — Vincennes retaken by the British — Clark hears of the event, and soon 
captures the fort again — Hamilton and others sent to Virginia — No further 
troubles from the English — La Balme's expedition to this point — Flight ol the In- 
dians — La Balme withdraws — Pursued by the Indians, under Little Turtle, and 
the whole party destroyed. 

« ' 

^0 T THE CLOSE of the great treaty of Sir William Jolmson 

^^with the different tribes of the north-west, at Oswego, in the 

V3,^ spring of 176G, at which Pontiac himself appeared and con- 

@^ eluded a final reconciliation in behalf of all the tribes formerly 

'^ banded under his leadership, it was generally thouglit by the 
colonists and those settlements along the Alleghenies and at other 
points westward, that further danger from the tribes was at an end. 
The English flag was now waving over all the posts from Niagara 
to the Mississippi ; and wliile the settlements along the borders* 
and beyond were yet sparse and scattering, there arose a strong 

*"Whicli, at that period, extended but little westward of the Alleghany moimtains. 



94 ITisTOKv OF Fort Wayne. 

desire for more room among the spttlors, and hundreds oi' resolute 
men were soon on the march seeking nev\' homes in the Avilderness 
of the west. After so much warfare, the peaceful quietudes of the 
border and more easterly settlements were more than they could 
abide, and the wild scenes of the distant forest afforded a fair in- 
terchange for the former excitement and vicissitudes of wah 

Starting out in small parties, the adventurous settlers would 
move westward far intcriorward, then separating, they would trav- 
erse large extents of country, and at length, each selecting a site 
for himself, would settle down in the primeval forest, far from any 
scenes of civilization or civilized associates, and living much like 
the Indians, they soon became as reckless and indifferent as the 
most savage of the red men around them. It is related of those 
early times tliat one of those pioneer xSettlers left his clearing and 
started for the forests of tlie Avest, for, the reason that another had 
settled so near to him that he cQuld hear the report of his ritle ; 
while yet another, seeing frdm the valley of his location, smoke 
curling in the distance, is said to have gone fifteen miles to dis- 
cover its emanation, and finding new-comers tliere, " quit the coun- 
try in disgust," More" elbow-room'' v.ns wanted. Sucli were at 
least some of the extreme expressions of the time. 

The Enghsh colonists were hardy, daring, self-reliant men. Un- 
like former periods in the old world, when one nation was often 
suddenly overrun by another, both in their military and migratory 
movements, they pushed gradually forward ; and while many were 
destroyed, they yer, on tho one hand, succeeded in reducing the 
Indians to a state of submission, through fear of extermination, 
while, on the other, the pioneer, relying entirely on his own bravery 
and prowess, with what aid each could render the other, in times 
of attack upon the settlements, &c., long held possession of a large 
region of country, and thus aided in laying the basic structure of 
future greatness. Long accustomed to tlie exposure and the vicis- 
situdes of a lii'e on tlie frontier and in the wilderness, it is not sur- 
prising that these hardy men became daring and implacable, often 
restless for the achievement of some momentary victory or re- 
venge. 

Atlventurous men now soon began to crowd upon the Indians ; their 
lands were being overrun by the colonists; and while the Indians 
were disposed to present, for tlie most part, a friendly front towards 
the British, they yet cut down the settlers, and, thiough the Eng- 
lish, readily made war upon the colonial settlements during the 
Kevolution. Born and bred amid scenes of hardship, these early 
pioneers were naturally hardy and active, often caring but little 
for the common comforts of life or the roughest weather. "AVild 
as untamed nature, tli(\y could scream with the panther, ho^rl with 
the wolf, whoop with the Indian, and fight all creation." It is re- 
lated of one of these strangely rough adventurers in the history of 
the west, that, h.aving " been tomahaAvked, an<i his scrdp started. 



Eaely Pioneees— Their IIaijits, Appeaeaxce, Etc. 05 

he miglit yet be killed sometime, as the iiohtnino^ had tried him on 
once, &nd would have done the business up for him, if he hadn't 
dodged/' Constantlj_ associating with r.he Indians, niiiny of them 
not only became demi-savage in appearance, but "■ frequently as- 
sumed the Avhole savage character:" 

A little description of their aj'^pearance, ordinary costumes, hab- 
its of liib, houses, etc., will be of interest to the present generation. 
A coonsliiri cap, with the tail dangling at the back of the neck, 
and the snout drooping upon the forehead; long buckskin leo'o-ins 
sewed with a wide, fringed welt, down the outside of the legs ; a 
long^ narrow strip of coarse cloth, passing around the hips and be- 
tween the thighs, was brought up before and Ijchind under the 
belt, and hung down flapping as they walked ; a loose deerskin 
frock, open in front, and lapping once and a half round the body, 
was belted at the middle, forming convenient v/allets on each side 
for chunks of hoecake, tow, jerked venison, screw-driver, and 
other fixings ; and a pair of Indian moccasins completed the primi- 
tive lumter's most unique apparel. Over the whole was slung a 
bullet-pouch and powder-horn. From behind the left hip dangled 
a scalping-knii'e ; from the right protruded the handle of ahalchet; 
both weapons stuck in leathern cases. Every hunter carried an 
awl, a roll ot buckshin, and strings of hide, called " whangs," for 
thread. In the winter loose deer-hair Avas stuffed into the mocca- 
sins to keep the feet warm. The pioneers lived in rude log-houses, 
covered, generally, with piecfes of timber, about tlii-ee Ifeet in lengtli 
and six inches in width, called "shakes," and laid over the roof 
instead of shingles. They had neither nails, glass, saws; riOr brick. 
The houses had huge slal) doors, pinned together M'itli wooden 
pins. The light came down the chimney, or througli a hole ill tlie 
logs, covered with a greased cloth. A Scraggy hemlock sap- 
ling, the knots left a foot long, served for a stairway to the upper 
story. Their furniture consisted of tamara.ck betlsteads, framed 
into the v/alls, and a few shelves supported on long wooden pins ; 
sometimes a chair or two, but more often, a piece split oti' a tree, 
and so trimmed, that the branches served for legs. Their utensils 
were very simple ; generally nothing but a skillet, which served 
for baking, boiling, roasting, washing dishes, making mush, scald- 
ing turkeys, cooking sassafras tea, and making soap. A Johny- 
cake board, instead of a dripping-pan, hung on a peg in ^ every 
house. The corn was cracked into s coarse meal, by pounding it 
in a vv'ooden mortar. As soon as swine could be kept away from 
the bears, or, rather, the bears away from them, the pioneers in- 
dulged in a dish of pork and corn, boiled together, and known 
among them as "hog and hominy." Fried pork tliey called " Old 
Is'ed."* 

Quite the opposite of the early French settlers, who lormod 
themselves into small communities, and tended their tields in com- 
*'' States and Ton-ilorios of r)ic Groat West," pages 142. M:^, 1! I, 1!.">. 



96 History op Foet Wayne. 

mon, the yankee pioneer " went the whole length for individual 
property," each settler claiming for himself three hundred acres of 
land, and the privilege of taking a thousand more, contiguous, to 
his clearing; each running out his own lines for himself, chipping 
the bark off the trees, and cutting his name in the wood ; which 
claims, thus loosely asserted, were then called " tomahawk rights," 
and were readily regarded by each emigrant. The first work that 
claimed the attention of the settler was that of felling the trees 
about him in order to make an opening and to prepare his house- 
logs, for the erection of a cabin, " sleeping, meanwhile, mider a 
bark cover, raised on crotches, or nnder a tree." A story is related 
of one of these pioneers, that, after the completion of his cabin, 
" he could hardly stomach it." The logs were unchinked, the door- 
way open, the chimney gaping widely above him, but he com- 
plained that the air was yet too " cluss," and that he was compelled 
to sleep outside for a night or so in order '' to get used to it." 

Such, runs the record, " were the people, and such their modes 
'of living, that began to spread themselves throughout the west, 
between the close of Pontiac's war and the commencement of the 
Revolution. Then, when that struggle came on, new difficulties 
gathered thickly around the scattered settlements. The reduction 
of the wilderness was a huge task of itself, even with every encour- 
agement, and without opposition of any sort. But the Anglo Saxon 
seemed to have had everything arrayed against him. Not only 
the forest, and the wild beasts, and untold privations, stood in the 
way of his progress , but the French first tried to crowd him out ; 
then the Indians sought to kill him ; and, lastly, the British turned 
against their own fiesh and blood, and bribed the savages to take 
his life. While the armies of England were roving over and wast- 
ing the Mdiole Atlantic coast, from Massachusetts to Georgia, the 
British Governor at Detroit, and his agents at the forts on the Wa- 
bash, and Maumee rivers, (including the fort at this point,) and at 
Kaskaskia, were busily engaged in inciting the Indians to deeds of 
rapine and murder on the western frontier. The teirible scenes of 
the old French war, and of Pontiac's war, were often re-enacted. 
The pioneers, however, were a different class of men from those 
who had previously suffered in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and 
who frequently precipitately fled from their burning dwellings. 
There was an iron will and temper in these later settlers that pre- 
sented a front far different from those who, some years before, had 
fled before the combined forces of the savages and French. Not 
waiting to be smoked or burnt out, or have their skulls opened with 
the tomahawk ; their throats cut or scalps taken, the yankee pio- 
neers met their assailants and took a ready hand in the game of 
fight ; and no sooner was it understood that the British were en- 
gaged in inciting the Indians against the American settlers, than it 
was resolved to push the war into the very forest itself — to the very 
threshold of the enemy. Patrick Henry, then Governor of Vir- 



Movements of Geokge Rogers Clakk. 97 

ginia, soon snuffed the air of the pioneer settlements. He saw the 
situation. His soul arose equal to the emergency, and was amono- 
the hrst to propose a plan of relief for those sufiV;rers of the fores? 
On the 2d of January, 177S, he issued instructions to the farmers an.l 
directed the heroic Lt.-Col. Geo. Ro.oers Clark, of Albermarle Joun- 
ty, Virginia, to " proceed with all convenient speed to raise seven 
companies of ^okliers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the 
usual manner, and armed most properly for the enterprise, and 
with that force to attack the British fort at Kaskaskia;" char'>in'>' 
him, most explicitly, as follows: "During tlie whole 'transactioir, 
you are to take especial care to keep the' true destination of your 
force secret; — its success depends on this." The sagacious fore- 
sight of Henry knew the man for the work. 

Clatk set about the task w^ith a will. lie was born a hero, and 
was said to be one of the finest looking men of his day, and w'ould 
readily " have attracted attention among a thousand." Conscious 
dignity is said to have sat gracefully upon him. Agreeable in 
temper; manly in deportment; intelligent in conversation; largclv 
competent as an officer ; vivacious and bold of spirit, CoL Clarke 
was the man for the occasion. 

His captains having reached Fort Pitt in the month of June,* 
with less than six lines, in companies, with boats in readiness, 
Clark and his little army were soon aboard, and floating- down 
the Ohio, wdiither they descended to the falls, in view of the pres- 
ent site of Louisville, Ky., where they encamped, hoping to obtain 
additional force from Kentucky stations ; but, after some considera- 
tion touching these posts, deeming it unwise to reduce their 
strengli, witli one hundred and fifty-three men, CoL Clark, armed 
after the Indian style, continued his course to the mouth of the 
Tennessee river. Obtaining important information at this point 
relative to the British posts on the Upper Mississippi, and sinking 
his boats to prevent discovery, he started overland to surprise and 
capture Kaskaskia. Each man carrying his own baggage and ra- 
tions, through marshes and forests, for a distance of one hundred 
and twenty miles, often knee-deep in w^ater, with their apparel 
dirty and ragged, beards unshaven for three vreeks, presenting alto- 
gether a wild, frightful aspect, on the evening of the Fourth of 
July, 1778, Clark and his men approached Kaskaskia, and con- 
cealed themselves about tlie hills east of the Kaskaskia river. 
Sending out spies to watch the inhabitants, soon after ni,o'ht-fall, ho 
was again in motiun, and took possession of a house, iu which a 
family resided, about three-quarters of a mile from the town, which 
contained about two hundred and fifty dwellings. Finding boats 
and canoes^at'this point, Clark divided his troops into three par- 

*The general inconvenionnesof tlie diiy— the thick forests, etc., all combined In render 
everything iu the way of military and pion<ier movements exceeding y si'.nv. :in 1 ofn-n 
precarious. ( ^ ) 



98 HisTOET OF FoiiT Wayne. 

ties — t-u'O to cross the river, while the other, with Clark himself, 
moved forward and took command of the fort. 

The Indians and French had long known the New Englanders by 
the appellation of "Bostonias," and the Yirginians b,y that of 
" Long- Knives." Many strange and fearful stories had long gone 
forth among the French of these posts concerning the Long-Knives. 
English officers visiting the Kaskaskians, had told them that the 
Long-Knives would not only take their property, hut were so bru- 
tal and ferocious that they " would butcher, in the most horrible 
manner, men, women, and children 1 "—a fact that had previously 
reached the ear of Clark, and in pretension, at least, as the most 
sahitary means of effecting his purpose, he determined to carry 
out the idea and take the inhabitants by storm 5 and,' accordingly^ 
persons who could speak the French language, were directed to 
pass through the streets of the town and warn the inhabitants to 
keep within their dwellings, " under penalty of being shot down in 
the streets" 

Crossing the river, the two parties strode into the yet " quiet and 
unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling in the most furious 
manner, while those who made the proclamation in French, ordered 
the people into their houses on pain of instant death."* The word 
was out. The little tillage of Kaskaskia was in an uproar. All 
was consternation, fear, and treixibling. Men, women, and chil- 
dren ran for dear life, and " Les long couteaux ! — les long cou- 
teaxixP'' — the Long-Knives ! — the Long-Knives I rapidly arose upon 
the theretofore quiet air of Kaskaskia, and the inhabitants precipi- 
tately betook themselves to their dwellings to escape the ven- 
geance of the intruders. The victory was short and decisive. No 
blood had been shed ; and two hours later, the inhabitants of the 
village had all surrendered and delivered up their hreai-ms. All 
consummated after the best stjde of a commander well adapted to 
the occasion^ and who knew just how to carry out the plan of ac- 
tion to the best advantage, — a movement termed by the French 
ro%L86 de guerre^ — the policy of war ; and to render the movement 
the more earnest and effectual in its character, the French Gover- 
nor, M. .Rocheblave, was taken prisoner in his own chamber, and 
the night was passed by the Virginia soldiers in patroling the 
streets with whoops and yells after the manner of the Indians, 
which gave the inhabitants great uneasiness, but was all turned to 
the best account by Col. Clark. The inhabitants were now fully 
pursuaded that all they had previously heard concerning the Long- 
Knives was too true. Clark had even carried his plan so lar as to 
prohibit intercourse with each other or his men ; and for five days 
they were thus held in suspense within their cottages. His troops 
now, (the fifth day) being removed to the outskirts of the village, 
the inliaditants were privileged again to walk the streets ; but soon 
observing them conversing with each other, without giving any 
cause therefor, or permitting a v/ord to be said in self-defence, 

»" Wesleiu Annals," pages i263, 2C9_._ 



The Kaskaskians Confer v.-itii Clark. 99 

Clark ordered several of the officers of the place to be put in irons. 
Not that he wished to be cruel or despotic, but that his strategetic 
plan might prove more efi^ctual and certain in its operations fand 
the wild, reckless, indifferent, dirty, ragged appearance and manner 
of Clark and his men, gave the greater awe dnd force to his plan 
of action. 

At length, M. Gibault, the parish priest, accom.panied by " live 
or six elderly gentlemen," by permission, called upon CoL Clark. 
All looking alike dirty, and but httle diflerent in their general ap- 
pearance, the deputation were greiJtly at a loss to know v/ith whom 
to confer as commandant, and thus some moments elapsed before 
they were able to speak. But, very submissively, the priest, after 
a short interval, began to make known their mission. He said " the 
inhabitants expected to be separated, perhaps never to meet again, 
and they begged through him, as a great favor from their conqueror, 
to be permitted to assemble in the church, offer up their prayers to 
God for their souls, and take leave of each other." 

To this Clark, with an air of seeming carelessness, replied that " the 
Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of others, 
but left every man to vv^orship God as he pleased ; " and readily 
granted the privilege desired, but charged them on no account to 
attempt to leave the place ; and no further conversation was per- 
mitted with the deputation. 

The little church was soon open, and the people rapidly crowded 
into it. As though the last opportunity they would have thus to 
assemble, all mournfully clianted their prayers, and bid each other 
adieu^ little presuming that they would ever meet again in this 
life ; and so great did they esteem the privilege granted them, that, 
at the close of the exercises, the priest and deputation repaired 
again to the quarters of Clark, and, on behalf of the people of the 
village, graciously thanked him for the indulgence granted them. 
Begging leave to say a word regarding their separation and their 
lives, they asserted that they knew nothing of the troubles between 
Great Britain and the colonists; that all that they had done was in 
subjection to the English commandants; and that while they were 
willing to abide by the fate of war in the loss of their property, 
tliey prayed that they might not be separated from their families ; 
and that " clothes and provisions might be allowed them, barely 
sufficient for their present necessities." 

The stratagem was now complete. Fear had lapsed into resig- 
nation; and the spirit of hope in the Kaskaskians had fallen bcloN\'_ 
the common ebb of even partial security. The achievement of 
Clark's plan was complete, and, with an air of surprise, he 
abruptly responded : " Do you mistake us for savages ? I am al- 
most certain that you do from your language ! Do you think that 
Americans intend to strip women and children, or take the bread 
out of their mouths ? " " My countrymen," continued he, " disdain 
to make war upon helpless innocence. It v;'as to prevent tlie lior- 



100 HiSTOEY OF FOET WaYNE. 

rors of Indian butcliery upon om- own wives and children that we 
liave taken arms and penetrated into this remote stronghold of 
British and Indian barbarity, and not the despicable prospect of 
plunder. That now the King of France had miited his powerful 
arms with that of America, the war would not, in all probability, 
continue long ; but the inhabitants of Kaskaskia were at liberty to 
take which side they pleased, without the least danger to eitfirer 
their property or families. Nor would their religion be any source 
of disagreement, as all religions were regarded with equal respect 
in the eye of the American law,- and that any insult offered it v/Ould 
be immediately punished. And now, to prove my sincerity, y6u 
will please inform your fellow-citizens that they are quite at libert-y 
to conduct themselves as usutil, without the least apprehension. I 
am now convinced, h-om what I have learned since my arri^^al 
among you, that you have been misinformed and prejudiced 
against lis by British officers; <and your friends who are in confine-' 
ment shall immediately be released." 

The utterances of Clark were soon conveyed to the people; and 
from fear and apprehension all was changed to joy and praise. The 
bells rang, and te deums were sung. All the night long the villa- 
gers made merry. All the privileges they could have desired were' 
granted them, and (Jol. Clark was readily acknowledged *' the 
commandant of the countr3\" 

Soon planning an expedition against Cahokia, in which the Kas- 
kaskians themselves took part, that place was taken with but little 
trouble and no bloodshed. Close upon tlie achievement of this? 
success, through the aid and friendship of M. Gibault, the priest of 
Kaskaskia, Yincenncs wa:^ also soon captured, witli but little ef- 
fort, anit the American ilag displayed from the garrison. Capt.- 
Williams was now apY)ointed commandant at Kaskaskia ; Capt. 
Bowman at Caliokia, and Capt. Helm at Vincennes.* The French 
at these points were now all fast friends of the Americans, and re- 
joiced at the change that had been made from British to Ameri- 
can rule ;■ and Clark proceeded to re-organize the civil government 
imov.g: theio^i ?ip]iointing influential and prominent French resi- 
dents to till the oihees. 

At this period a fiankeshaw chief, of great influence among his 
tribe, ];nowa as the " Big Gate," ox '* Big Door," and called by the 
Indians "•The Grand Door to the Wabash," frO'm the fact that, much 
as with the famous Pontiac and the Delaware Prophet, farther to 
the eastward, with whom the reader is already familiar, nothing- 
could be accomplished by the Indian confederation on the Wabash 
at that period, withont his appyobalion. Poceiving "a spirited 
compliment"''' iVoim father Gibault, (who wss much liked by the 
Indians,) through his father, known as *'-Okl Tobac," Big Door re- 
turned it, wiiich was- swiu follovred with a " great talk " and a belt 
pf wftTOpUUK These IndiiaBS, under British influence, had prcvi- 

*Tln.' I'ort at ^'ince;1tK■s Avas callic-Ji Fwvt Piti-iek Honi-y, uftor its captxii'o by Clark. 



The Wabash Indians Declare fok the Loxg-Knives. 101 

ously done much ^' mischief to the frontier settlements." Capt. Holm 
now soon sent a " talk " and wampum to the " Big Door." The 
chief jvas very much elated, and sent a message to°Helm, statino- 
that he wa^ glad to see one of the pig Knife chiefs in town; tha^t 
here he joined the English against the Big Kniyes, but ^ie long 
thought they " looked a httle gloomy;" that he must consuU Im 
counselors ; take time to deliberate, as was the Indian custom ; and 
hoped the Captain of the Big Knives would be patient. After sev- 
eral da^^s, Old Tobac invited Captain Helm to a council; and it is 
said Tobac played quite a subordinate to his son (Big Door) in the 
proceedings thereof.* 

j^fter some display of eloquence in reference to the sky havino- 
been dark, and the clouds now having been brushed away, the 
Grand Door announced " that his ideas were much changed; and 
that " the Big Knives was in the right ;" " that he would tell all the 
red people on the Wabash to bloody the hand no more for the 
English;" and jumping up, striking his breast, said he was " a man 
and a warrior ; " " that he was now a Big Knife," and shook the 
hand of Capt. Helm, his example being followed by all present ; and 
soon all the tribes along the Wabash, as high as Ouiatenonj came 
flocking to Vincennes to welcome the Big Knives. The interests 
of the British are now said to have lost ground in all the villages 
south of Lake Michigan. 

A few months later, and the jurisdiction of Virginia was exteU' 
ded over the settlements of the Wabash and the Upper Missis- 
sippi, through the organization of the " County of Illinois," over 
w|iich Col. John Todd had been made civil commander. 

On the first of September, the time of enlistment of the troops 
jinder Clark having expired, and seventy of his men already re- 
turned home, to take their places, Clark at once organized a com- 
pany of the inhabitants of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, coramandjcd by 
their own officers, and soon started a formidable and rapid fi^ove- 
ment against the Indians, with whom he made no treaties or gave 
any quarters. His idea and spirit was to reduce them to terms, 
without any parley ; and soon the name of Clark became a terror 
among the tribes of the northwest. Before the close of December, 
(177S) these hostilities had nearly ceased, and everything wore a 
friendly air among the French settlers. 

The news of Clark's success having at length reached Detroit, by 
way of this point, Hamilton,! the British Governor, at once determ- 
ined to recapture the posts again, and accordingly with eighty reg- 

*" Western Annals," pages 173, 174. 

tThe following passport, issued by Governor Hamilton, at Detroit, -will convey a 
lively sanse of the condition of aflTairs, and spirit of the i^fOrth-wist at this early period : 
" By Henry Hamilton, Esq,, Lieut. Governor and Superintendent of Detroit and De- 
pendencie.s, &c., &e. " Detroit St., No. S.'i'i. It is ])ermitted to John ]5te. Dubois and 
Aniable Delisle, employed by Mr. Macleod, to depart Irom this post and go to St. 
Vincennes ;— they having been posted, taken the usual oath, and that of fidelity, niio 
given bond in the penaltv of Two hundred and Fifty Pounds, Ne^v York enrreiiey, l>y 
which they bind themselves that they will not sell rurn, wine, cidor, or otiier stroiiji 



102 HiSTOKY OF FOKT WAYNE. 

ulars, a large number of Canadian militia, and six hundred Indians, 
he ascended, the Maumee, to this point, crossed over to the Wabash, 
and made a rapid movement upon Vincennes, thinking to take the 
fort by storm, and destroy all within the garrison. Thus they moved 
forward. Helm was not to be dismayed. Full qf confidence, and 
with an air that served to signify that the fort was full of soldiers, 
he leaped upon the bastion, near a cannon, and, swinging his 
lighted match, shouted with great force, as the advancing column 
approached, " Halt! or I will blow you to atoms!" At which the 
Indians precipitately took to the woods, and the Canadians fell 
back out of range of the cannon. Fearing that the fort was well 
manned, and that a desperate encounter would ensue, Hamilton 
thought best to offer a parley. Capt. Helm declaring that he would 
fight as long as a man was left to bear arms, unless permitted to 
march out with the full honors of war, which were at length agreed 
upon, and the garrison thrown open. Helm and five ra^n^ all told, 
marchinc" out, to the utmost astonishment of the British commander. 
But Helm was afterwards detained in the fort as a prisoner. 

The season now being late and unfavorable, Hamilton determin- 
ed to take no further steps toward a capture of the other posts till 
spring. But in the meantime Clark, towards the last of January, 
1779, received word as to the loss of Vincennes, and on the seventh 
of February, with one imndred and thirty men, he took up his line 
of march through the forest for Vincennes, a distance of one hun- 
dred and fifty miles, ordering Captain Rogers, with forty men, on 
board a large keel-boat, with two four-pounders and four swivels, 
to ascend the Wabash within a few .miles of the mouth of White 
Eiver — there to await further orders.* The march through the 
wilderness was one of peril and hardship — the river bottoms were 
inundated ; and, as the}^ moved through these lowlands, the sol- 
diers were often, while having to feel for the trail with their feet, 
compelled to hold their guns and amunition above their heads. 
Their food on the march was parched corn and jerked beef. At 

liquors to the Indians, directly or indirectly, nor allow the same to be done by any one 
in their employ ; that they Avill demean tliemselves as good and faithful subjects ; that 
tlioy Avill exhitdt their passport, on arriving at the Miamis (this point) and at tlio 
Weas. (Ouiatenon, below Lafayette) lo tliose who are invested with authority; and 
they bind themselves, under the pains of severe punisliment, not to aid, assist, or cor- 
res]->ond witli the enemies of his Majesty ; and also that they will give information, as 
soon as possible, to the governors or o;fiicers commanding the nearest forts or posts, of 
those Avho violate any of the provisions above mentioned. And if any one should es- 
cape from any of tlie posts dependent to this Government, they shall immediately give 
notice thereof to the Lieut. Governor. 

Given at Detroit, under my hand and seal, House of tlje King, the 17th of June, 
1778. HENllY HAMILTOlSr, l. s. By order of the Lieut. Governor, P. DEJEAK." 

*Col. Clark seems to have had his attention long fixed upon this point, but was 
doubtless governed by a fair sense of wisdom in all his movements. In a letter to one 
Major Bos'eron, of Vincennes, bearing date, " Louisville, Feb. 28,1780," Cl»rk said j 

"' I learn that there is a report of a nimiber of savages collected at Omi (the Miami 
village at this point) with an intention to disturb the settlement of St. Vincents. I 
hopeit is groundless ; if not, I could only wish that they would keep off for a few 
weeks, and I think they would be more sensible of thcVr interest." 



La Balme's Expedition. 103 

length, after some delay, on the evening of the 23d of February, 
arriving ni3on an eminence within sight of the fort, Clark ordered 
his men on parade, near the summit of the hill, overlooking the 
fort, keeping them marching for some time, in a manner that seem- 
ed to the English commander as if there was a large army ap- 
proaching — at least a thousand men, he thought, Avith colors plain- 
ly visible. During the night a deep ditch was dug to within rifle- 
shot of the fort, and before day-break, a number of men were sta- 
tioned therein " to pick off the garrison." It was a success ; every 
gunner attempting to show his head along the cannon of the fort, 
or peer through a loop-hole was shot; and on the 25th of February 
the fort was surrendered, and Hamilton, Major Hay, and a fev^'- 
others, as instigators in the incitement of Indian murders on the 
frontiers, accompanied by a strong guard, were sent to Virginia to 
answer for the crimes charged upon them, and where they were 
put in irons and held for a time in close confinement in retaliation 
for the massacres that had occurred ; but were finally released at 
the suggestion of General Washin2;ton. 

This achievement on the part of Clark and his brave comrades, 
left them, — with no further attempts of the English to regain 
the lost forts, on the Wabash and Upper Mississippi, — in posses- 
sion of all the lower portion of the West until the close of the Kev- 
olution, when, at the treaty of peace with the English in 1783, on 
the basis of its having been conquered and held by Col. Clark, 
Great Britain conceded that all of this extended region of territory 
belonged to the United States. 

In the fall of the year (1780) following this signal success of 
Clark at Yincennes, a Frenchman, by the name of La Balme* form- 
ed a plan at Kaskaskia for the capture of Ke-ki-ong-a, (this point) 
then held by the British. 

" This village," says the account,! " was situated on the banks 
of the St. Joseph river, commencing about a quarter of a mile 
above its confluence with the St. Mary, which forms the Miami, 
(Maumee) and was near the present city of Fort Wayne. It had 
been a principal town of the Miami Indians for at least sixty years 
before the Revolution, and had been occupied by the French be- 
fore the fall of Canada, who had erected a fort at the confluence of 
the rivers, on the eastern side of the St. Joseph. At the period of 
the Revolution," continues the account, " it had become a place of 
much importance, in a trading and military point of view, and as 
such, ranked, in the north-west, next to Detroit and Vincennes. It 
was, accordingly, occupied as a post or seat of an official for In- 
dian affairs, by the British in the beginning of the war. Col. Clark, 
on the capture of Vincennes, had meditated an expedition against 
this place, as well as against Detroit ; and though he seems never 

*rronouiiccd by the French settlers of the time La Bal. 

fBy Clinrles B. Lasselle, Esq., formerly a resident of Fcrt Wayne, but now rosiilins^ 
at Logausporl, lud., first published in tlie " Democratic Pharos," of Logausport, li^iii' 



104 |i}STOKY OF FOKT AVaYNE. 

to have abandoned the idea, yet he could not succeed in his ar- 
rangements to attempt its execution. But while the- subject was 
still fresh in the mind of Clark and the inhabitants of the Lower 
"Wabash, another individual made his appearance to undertake 
what even the daring Clark, with greater resources, did not deem 

jyrudent to venture upon. This was La Balme. But of him and 
his expedition, it may be here stated, very little information of an 
entirely authentic shape, is within our reach. Excepting about a 
dozen linos in Mr. Dillon's Historical Notes, no published account 
whatever of this expedition has ever appeared. Whatever m^y 
be given in this brief sketcli, has been obtained mostly from some 
of those who were in part eye-witnesses to the events, and from tra- 
dition ns handed down by the old inhabitants. La Balme was a na- 
tive of France, and had come to this country as some kind of an 
officer, with the French troops, under LaFayette, in 1779. We are 
not apprised whether he came to the west on his own responsibility, 
or whether he was directed by some authority; but we find him, in 
the summer of 178(>, in Kaskaskia, raising volunteers to form an 
expedition against the post of Xe-ki-ong-a, with the ulterior view, 
in case of success, of extending his operations against the fort and 
towns of Detroit. At Kaskaskia he succeeded in obtaining only 
between twenty and thirty men. With these he proceeded to Vin-; 
cennes, where he opened a recruiting establishment foi the pur- 
pose of raising the number necessary for his object.* But he does 
not seem to have met here with the favor and encouragement of 
the principal inhabitants, or to have liad much success in his en- 
Ustmcnt. His expedition was looked upon as one of doubtful pro- 
priety, both as to its means and objects, and it met with the en- 
couragement, generally, of only the less considerate. Indeed, from 
tlie fragment of an old song,t as sung at the time by the maidens 
of Vincennes on the subject of La Balme and his expedition, pre- 
served by the writer, it would seem that plunder and fame were as 
much its objects, as that of conquest for the general good. Injus- 
tice may have been done him, in this respect ; but it is quite cer- 
tain, from all accounts, that though a generous and gallant man, 

, Avell calculated to be of service in his proper sphere, yet he was too 
reckless and inconsiderate to lead such an expedition. How long 
he remained at Yincennes, we have not now, perhaps, .any means 
of knowing, But sometime in the fall of tliat year — 1780 — with, as 
is supposed, between fifty and sixty men, he proceeded up the Wa- 
bash on his adventure. 

" He conducted his n|arcli with such caution and celerity, that 

*T]iis establishment, siiys Mr. Lasselle, in a nolo, was situate on lot No. 106, near 
llie coi-nci- of Market and Third streets, in M'hat had been called the "Old Yellow 
Tavern." 

jTlie following is the beginning of the song referred to, as " snng by the iidiabitants 
of Vincennes, July, 1778," in the language of Mr. Lasselle, "when the priest, M. 
Gibaiill, won thein to the American side : " 

" Notre bon ciu-e, ]ilu;5 brave que DevRux, 
A pris Notre village suds tambour drapeau." 



Fate OF La. Balme AND nis Followers. 105 

he appeared at the village (here) before even the'][watcht'ul inhabi- 
tants had apprehended his approach. The sudden appearance of a 
foe, unknown as to character, numbers, and designs, tlirov/ them 
into the greatest alarm, and they fled on all sides. La Balmo took 
possession of the place without resistcnco. It was, probably, his 
intention, in imitation of Clark's capture of Kaskaskia, to take the 
villq^ge and its inliabitants by surprise, and then by acts and pro- 
fessions of kindness and friendship, to win them over to the Amer- 
ican cause ; but the inhabitant>, including some six or eight French 
traders, totally eluded his grasp. His occupation of the village 
was not of long duration. After remaining a short time, and ma- 
king plunder of the goods of some of the French traders and In- 
dians, he retired to near the Aboite Creek* and encamped. The 
Indians having soon ascertained the number and character of La 
Balme's forces, and learning that they were Frenchmen, were not 
disposed at first to avenge the attack. But of the traders living 
there, (here), there were two, named Beaubienf and La Fontaine,J 
who, nettled and injured by the invasion and plunder of the place, 
were not disposed to let the invaders off" without a blow. These 
men having incited the Indians to follow and attack La Balme, 
they soon rallied their warriqrs of the village and vicinity under 
the lead of their war chief, the Little Turtle, and falling upon them 
in the night time, massacred the entire party. Not one is said to 
have survived to relate the sad story of the expedition. 

" Such," says Mr. Lasseile, " is a brief and imperfect account of 
La Balme's expedition, of which so little is known. It may," con- 
tinues he, " not have been impelled by the most patriotic motives, 
nor guided by wise counsels, nor attended with results especially 
beneficial to the country ; yet, as an interesting event, connected 
with the early history of the country, it should be rescued from the 
oblivion which rests upon it."|| 

*About the point, where the WaV)asli and Erie Canal crosses this stream. 

tSays a note to this account: "Beaiibien married the chiefess, widow of Josejih 
Droue't dc Richardvilie, aud mother of the late chief of the nation, John B. Ricliard- 
ville," 

^Father of tlie late Miami chief, La Fontaine. 

II A short aecoi:nt of La Balme's expedition may also be foi^i^d in "Annals of the 
Weet," paces 318, 31'J. 



CHAPTER X. 

" Like the dim traditions, hoary, 

Of our loved and native clime ; 
Like some half-forgotten story. 

Read or heard in olden time."- — Lewis J. Cist. 



Eii^igration westward — Orgsmization of a territorial government — Settlements at Cin 
cinnati (Lojantiville) and North Bend — Emigrant boats — Movements from Port 
Washington to this point — Spanisli and Tiidians — Diasohition — Suggestions of 
General Washington — His letter to Richard Henry Lee — The importance of the 
Miami village — Treaties and cessions — Congress and Indian lands — Indian basis 
of complaint — Council of 1793 — Indian speech — Further troubles — What the In- 
dians thought would be the result — Miamies, under Little Turtle, lead a confed- 
eracy — De])redations — Report of Gen. Knox — The Wabash Indians — Letter cf 
Gov. St. Clair — The President of the U. S. empowered to call forth the militia of 
the States — Washington's instructions to Gov. St. Clair — Gov. St. Clair proceeds 
to the Illinois — Losantiville phanged to Cincinnati — Speeches to the Wabash In- 
dians — Antoine Gamelin delivers the messages — Reaches this point — Gamelin's 
journal — Tlie man-eating society at tliis ])oint — Gen. Cass' address, <fec. — St. 
Clair's return — Movement against the Indians — British commandant at Detroit 
notified — British aid to the Indians — Militia arrive at Cincinnati — Organization 
of the army under Gen Harniar, and movement upon tlie Miami village here — 
The army reach the village and find it deserted — Disorder of the troops — A de- 
tQchmcnt — Return of the Fcouts — An order — Another scout — Fires of the Indians 
discovered — Indians discovered — Detachment moves forward — Indians concealed 
— An attack — Detachment j>ut to flight — Village destroyed — Harmar moves down 
the Maumee — Issues more orders — Starts for Fort Washington — Encam]iment. — 
Col. Hardin desires to return to the village — His desire gronttd — Indians discov- 
ered: — Some disorder — An attack — An account of one of the wounded — Indians 
again victoriou.s — Retreat — Army starts again for Fort Washington, where it ar- 
rives in safetj- — Names of tlie killed — Expedition of Major Hamtramck — Another 
fireary winter. 

9 

UT A FEW YEAES had elapsed, after the struggle for Inde- 
ipendence, when a tide of emigration began to set in to the 
v^l^westward again, and a territorial government, with a small 
"^ settlement, was established at Campus Martins, now Mari- 
^ etta, Ohio, in July, 1788. The officers of the government were 
General Arthur St. Clair, Governor; Winthrop Sargent, Secretary ; 
and three judges for the executive council. Campus Martins was 
of square form, one hundred and eighty feet each way. Small 
steeples extended from the top of each block house, which were 
bullet-proof, and served as sentry-boxes ; while the square was en- 
compassed by a strong palisade, some ten feet in height, and the 



Eakly Settlements in the Nokthwest. 1u7 

buildings, all within the enclosure, were constructed of whip-sawed 
timber, about four inches thick, dove-tailed at the corners, and cov- 
ered with shingle roofs, each room of which had fire-places and 
brick chimneys. The towers and bastions were bright with M'hite- 

For the most part, the settlers of the Northwestern Territory 
were men who had spent a large part of their lives, as well as 
fortunes, in the Eevolutionary War. Such was the character of a 
party of emigrants, under the leadership of General Eufus Putnam, 
who left New England in 1787, and, descending the Ohio, to a 
point below Marietta, began the settlement of Belpre, bringing 
thither with them, and establishing there, many of the pnmi^ 
tive habits and customs of their ancestors. First erecting substan- 
tial buildings for their families, they set about the erection 
and organization of a church and school, toward which all are said 
to have contributed " with a right good will;" and these were the 
first institutions of the kind established in the Nprthwestern Ter- 
ritory. 

Two years later, in 1789, the first settlement was formed at or 
near the present site of Cincinnati, Ohio, by some twenty persons, 
under the lead of Israel Ludlow and Robert Patterson, and then 
called LosantiTille. The original appearance of the present Cin- 
cinnati, as at the time of its first settlement, is described as " a 
beautiful woodland bottom, on the bank of the river, sixty feet 
above low-water mark, and extending back three hundred yards to 
the base of a second bank, which rose forty feet higher, and then 
sloped gently more than a half mile to the foot of the blufi'; the 
bottom being covered with a heavy growth of sycamore, maple, 
and black-walnut ; the second with beech, oak, and hickory tim- 
ber." In January of this year, another party moved down the 
Ohio, and began a settlement at North Bend. The craft or boats 
in which thesp early settlers descended the river, to the present 
generation, would indeed seem novel. They usually consisted of a 
frame-work of logs, covered with green oak planks, and caulked 
with rags. Snugly ensconsed in these, men, women, and children 
floated down the rivers to their destination, unexposed to the at- 
tacks of the Indians, who often fired upon them from the river 
banks. 

For some years, a spirit of rivalry existed between the settle- 
ments of Cincinnati (Losantiville) and North Bend as to the best 
point for the establishment of a military post, and for a time North 
Bend, from its natural security against the attacks of the Indians, 
seemed destined to become the most advantageous and permanent 
point, and many emigrants came flocking thitherward. But at length, 
the commanding officer becoming enamored with a benudful wo 
man at the Bend, the wife of one of the settlers, the husband be- 
came alarmed or jealous, and removed to Losantiville,* so runs 

*A school-tcaclier, by the name uf Filson, Leiug called on to name the settlement 



108 History of Fort Wayne. 

the record ; apd North Bend at once be^an to decline in the appre' 
ciation of the commanding- officer, as the most available military 
point for the protection of tlie northwest territory, and the tioops 
■were soon removed to Losantiville, which post was called Fort 
AVashington. It was from this point that the first movement, un- 
der Gen. Harmar, who was then commandant at Fort Washington, 
was made against the Indians at the present site of Fort Wayne, 
nndcr the administration of Gen. AVashington, in October, 1790. 
It was also from these points, which, at an early peried here, were 
known as " the settlements," that came most of the earlier so- 
jonrners and settlers of Fort Wayne ; then still known as the Miami 
'village or Omi ;* not only Harmar's, but the subsequent expedi- 
tions of Gens. St. Clair and Wayne, started from Fort Washington 
for this point. 

During 1780, 1781, to 1785-6, difficulties had arisen between the 
.colonial government and the Spanish on the Lower Mississippi, as 
to the navigation of that river, and the possession of a large part 
of the western territory, together with much trouble with the In- 
dians of the west, more especially along the Ohio, which continued 
to giv.e the settlements great trouble for some time subsequent, and 
also greatly to disturb the internal relations of the country gener- 
ally. In addition to, and effects arisino- mainly from, these causes, 
Kentucky, at an early day during the foregoing period, began and 
continued for some years to manifest, with other parts of the souths 
west, considerable dissatisfaction. The government had permitted 
the Spaniards of the south to cojitrol the navigation of the Missis- , 
^ippi ; many privations had come upon the people of the wesc in 
consequence, and a spirit of distrust had gradually given rise to a 
spirit of dissolution,! especially in Kentucky, which, at that period, 
&nd for ^ome years later, yet formed a part of Virginia. AVashing- 

hcrebejTuri, envied it " Losnntiville," the interpretation ofivliich ran as follows* 
Ville, the town ; niiti. opposite to ; os, the mouth ; L, of Licking river ; which, at the 
time, was considered, we believe, a pretty line effort on the part of Mr. Filson. 

*" A corrupt orthography and abridgement of tlie French term An, or Aiix Miamis ; 
as Au Cas is a corruption of Au Kaskasicias, to Kaskaskia. "---History of Kentucky. 

tA person, tliought to have been a man by the name of Green, of Louisville, Ken- 
tucky, writing to some person in New England, under date of December 4, ITh'ti, 
eaid : " Our situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every exertion to re- 
trieve our circumstances must be manly, eligible and just. We can raise twenty thou- 
sand troo])s this siile of tlie Allegheny and Apalachian Mountains, and the annual in- 
crease of tliem by emigration from other parts, is from two to four thousand. 

" We have taken all the goods belonging to tlie Spanish merchants of Post Vin- 
cennes and the Illinois, and are determined thf^y shall not trade up the river, pi'orided 
tliey will not let us trade down it. Preparations are now being made here (if necessary) 
to drive the Spaniards from their settlements, at the mouth of the Mississippi. In case 
we are not countenanced and succored by the United States, (if we need it) our alle- 
giance will l>e thrown off, and some other power applied to. , 

" Great Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and suppoi't us. They have 
already offered to open their resources for our supplies. When once re-iinited to them, 
' farewell, a long fjirewellto all your boasted greatness.' The province of Canada and 
the inhabitant* of tliese waters, of tlieniselves, in time, will be able to conquer you. 
You are as ignorant of this country as Great Britain Ji^'afi of America. These are hints, 
which, if rightly improved, may be of service ; if not, blame yourselves for tli,e neglect.'^ 



Suggestions OF Gen. Washington. 109 

ton had felt the pressiircj and soon presented itiiportant sugges- 
tions, as he had done before the revolution, relative to'^lhe 
organization of commercial and navio-ation companies, as the 
best iiieans of prdtecting and cementing the interests of the East 
and West. 

In a letter to Governor Harrison in this year, (1784) he strenii- 
ously urged the importance of binding together all parts of the Union, 
and especially the West and East, with the indissoluble bonds of 
interest, with a view to prevent the formation of commercial, and, 
in consequence, political connections with either the Spaniards on 
iJte Souths or the English on the North; and recommended the 
speedy survey of the Potomac dnd James rivers; of the portage to 
the waters of the Ohio ; of the Muskingum ; and the portage from 
that river to the Cuyahoga; fdr the purpose of opening a water 
comiiiunication for the commerce of the Ohio and the lakes, to the 
Seaboard, and denominated it as an object of great political and 
commercial importance; 

To Richard Henry Lee, in the same year, Washington wrott': 
" Would it not be Avorthj^ of the Ivisdom and attention of Congress 
to have thfei -itestfern waters well Explored, the navigation of them 
fully ascertained stnd accurately laid down, and a complete and 
perfect niap made of tli6 country, at least as far westerly as the 
Miamis, running into the Ohio, and Lake Erie, and to see "how the 
watfers of these cdmmunicate with the river St. Joseph, which emp- 
ties into Lake Michigan; /ind with the Wabash? for I cannot for- 
hedr ol) serving that the Midmi milage* points to a very important 
post for the Unions 

The Indian, though usually called a savage, and doubtless, as a 
general rule in earlier days; properly so, yet possessed, with all, a 
singular intelligence. From the fifst dealings of the colonists of 
Virginia \Vith the famous Powhattans ; the Pilccrims, at Plymouth ; 
with Massasoit and his son Metacomet, (King Phillip) of the Wam- 
panoags, about Mount Hope, to the later settlements of tlie West 
^nd the various tribes of the southwest, they ever exhibited a 
peculiar knowledge of etiquette, and seldom forgot this sense of 
regard even for their einemies or the most presumptive intruders^ 
where the chiefs and sachems could exercise a voice. 

It was not a custom with the French, at any time at any of the 
points of their settlements in the West, to make large purchases of 
lands from the Indians ; small tracts about their settlements iuvari^ 
ably served to supply their wants; and at the treaty of Paris, in 
17(33, these small grants, about the forts of Detroit, Vincennes, 
Kaskaskia, Cahokia, &c., -were all that they ceded to the English. 

*At, tliis point. I liave italicised tliis part of Wasliing' ton's letter to call attention to 
the^iniportanee then attached to the present site of x^rt Wayne. Hnd dissolution lieeii_ 
attempted at any time during the above period, and the British called to the aid (>f 
the West, this would have been an admirable base for the operations of the colonial 
army, once having fortified tliemselves and prepared for a si.-ge— a faet whieii Wash- 
iiigton seems most fall}' to have been awai'e of. 



110 History OF Foet Wayne. 

Following close upon this treaty came the v:a,T and the defeat of 
Pontiac ; and in 1768, a grant by the Iroquois or Six Nations, at 
Fort Stanwix, or the land south of the Ohio, which grant was not 
respected by those hunting on thb grounds thus conveyed. Dun- 
more's War, of 1774, was concluded Avithout any transfer of lands 
to the whites ; and, at the close of the revolution, in 1783, when 
Great Britain transferred her western claims to the United States, 
she conveyed nothing but what she had previously received from 
France, excepting the guarantee of the Six Nations and the south- 
ern tribes to a part of the land south of the Ohio ; while none of the 
territory claimed by the Miamies, western Delawares, Shawanoes, 
Wyandotts or Hurons, and some other tribes still to the west and 
north, was ceded to the United States by this treaty. 

But a different view was taken of the matter by Congress at this 
period ] aiid concluding that the treaty guara,nteed to the United 
States the full right to all territory then transferred, and, at the same 
time, considering- the right of the Indians to the territory as forfeit- 
ed by acts of warfare against the colonial government during the 
struggle for Independence, made no movement towards a purchase 
of the lands from the Indians, but began to form treaties of peace 
with them, and to suggest its own boundary lines. 

It was in this way, in October, 1784, at the second treaty of 
Stanwix, that the United States obtained the right possessed by the 
Iroquois to the western territory, north and south of the Ohio ; and 
though publicly and honorably concluded, its legality was yet 
questioned by many of the Iroquois, the basis of their opposition 
resting upon the fact that that treaty was with only a part of the 
Indian tribes ; and that it v\'as the desire of the tribes that the Uni- 
ted States Government should treat with them as a body, including 
all the Indians bordering upon the lakes of the north. 

The provisions of October, 1783, had arranged for one great 
council of all the tribes ; but in the month of March following, 1784, 
this provision was changed to that of holding councils with each 
separate tribe or nation ; and the commissioners appointed by the 
Government to superintend these affairs, refusing to pay further 
attention to the subject of a general council wdththe northern tribes, 
in October, 1784, as against the wishes of Red Jacket, Brant, and 
other chiefs, of the Iroquois, terminated the treaty of Fort Stanwix* ' 

After which, in January, of the following year, (1785), a treaty 
was concluded with the Wyandotts, Delawares, Chipewas, and Ot- 
tawas ; but the legality of tlie former treaty seems not then to have 
been questioned, by the Wyandotts and Delawares, at least ; and 
yet it was asserted at a general council of some sixteen tribes of 
northwestern Indians, in 1793, that the treaties of Forts Stanwix, 
Mcintosh, and Finney, (the latter at the mouth of the Great Mi- 
ami,) were the result of intimidation, and held only with single 
tribes, at wliich, they asserted that tfie Indians had been invited to 



Indian Treaties — Causes of Complaint. Hi 

form treaties of peace, but, instead, forced to make cessions of 
land. 

In January, 1786, a third treaty was held by the United States, 
at Fort Finney, with the Shawanoes ; and the Wabash tribes beino; 
invited to be present, would not go. In 1780, confirmatory of pre"- 
ceding treaties, the fourth and fifth treaties were held at Fort Har- 
mar, one with the Six Nations ; the other with the Wyandotts, Dela- 
wares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, and Sacs ; and it 
seems, from speeches made at a subsequent council of the confed- 
erated tribes, more particularly of the lake, (1793) that they would 
Hot accept those treaties as at all binding upon them. Said one of 
the chiefs at this latter council : 

" Brothers : We are in possession of the speeches and letters 
which passed on that occasion, (council contened by Goternor 
Arthur St» Clair, in 1788,) between those deputied by the confed- 
erate Indians, and Gov, St. Clair, the commissioner of the United 
States. These papers prove that your said commissioner, in the 
beginning of the year 1789, aftfer having been informed by the 
general council of the preceding fall that no bargain or sale of any 
part of these lands would be considered as valid or binding, unless 
agreed to by a general council, nevertheless persisted in collecting 
together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and with them 
held a treaty 4br the cession of an immense country, in which they 
were no more interested, than as a branch of the general confeder- 
acy, and who -U^ere in no manner authorized to make any grant or 
cession whatever. 

" Brothers : How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy 
peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when ydur commissioner 
was informed, long before he held the treaty of Fort Harmar, that 
the consent of a general council was absolutely necessary for the 
sale of any part of these lands to the United States."* 

From these facts, in part, at least, it will be seen why the- expe- 
ditions of 1790-'9l, and 1793-'4, with the efforts of 181 l-'l 2 and 
^13, met with such stubborn and relentless resistence from the Mi- 
amies and other tribes, as detailed in subsecjuent pages. The im- 
pression that they would, vathout remuneration or mercy be des- 
poiled of their lands and at length driven away, seems to have 
gained possession of the tribes generally of the northwest before 
and during the early campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne ; 
and the Miamies,— though, as it would seem from Gamelin^s jour- 
nal, a strong spirit of unity did not prevail among the different 
tribes, before and during 1780,— led the way under the lead of Lit- 
tle Turtle, with formidable effect. 

W^ith a feeling of bitterness and revenge towards the United 
States, small bands of Indians had begun, in the s])ring of 1789 to 
attack the settlements along the western borders of Virginia and 
Kentucky. 

*" Western Annals," pages 522, 523, 524. 



112 History of Fokt Wayne. 

The Secretary of War of the period, General Knox, in a report 
to the President, loth of June, 1Y8'J, presented this subject as 
follows : 

" By information from Brigd'r- General Harmar, the commanding 
officer of the troops on the frontier, it appears that several murders 
have been lately committed on the inhabitants, by small parties of 
Indians, probably from the Wabash country. Some Of the said 
murders having been perpetrated on the south side of the Ohio, 
the inhabitants on the waters of that river are exceedingly alarm- 
ed, for the extent of six or seven hundred miles along the same. 
It is to be observed that the United States have not formed any 
treaties with the Wabash Indians ; on the contrary, since the con- 
clusion of the war with Great Britain, hostilities have almost con- 
Btantly existed betAveen the people of Kentucky and the said In- 
dians. The injuries and murders have been so reciprocal that it 
would be a point of critical investigation to know on which side 
tliey have been the greatest. Some of the inhabitants of Kentucky 
(luring the past year, roused by recent injuries, made an incursion 
into the AVabash country, and possessing an equal aversion to all 
bearing the the name of Indians, tliey destroyed a number of peace- 
able Piankeshaws* who prided themselves in their attachment to 
th'e United States. Tilings being thus circumstanced, it is greatly 
to be apprehended that hostilities niay be so far extended as to in- 
volve the Indian tribes with whom t!ie United States have recently 
made treaties. It is well knoAvn how strong the passion for war exists 
in the mind of a young savage^ and how easily it may be inflamed, 
so as to disregard every precept of the older and wiser part of the 
tribes who may have a more just opinion of the force of a treaty. 
Hence, it results that unless some decisive measures are immedi- 
ately adopted to terminate those mutual hostilities, they will proba- 
bly become general among all the Indians northwest of the Ohio. 

" In exaniining the question how the disturbances on the fron- 
tiers are to be quieted, two modes present themselves by which the 
object might perhaps be efiected — the first of which is by raising 
an army and extirpating the refractory tribes entirely ; or, secondly, 
by forming treaties of peace with them in which their rights and 
limits should be explicitly defined, and the treaties observed on 
the part of the United States with the most rigid justice, by pun- 
ishing the whites who should violate the same. 

" In considering the first mode, an inquiry would arise, whether^ 
under t/te existing cii'cuinstances o J. affairs^ the United States Jiare 
a clear right ^ consistently with the princij^tles of justice and the 
laws of nature,, to proceed to the destruction or expulsion of the 
savages on the Wahash, supposing the force for thoA ohject easily 
attainable. It is presumable that a nation solicitous of establish- 
ing its character on the broad basis of justice, would not only hesi. 

*^Tlie same, doiiblless, uji<ler the lead of the " C'l'nnd Door," who f^ave so liearty a 
Avelcome to Capt. Hehn, at Vinctniics, after t'.ie capture of thatpost hy Ool. Clark. 



Report of Secretary Knox. 113 

tate at but reject every proposition to benefit itself by the injury 
of any neighboring; community, however contemptible and weak 
it may be, either with respect to its manners or power. When it 
shall be considered that the Indians derive their subsistence chiefly 
by hunting, and that, according to fixed principles, their popula- 
tion is in proportion to the facility Avith which they procure their 
food, it would most probably be found that the expulsion or 
destruction of the Indian tribes have nearly the same effect; for if 
they are removed, from their usual hunting-grounds, they must 
necessarily encroach on the hunting-grounds of another tribe, who 
will not suffer the encroachment with impunity — hence they de- 
stroy each other. The Indians^ being the prior occupants, possess 
the right of the soih It can not be taken from them unless by their 
free consent, or by the right of conquest in case of a just war. To 
dispossess them on any other principle, would be a gross violation 
of the fundamental laws of nature, and of that distributive justice 
which is the glory of a nation. But if it should be decided, on an 
abstract view of the question, to be just to remove by force tlie 
Wabash Indians from the territory they occupy, the finances of the . 
United States would not at present admit of the operation. 

"By the best and latest information, it appears that on the Wa- 
bash and its communications, there are from fifteen hundred to two 
thousand warriors. An expedition against them, with a view of 
extirpating them, or destroying their towns, could not be under- 
taken, wdth a probability of success, with less than an army of two 
thousand five hundred men. The regular troops of the United States 
on the frontiers are less than six hundred :* of that number not 
more than four hundred could be collected from the posts for the 
purpose of the expedition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip one 
thousand nine hundred additional men, with the necessary ofiicers, 
for six months, and to provide every thing in the hospital and quar- 
termasters line, would require the sum of two hundred thousand 
dollars, a sum far exceeding the ability of the United States to ad- 
vance, consistently with a due regard to other indispensable objects." 

On the 26th of August, 1789, about two hundred mounted vol- 
unteers, under the command of Colonel John Hardin, marched 
from the Falls of the Ohio to attack some of the Indian towns on 
the Wabash. This expedition returned to the Falls on the 28th of 
September, without the loss of a man— having killed six Indians, 
plundered and burnt one deserted village, and destroyed a consid- 
erable quantity of corn.f 

In a letter, addressed to President Washington, bearing date 
" September, 14, 1 789," Governor St. Clair said : 

"The constant hostilities between the Indians who live upon 
the river Wabash and the people of Kentucky, must necessarily be 
attended with such embarrassing circumstances to the government 

«Detachment3 of regular troops were stationed at Fort Pitt, Fort HariDar, Fori Wasli- 
inajton, Fort Steuben, (at the Falls of the Qh'w,) and »t Post Viueennes.— His, Ind, 
>Dillon. (8) 



114: HiSTOET OF FOET WaTNE. 

of the northwestern territory, that I am induced to request you will 
be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and give me the 
orders you may think proper. It is not to be expected, sir, that 
the Kentuclvy people will or can submit patiently to the cruelties 
and depredations of those savag-es. They are in the habit of retali- 
ation, perhaps without attending precisely to the nations from 
which the injuries are received. They will continue to retaliate, or 
they will apply to the governor of the northwestern territory 
(through which the Indians must pass to attack them) for redress. 
If he can not redress them, (and in the present circumstances he 
cannot,) they also will march through that country to redress them- 
selves, and the government will be laid prostrate. The United 
State, on the other hand, are at peace with several of the nations, 
and should the resentment of these people [the Kentuckians] fall 
upon any of them, which it is likely enough to happen, very bad 
consequences may follow. For it must appear to them [the Indians] 
ihat the United JStates either pay no regard to their treaties, or that 
they are unable or unwilling to carry their engagement into effect. 
* * * They will unite with the hostile nations, prudently pre- 
ferring open war to a delusive and uncertain peace." 

Being empowered, by an act of Congress of the 29th of Septem- 
ber, 1789, to call out the militia of the several States for the pro- 
tection of the frontier settlements. President "Washington, on the 
6th of Oct., 1789, addressed Governor St. Clair officially as follows: 

" It is highly necessary that I should, as soon as possible, possess 
full information whether the Wabash and lUinois Indians are most 
inclined for war or peace. If for the former, it is proper that I 
should be informed of the means Vv-hich will most probably induce 
them to peace. If a peace can be established with the said Indians 
on reasonable terms, the interests of the United States dictate that 
it should be effected as soon as possible. You will, therefore, in- 
form the said Indians of the disposition of the general government 
on this subject, and of their reasonable desire that there should bo 
a cessation of hostilities as a prelude to a treaty. 

"If, however, notwithstanding your intimations to them, tJiey 
should continue their hostilities, or meditate any incursion against 
the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, or against any of the 
troops or posts of the United States, and it should appear to you 
that the time of execution would be so near as to forbid your trans- 
mitting the infonnation to me, and receiving my orders thereon, 
then you are hereby authorized and empowered, in my name, to 
call on the lieutenants of the nearest counties of Virginia and Penn- 
sylvania for such detachments of militia as you may jndge proper, 
not exceeding, however, one thousand from Virginia and live hun- 
dred from Fewnsylvania. * * * The said militia to act in con- 
jpnction with the Federal troops in such operations, offensive or 
A;ief<t-4iBiye, as you and the commanding officer of the troops, eon- 
-jointly, shall judge necessary for the public service, and the pro- 



Washington's Instruction's to Gov. St. Clair. 115 

tectlon of tlie inhabitants and the posts. The said militia, while in 
actnal service, to bo on the continental establishment of' pay and 
rations ; they are to arm and equip themselves, but to be furnished 
with public arnmunition if necessary; and no charg-e for the pay of 
said militia Avili be valid unless supported by regular musters made 
by a field or other officer of the Federal troops." 

" I would have it observed, forcibly, that a war with the Wabash 
Indians ought to be avoided by all means consistently with the se- 
curity of the troops and the national dignity. In tlie exercise of the 
present indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if not im- 
possible, to say that a war witliout farther measures Avould be just 
on the part of the United States. But if, after manifesting clearlv 
to the Indians the disposition of the general government for the 
preservation of peace and the extension of a just protection to tlie 
said Indians, they should continue their incursions, the United States 
will bo constrained to punish them ^vith severity. 

" You will also proceed, as soon as you can, with safety, to exe- 
cute the orders of the late Congress, respecting the inhabitants at 
Post Vincennes, and at the Kaskaskias, and the other villages on 
the Mississippi. It is a circumstance of some importance, that the 
said inhabitants should, as soon as possible, possess the lands to 
which they are entitled, by some known and fixed principles." 

The last paragraph of the foregoing instructions was based upon 
the resolutions of Congress, of the 20th June and 29th August, 
1788.* By these resolutions, provisions were made for conlirming 
in their possessions and titles the French and Canadian inhabitants, 
and other settlers, about Kaskaskia and post Vincennes, who, on or 
before the year 1783, had professed themselves citizens of the 
United States, or any of them. By the same resolutions, a tract of 
four hundred acres of land was donated to each head of a family of 
this description of settlers. f 

About the 1st of January, 1790, Governor St. Clair, with the 
judges of the supreme court of the territory, descended the river 
Ohio, from Marietta to Fort Vf ashington, at Losantiville. At this 
place the governor laid out the county of Hamilton, appointed 
magistrates and other civil officers for the administration of justice 
in that county, and induced the proprietors of the little village to 
change its name from Losantiville to Cincinnati, On the 8th of 
January, 1790, St. Clair and Winthrop Sargent, secretary of the 
territory, arrived at Ciarksville, whence they proceeded to the Illi- 
nois country, to organise the government in that cpiarter, and to 
carry into eHect the resolutions of Congress relative to the lands 
and settlers about Kaskaskia and Post Vincennes. Before the 
governor left Ciarksville, however, he sent to Major Hamtramck, 
the commanding officer at Post Vincennes, dispatches containing 
speeches which were addressed tu the Indian tribes on the Wa- 
bash. :J 

*01d Journals, vol. ir;S23, 853. fDillon. ^IM4v 



110 lilSTOEY OF FOET WatNE. 

Having received the instructions of Gov. St. Clair, after the 
necessary preparations, Major Hamtramck, then commanding at 
Post Vinccnnes, on the 15th of April, despatched Antoine Game- 
lin from that point with the speeches of St. Clair to the tribes of 
the Wabash. Reaching the Indian settlements, Mr. Gamelin de- 
livered the speeches at all the villages bordering this stream, and 
came as far eastward as the Miami village, opposite the present 
site of Fort Wayne. The following is the journal of Gamelin, much 
of which relates to his conference at the Miami village here; and 
will give the imaginative reader c^uite a fair view of the spirit of 
the Miamies at this point at that period. Says the journal of Gam- 
elin : 

" The first village I arrived to, is called Kikapouguoi. The name 
of the chief of this village is called Les Jambes Croches. Him 
and his tribe have a good heart, and accepted the speech. The 
second village is at the river du Vermillion, called Piankeshaws. 
The first chief and all his warriors, were well pleased with the 
speeches concerning the peace : but they said they could not give 
presently a proper answer, before they consult the Miami nation, 
their eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed to the Miami 
town, (Ke-ki-ong-gay,) and, by coming back, to let them know 
what reception I got from them. The said head chief told me that 
he thought the nations of the lake had a bad heart, and were ill 
disposed for the Americans: that the speeches would not be re- 
ceived, particularly by the Shawnees at Miamitown. * * The 
llth of April, I reached a tribe of Kickapoos. The head chief and 
all the warriors being assembled, I gave them two branches of 
white wampum, with the speeches of his excellency Arthur St. 
Clair, and those of Major Hamtramck. It must be observed that 
the speeches have been in another hand before me. The messen- 
ger could not proceed further than the Vermillion, on account of 
some private wrangling between the interpreter and some chief 
men of the tribe. Moreover, something in the speech displeased 
them very much, which is included in the third article, which says, 
\ldo now make you the offer of j^&CLoe : accept it^ or reject it., as 
you please? These words appeared to displease all the tribes to 
whom the first messenger was sent. Thoy told me they were men- 
acing ; and finding that it might have a bad effect, I took upon my- 
self to exclude them ; and, alter making some apology, they an- 
swered that he and his tribe were pleased with m}^ speech, and that 
I could go up without danger, but they could not presently give 
me an answer, having some warriors absent, and without consult- 
ing the Guiatenons, being the owners of their lands. They desired 
me to stop at Quitepiconnse, [Tippecanoe,] that they would have 
the chiefs and warriors of Guiatenons and those of their nation 
assembled there, and would receive a proper answer. They said 
that they expected by me a draught of milk from the great chief, 
and the commanding ofiicer of the post, for to put the old people 



Gajvielin's Jouknal. 117 

in g'ood hnmor ; also some powder and ball for the young men for 
lumting, and to get some good broth for their women and children : 
that I should know a bearer of speeches should never be with 
empty hands. They promised me to keep their young men from 
stealing, and to send speeches to their nations in Ihe prairies for to 
do the same. 

" The 14th April the Ouiatenons and the Kickapoos were assem- 
bled. After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up and told me 
' You, Gamelin, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see 
in our village, and to hear by your mouth, the good words of the 
great chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French 
people ; but I see the contrary. None but the Big Knife is sending 
speeches to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without 
the consent of our brethren the Miamis. I invite you to proceed 
to their village, and to speak to them. There is one thing in your 
speech I do not like : I will not tell of it: even was I drunk, I would 
perceive it: but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in 
3^our speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impos- 
sible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British.' An- 
other chief got up and said — 'The Americans are very flattering in 
their speeches ; many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I 
v/as once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route ; and we 
alwa^^s came back all naked : and you, Gamelin, you come with 
speech, with empty hands.' Another chief got up and said to his 
young men, ' If we are poor, and dressed in deer skins, it is our 
own fault. Our French traders are leaving us and our villages, 
because you plunder them every day; and it is time for us to have 
another conduct.' Another chief got up and said — ' Know ye that 
the village of Ouiatenon is the sepulcher of all our ancestors. The 
chief of America invites us to go to him if we are for peace. He 
has not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois. 
He might come here himself; and we should be glad to see_ him 
at our village. We confess that we accepted the ax, but it is by 
the reproach we continually receive from the English and other na- 
tions, which received the ax first, calling us women : at the present 
time they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they 
are wishing for peace.' they could not give me an answer before 
they receive advice from the Miamis, their elder brethren. 

''The I8th April I arrived at the river a I'Anguille, [Eel river.] 
The chief of the village,* and those of war were not present. I ex- 
plained the speeches to some of the tribe. They said they were 
well pleased ; but they could not give me an answer, their cliicf 
men being absent. They desired me to stop at their village com- 
ing back ; and they sent with me one of their men for to hear the 
answer of their eldest brethren. 

"The 23d April I arrived at the Miami town.f The next day I 

*The site of this village is on tlie north si.le of Ed river, six milts above the i^oiut 
of the juiioliou of this stiieam v.-ith the Wabash. tAt this point. 



lis ILSTOKY OF YoliT WaY2,'E. 

got tlic Miami natioii, the Shawanees, and Delawaresall assembled. 
1 gave to each nation two branches of M^ampum, and began the 
speeches, before the French and English traders, being invited by 
the chiefs to be present, having told them m^^self I wo aid be glad 
to have them present, having nothing to say against any body. Af- 
ter the speech, I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskingum, 
[Fort Harmar,] between his excellency, Governor St. Clair, and 
sundry nations, whicli displeased them. I told them that the pur- 
pose of this present time was not to submit them to any condition, 
but to offer them the peace, which made disappear their displeas- 
ure. The great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech; 
that he would soon give me an answer. In a private discourse with 
the great chief, he told me not to mind what the Shawanees would 
tell me, liaving a bad heart, and being the pcrtubators of all the na- 
tions. He said the Miamis had a bad name, on account of the mis- 
chief done on the river Ohio ; but he told me, it was not occasioned 
by his young men, but by the Shawanees; his 3^oung men going- 
out only for to hunt. 

" The 25th of xipril. Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Shawanees, 
invited me to go to his house, and told me — ' My friend, by the 
name and consent of the Shawanees and Delawares, I will speak to 
you. We are all sensible of your speech, and pleased with it: 
but, after consultation, we can not give an answer without hearing 
from our father at Detroit; and w;e arc determined to give you back 
the two branches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit to see and 
hear- the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his an- 
swer. From all quarters we receive speeches from the Americans, 
and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to deceive us. 
Then take back your branches of wampum.' 

" The -Oth, live Pottawattamies arrived here Avith two negro 
men, which they sold to English traders. The next day I went to 
the great chief of the Miamis, called Le Gris. His chief warrior 
was present. I told him how I had been served by the Shawan- 
ees. He answ^ered me that he had heard of it: that the said nations 
behaved contrary to his intentions. He desired me not to mind 
those strangers, and that he would soon give me a pofidve answer. 
"The 28th of April, the great chief desired me to call at the 
French trader's and receive his ansv/er. 'Don't take bad,' said he, 
' of what I am to tell you. You may go back when you please. "We 
can not give you a positive answer. We must send your speeches 
to all our neighbors, and to the lake nations. AVe can not give a defi- 
nitive answer without consulting the commandant at Detroit.' And 
he desired me to render him the two branches of wampum refused 
by the Shawanees ; also a copy of specclies in writing. He prom- 
ised me that, in thirty nights, he would send an answer to Post Vin- 
cennes by a young man of each nation. He was well pleased with 
the speeches, and said to be worthy of attention, and should be 
communicated to all their confederates, havhig resolved mnovg 



Gamelin's Journal. 119 

them not do anything rmthout a unanimous consent. I agreed to 
his requisitions, and rendered him the two branches of -w^ampum 
and a copy of the speech. Afterward he told me that the Five Na- 
tions, so called, or Iroquois, were training something ; that five of 
them, and three Wyandotts, were in this village with branches of 
wampum. He could not tell me presently their purpose, but he said 
I would know of it very soon. 

" The same day Blue Jacket, chief of the ShaAvanees, invited me 
to his house for supper ; and, before the other chiefs, told me that, 
after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go' 
myself to Detroit for to see the commandant, who would get all his 
childrcu assembled to hear my speech. I told them I would not 
answer them in the night ; that I was not ashamed to speak before 
the sun. 

" The 29th of April I got them all assembled. I told them that I 
was not to go to Detroit; that the speeches were directed to the na- 
tions of the river Wabash and the Miami ; and that, for to prove the 
sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Governor St. Clair, I have 
willingly given a copy of the speeches to be shown to the com- 
mandant of Detroit; and, according to a letter wrote by the com- 
mandant of Detroit to the Miamis, Shawanees, and Delawares, men- 
tioning to you to be peaceable with the Americans, I would go to 
him very willingly, if it was in my directions, being sensible of his 
sentiments. I told them I had nothing to say to the commandant; 
neither him to me. You must immediately resolve, if you intend 
to take me to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible. 
Blue Jacket got up and told mo, ' My friend, we are well pleased 
Avith what you say. Our intention is not to force you to go to De- 
troit. It is only a proposal, thinking it for the best. Our answer 
is the same as the Miamis. We will send, in thirty nights, a full 
and positive answer by a young man of each nation by writing to 
Post Vincennes.' In the evening, Blue Jacket, chief of the Shaw- 
anees, having taken me to supper v/ith him, told me, in a private 
manner, that the Shawanee nation was in doubt of the sincerity of 
the Big Knives, so called, having been already deceived by them. 
That they had first destroyed their lands, put out their fire, and 
sent away their young men, being a hunting, without a mouthful 
of meat ; also had taken away their women — wherefore, many of 
them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these affronts. More- 
ever, that some other nations were appreluaiding that ofi'ers of 
peace would, may be, tend to take away, by degrees, their lands, 
andAvould serve them as they did before : ascertain proof that they 
intend to encroach on our lands, is their new settlement on tlie Ohio, 
If they don-t keep this side [of the Ohio] clear, it will never be a 
proper reconcilement with the nations Shavs^anees, Iroquois, _ Wy- 
andotts, and perhaps many others. Le Gris, chief of the Miamis, 
asked me, in a private discourse, what chiefs had made a treaty 
with the Americans at Muskingdum [Fort Harmar]? I answered 



120 History op Fort Wayne. 

him that their names were mentioned in the treat}'. He told me 
he had heard of it some time ago ; but they are not chiefs, neither 
delegates, who made that treaty — they are only young men who, 
without authority and instructions from their chiefs, have con- 
cluded that treaty, Avhich will not be approved. They went to the 
treaty clandestinely, and they intend to make mention of it in the 
next council to be held. 

"The 2d of May I came back to the river a I'Anguille. One of 
the chief men of the tribe being witness of the council at Miami 
town, repeated the whole to them ; and whereas, the first chief was 
absent, they said they could not for the present time give answer, 
but they were willing to join their speech to those of their eldest 
brethren. ' To give you proof of an open heart, we let you know 
ihat one of our chiefs is gone to war on the Americans ; but it was 
before we heard of you, for certain they would not have been .gone 
thither.' They also told me that a few days after I passed their vil- 
lage seventy warriors, Chippewas and Ottawas, from Michilimaci- 
nac, arrived there. Some of them were Pottavrattamies, who, meet- 
ing in their route the Chippewas and Ottawas, joined them. 'Wo 
told them what we heard by you ; that your speech is fair and true. 
We could not stop them from going to war. The I'ottawattamies 
told us that, as the Chippewas and Ottawas were more numerous 
than them, they were forced to follow them.' 

" The 3d of May I got to the Weas. They told me that they 
were waiting for an answer from their eldest brethren. 'We ap- 
prove very much our brethren for not to give a definitive answer, 
without intorming of it all the lake Nations; that Detroit was the 
place where the fire was lighted ; then it ought first to be j)ut out 
there ; that the English commandant is their father, since he threw 
down our French fathci:. They could do nothing without his ap- 
probation.' 

"The 4th of May I arrived at the village of the Kickapoos. The 
chief, presenting me two branches of wampum, black and white, 
said: 'My son, we can not stop our young men from going to war. 
Every day some set off clandestinely for that purpose. After such 
behavior from our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great 
chief at the Illinois and ot the Post Vincennnes, that we are busy 
about some good afiairs for the reconcilement; but be persuaded 
that vre will speak to them continually concerning the peace ; and 
that, when our eldest brethren will liave sent their answer, we will 
join ours to it.' 

"The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion. I found nobody but 
two chiefs; all the rest were gone a hunting. They told me they 
had nothing else to say but Avhat I was told going up." 

Gov. St. Clair being at Kaskaskia, in the fore part of the month 
of Juno of this year, (1790) received from Major Hamtramck the 
following-, bearing date, " Post Vincennes, May 22d, 1790:" "I 
now inclose the proceedings of Mr. Uamelin, by wdiich your excel- 



The MaN'Eating Society — Foksytii's xVccount. 121 

lency can have no great hopes of bringing the Indians to a peace 
with the United States. The 8th of May, Gamelin arrived, and on 
the 11th some merchants arrived and informed me that, as soon as 
Gamelin had passed their villages on his return, all the Indians 
had gone to war ; that a large party of Indians from Michilcmac- 
inac, and some Pottawatta.mies, had gone to Kentucky ; and that 
three days after Gamelin had left the Miami (village — here) an 
American was brought there and burnt."* 

* According to the statement of chief Riehardville, Mr. Peltier, ami others, says Mr. 
J.L.Williams, in lils researches, page 11, " Historical Sketch of the First Presbyterian 
Church of Fort "Wayne," "the extreme point of land just below tiie moutli of the St. 
Joseph, now so attractive in rural jieaceful beauty, is said to have been the accustomed 
]>lace for burning prisoners." Some years ago, chief Ricliardville also pointed out a 
epot.toan old citizen of Fort "Wayne, lying near Mr. J. S.Mason's line, a few rods from a 
grave- 3'ard on the west side of the Bluffton Plank Road, where he said a KentiKdciau 
)i:id been burned by the Indians sometime during 1812. This, as the reader is already 
aware, being long a familiar and beloved spot, not only with the Miamies, hut many 
other friendly tribes, to hold and maintain it, they seem to have early devised many 
plans and means of security, both against their enemies of otlier savage Iribos anil 
the whites, at different periods. At a very early time, the Miamies were caHed and 
familiarly known among the tribes of the country as " Linxeways, " or" Mixx?:ways," 
which, as with the name Menomkxies, signified Mex. As a means of terror to tiioir 
enemies, the Minneways or Miamies had early formed here what was commonly 
known as a " man-eating society, " which, to make it the more fearful to their oppo- 
nents, was firmly established on a hereditary ba-^is, confined to one family alone, wliose 
descendants continued to exercise, by right of descent, the savage rites and duties of 
the man-eating family. One Major Thomas Forsyth, who lived for a period of more 
than twenty years among the Sauks and Fox Indians, in a written narration of these 
two tribes, "first pxiblishe'd in Drake's " Life of Black Hawk," as early as 1838, said : 
" More than a century ago, all the country, commencing above Rock river, and run- 
ning down the Mississippi to the moutli of the Ohio, up that river to the mouth of the 
"Vt'abash, thence up that river to Fort Wayne, thence down the Miami of the Lake 
Bome distance, thence north to the St. Joseph's and Chicago; also the country lying 
south of the Des Moines, doAvn perhaps, to the Mississippi, wa* inhabited by a numer- 
ous nation of Indians, who called themselves Linneway, and were called by otliers, 
Minnewi\y, signifying " men." This great nation was divided into several bands, and 
inhabited different parts of this extensive I'egion, as follows : The Michiganiies, tlic 
country south of the Des Moines ; the Cahokias that east of hhe present village of Ca- 
hokia in Illinois ; the Kaskaskias that east of the town of that name ; tlie Tamarois 
liad their village nearly central lietween Cahokia and Kaskaskia ; the Piankesliaws near 
Vincennes ; the AVeasup the Wabash ; the Miamies on the head waters of the Miami 
of the Lakes, on St. Joseph's river and at Chicago. The Piankeshaws, Weas and Mi- 
amies, must at this time have hunt«d south towards and on the Ohio. Tlie Peorias, 
another band of the same nation, lived and hunted on the Illinois river : The Mascos 
or Mascontins, called by the French gexs des praries, lived and hunted on the great 
prairies, between the "Wabash and Illinois rivers. All these different bands of the 
MinneAvay nation, spoke the language of the present Miamies, and the whole consid- 
ered theniselves as one and the same people ; yet from their local situation, and having 
no stiindard to go by, their language became broken up into different dialect.s. These 
I ndians, the Minneways, were attacked by a general confederacy of other nations, sncli 
as the Sauks and Foxes, resident at Green Bay and on the Ouisconsin ; the Sioux, 
whose frontiers extended south to the river des Moines : the Chippeways, Ottoways, 
and Potawatimies from the lakes, and also the Cherokeesand Clioctaws from the south. 
The war continued for a great many years and until that great nation the Minneways 
were destroyed, except a few Miamies and Weas on the Wabash, and a few who are 
scattered among strangers. Of the Kaskaskias, owing to their wars and their fondness 
for spirituous liquors, there now (1826) remain but thirty or forty souls :— of the Peo- 
rias near St. Genevieve ten or fifteen ; of the Piankeshaws forty or fifty. Tlie Miam- 
ies are the most numerous ; a few years ago they consisted of about four hundred souls. 
There do not exist at the present day (1826) more than five hundred souls of the once 
great and powerful Minneway or Illini nation. These Indians, the Minneways, are 
said to have been very cruel to their prisoners, not uufrequently burning them. I have 



122 History of Foirr Wayke. 

Bein£>- readily induced to believe, IVoai the dispatclies received 
from 1:1 am tram ck, that there was no possibility of forming a treaty 
of peace with the Miamie Indians and other tribes banded with 
them, Governor St. Clair determined to return to Fort Washington 
(Cincinnati,) with a view of consulting with General Harmar as to 
the expediency of an expedition against the hostile tribes; and, 
accordingly, on the 11th of June, he quit Kaskaskia, and by water, 
reached Fort Washington on the I3th of July. 

Having consulted with General Harmar, and concluding to send 
a formidable force against the Indians about the head waters of the 
Wabash, by authority of President "Washington, on the 15th of 
July (1790,) he addressed circular letters to a number of Lieuten- 
ants of the western counties (of Virginia, of which Kentucky was 
then a part) and Pennsylvania, for the purpose of raising one thou- 
sand militia in the former, and five hundred in the latter. The regu- 
lar troops then in service in the west General Harmar estimated 
at about four hundred efficient men, with whom the militia were to 
operate as follov/s : Of the Virginia militia, 300 were to rendez- 
vous at Fort Steuben, and, with a garrison at that post, to proceed 
to Vincennes, to join Major Hamtramck, who had orders to call to 
his aid the militia of that place. From thence to move up the Wa- 
liash, with a view of attacking such points among the Indian vil- 
lages along that river as his force might seem adequate. The twelve 
aiundred militia remaining Avere to join the regular troops, under 
General Harmar, at Fort Washington. That the British command- 
ant at Detroit might know the true cause and course of tlio move- 
ment, on the 19th of September, Gov. St. Clair addressed a letter to 
him, which he sent by a private conveyance, assuring the said com- 

lieard of a certain fainih' among the Miamies who wore called man-eaters, as tliey were 
accustonned to make a feast of human flesh wlien a prisoner was killed.' For tluse enor ■ 
mities, the Sauks and Foxes, when they took any of tlie Minneways prisoners, gave 
thcniup to their women to be buffeted to death. Tliey speak also of tlie Mascontins 
with abhorrence, on account of their cruelties. The Sauks and Foxes have a historical 
legned of a severe battle having been fouglit opposite the mouth of the Iowa river, 
about fift3- or sixty miles above the mouth of Rock rivcrr The Sauks and Foxes de- 
scended the Mississippi in canoes, and landing at tliC place above described, starte>l 
oast, towards the enemy : they had not gone far before they were attacked by a party 
of the Mascon^ins. The baltle continued nearly all day ; the Sauks and Foxes, for 
want of ammunition, finallj' gave way and fled to their canoes : the Mascontins pur- 
sued them and fought desperately, and left but few of the Sauks and Foxes to carry 
luime the story cf tlieir defeat. Some forty or fiftj^ years ago, the Sauks and Foxes at- 
tacked asmall village of Peorias, abouta mile helow St. Louis and were there defeated. 
At a ]ilace on the Illinois river, called Little Rock, there were formerly killed by the 
Ohippeways and Ottowas, a number of men, women and children of the Minncway 
nation. In 1800 tlie Kiekapoos madeagreatslaughter of the Kaskaskia Indians. The 
Main-Pogue.orPotawatiinie juggler, in 1601, killed a great many of the Piankeshaws 
on the W.-ibash." 

In proof of the foregoing, relative to the society of man-eaters among the Indians at 
this point. General Lewis Cass, in a si)eech here, delivered at the canal celebration of 
July 4ih 184.3, in "Swinney'o Grove," near the site of the presant Catliolic cemetery, said: 

" J^or manj^ years during the frontier history of this place and region, the line of your 
canal was a bloody war-path, which has sjen many a deed of horror. And this peaceful 
town has had its Molocli, and the records of human deiiravity furnish no more terrible 
examples of cruelty than were oft'ered at his shrine. Tlie Miami Indians, our pi-ede- 
ccssors in the occupation of this district, had a terrible institution whoso origin and 



IIhea's Accolxt — Gkx. Cass* Addeess. 1'2u 

maiiclant that the purposes of the United States were paeiHe in so 
far as their relations to Great Britain v^ere concerned ; that the ex- 
pedition was to quell the vindictive and intolerable spirit of the In- 
dians towards the settlements, whither and against whom they had 
so long, so inhumanly, and destructively carried their savage war- 
fare. 

That the English, towards Lake Erie, notwithstanding this spirit 
of caildor and courtesy on the part of St. Clair, gave aid to the 
Indians in their efforts against the United States during 1700-'!)!, 
the evidence is clear enough; but to what extent, was not fully 
known. The following paragraphs from a certilicate of one Thomas 
Rhea, taken in the early part of 1700, will give some clue, at 
least, as to the aid then and subsequently rendered the Indians by 
the British : 

" At this place, the Miami^^'' said Rhea, in his account," were Col- 
onels Brant* and McKee, with his son Thomas; and Captains Bun- 
bury and Silvie, of the British troops. These officers, &c., were 
all encamped on the south side of the Miami or Ottawa river, at 
the rapids above Lake Erie, about eighteen miles; they had clever 
houses, built chiefly by (he Po*'tav\'attamies and other Indians ; in 
these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition and provis- 
ion, which they issued to the Indians in great abundance, viz: corn, 
pork, peas, &c. 

* Brant was a Mohawk chieftain, of considerable intelligence, educated at Pliiladel- 
phia ; a fa A'orite of Sir William Johnson, and ever s:reatly attached to the British. — 
After the struggles of these ])eriods, he took up his residence in Canada, where lie died 
in 1807. 

object have been lost in the darkness of aboriginal history, but which was continued 
to a late period, and wlicse orgies were lield upon the very spotw'here we now are. It 
was called the raan-eating society, and it was tlieduty o£ itsassociates to eatsucli pric- 
oners as were preserved and delivered to them for that purpose. The members of ti\is 
society ^belonged to a particular fanuly, and the dreadful inheritance descended to all 
the children, male and fi-male. The duties it imposed could not be avoided, and the 
sanctions of religion were added to tlie obligations of immemorial usage. The feast 
was a solemn ceremon}-, at which the whole tribe was collected as actoi-s or speet.acoi's. 
The miserable victim was bound to a stake, and burned at a slow fire, with all the re- 
finements of cruelty, wiiich savage ingenuity could invent. Tliere was a traditionary 
ritual, which regulated with revolting precision, the whole course of procedure at tliese 
ceremonies Latterly tlie authority and obligations of the institution had declined, 
and I presume it has now wholly disappeared. But I have seen and conversed witii 
the head of the family, the chief of the society, whose name was Wiiitc Skin — with 
what feeling of disgust, I need not attempt to describe. I well knew an intelligent 
Canadian, who was present at one of the lastsacrifieesmadeatthis horrible institution. 
The victim was a young American captuied in Kentuckjr, towards the clo^^e ot our 
Revolution av}^ War. Here where we are now assembled, in peace and security', celebra- 
ting the triumph of art and industry, within the memory of the present generation, 
our countrymen have bei-n thus tortured, and murdered, and devoured. But, thank 
God, that council-fire is extinguished. The impious feast is over ; the war-dance is 
ended ; the war-song is sung : the war-drum is silent, and the Indian has departed to 
find, I hope, in the distant West, a comfortable residence, and I hope also to find, un- 
der the protection, and, if need bo, under the power of the United States, .a radical 
chance in the institutiors and general improvement in his morals and condition. A 
feeble remnant of the once powerful tribe, which formerly won their way to the do- 
ndn ion of this region, by blood, and by blood maintained it. have to-day appeared 
among us like passing shadows, flitting round the places that know them no more. 
Their reinn-ection, if I may so speak, is not the least impressive spectacle, which marks the 
progress of this imposing ceremony. They are the broken column which connect us with 



124 IIlSTOKY OF FOKT WaYNE. 

" The Indians came to this place in parties of one, two, three, 
four and five hundred at a time, from, different quarters, and re- 
ceived from Mr. McKee and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, am- 
munition, provisions, &c., and set out immediately for the upper 
Miami towns, where they understood the forces of the United States 
were bending their course, and in order to supply the Indians from 
other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded with the a.bove- 
mentioned articles, Avere sent up the Miami (Maumee) river, wrought 
by French Canadians." 

About the middle of September, the Virginia militia began to 
gather about the mouth of Licking river, opposite Cincinnati, all 
of whom were, for the most part, badly armed and lacked for camp- 
kettles and axes ; but were readily organized hj General Harmar, 
and soon formed into three battalions, under Majors Hall, McMul- 
len, and Ray, with Trotter, as Lieutenant-Colonel to lead them. 
About the 24th of September, came the militia of Pennsylvania to 
Fort AVashington, who were also badly equipped, and many of 
whom were substitutes — " old, iniirm men, and young boys. " 
These were formed into one battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Truby 
and Major Paul; while four battalions of militia, subject to Gen- 
eral Harmar's command, were commanded by Col. John Hardin. 
Majors John Plasgravc Wjdles, and John Doughty commanded the 
regular troops, in two small battalions. The artilcry corps, v/itli 
but three pieces of ordinance, was under the command of Captain 
William Ferguson ; while under James Fontaine was placed a 
small battalion of light troops or mounted militia — amounting in 
all to about 1,453 regular and raw militia troops. 

The militia under Col. Hardin, on the 26tli of September, ad- 
vanced from Fort Washington into the country, for the double pur- 
pose of opening a road for the artillery and to obtain feed for their 
cattle. On the 30th of September, the regular troops marched, 
commanded by General Harmar ; and on the 3d day of October 
joined the militia. 

A journal of the daily movements of the army was regularly 
kept by Captain John Armstrong, of the regulars, up to its arrival 
at the Miami village, at this point. 

After an uninterrupted march of sixteen days, on the afternoon 
of the 15th of October, Colonel Hardin, with an advanced detach- 
ment, reached this point, and stole in upon the Miami village, only 

the past. The edifice is in ruins, and the giant vegetation, which covered and protected 
it, lies as low as the once mighty structure, which was shelved in its recesses. They 
have come to witness the first great act of peace in our frontier history, as their presence 
here is the last in their own. The ceremonies upon Avhicli yoii heretofore gazed with 
interest, will never again be seen by the white man, in this seat of their former power. 
But thanks to our ascendancy, these reprf sentations are but a pageint ; but a theatrical 
exhibition which, with barbarous motions, and sounds and contortions, shew how their 
iineestors conquered their enemies, and how they glutted their revenge in blood. To- 
day, this last of the race is here — to-morrow they will commence their journey towards 
the setting sun, where their fathers, agreeable to their rude faith, liave preceded tlivm, 
and where the red man will find rest and safety.'' 



AS1[Y UNDER HaEMAB ARRIVE HeBE — An OkDER. 125 

to find it deserted l3y men, women and cliildren. A few cows, some 
vegetalDles, and about twenty thousand bushels of corn in the ear, 
save the wigwams, huts, and surrounding scenery, were all that 
greeted them ; and the militia, in much disorder, soon began to 
move about in search of plunder. 

On the iTth, about one o'clock, the main body of the army came 
up and crossed the Maumee to the village. 

Major McMuUen, of Col. Hardin's command, having discovered 
the tracks of v^^omen and children leading in a north-westerly di- 
I'cction, and so reported to General Harmar on his arrival, the lat- 
ter determined at once upon an effort to discover their place of ren- 
uezvous ; and, to that end, on the morning of the l8th, detailed Col. 
Trotter, Major Hall, Major Kay, and Major McMidlen, with three 
hundred men, among v/liom were thirty regulars, forty light-horse, 
and two hundred and thirty active riflemen. Furnished with three 
days' provision, they were ordered to reconnoiter the country around 
the village. About one mile from the encainpnient, an Indian on 
horseback v/as discovered, pursued, and killed, by a part of the 
detachment, under Trotter ; and before returning to the main body 
of the party, another Indian was seen, " when the four field officers 
left their commands, and pursued him, leaving the troops for the 
ppace of about half an hour without any direction whatever." Be- 
ing intercepted by the light-horsemen, one of which party he had 
wounded, the Indian was at length killed. Changing the route of 
his detatchment, and moving in different directions, till night. Col. 
Trotter again, unexpectedly to, and without the approbation of Gen- 
eral Harmar, returned to the Miami village. 

In consequence of the disorderly course of the militia on their 
arrival at the village, in their desire for plunder, General Harmar 
ordered cannon to be fired for the purpose of calling tXem to their 
ranks, and also harangued the oificers on the bad results liable to 
follow such indifference. On the iSth he issued the following gen- 
eral order : 

" Camp at the Miami Village, Oct. 18, 1790. 
" The general is much mortified at the unsoldier-like behavior of 
many of the men in the army, who make it a practice to straggle 
from the camp in search of' plunder. He, in the most positive 
terms, forbids this practice in future, and the guards will be aii- 
swerable to prevent it. No party is to go beyond the line of senti- 
nels without a commissioned ofiicer, who, if of the militia, will ap- 
ply to Colonel Hardin for his orders. The regular troops will ap- 
ply to the general. Ail the plunder that may be hereafter collec- 
ted, will be equally distributed among the army. The kettles, and 
every other article already taken, are to be collected by the com- 
manding officers of batalions, and to be delivered to-mprrow morn- 
ing to Mr. Belli, the quartermaster, that a fair distribution may take 
place. The rolls are to be called at troop and retreat beating, and 



126 History of Fokt Wayne. 

evGi-y man absent is to bo reported. The general expects tliat these 
orders will l)e pointedly attended to : they are to be read to the troops 
this evening". The army is to march to-morrow morninG; early for 
their new encampment at Chillicothe,* tibonttwo miles from hence. 
" JOSIAI-I HARMAR, Brigadier-Genehal." 

Col. Hardin, having asked for the command of the troops returned 
to camp under Trotter, for the remaining two days, Gen. Harmar 
readily complied; and on the next day, (10th) Col. Hardin led tlie de- 
tachment along an Indian trail to the northwest, in the direction of 
the Kickapoo villages. Coming to a point, near a morass, some five 
miles distant from the confluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph 
rivers, where, on the preceding day, there had been an Indian en- 
campment, the detachment came to a halt, and were soon stationed 
at difi'erent points, in readiness for an attack, should tke enemy 
,stili be near. A half hour passed, and no sign of the enemy. Tiie 
order now being given to the companies in the front to advance, 
the company under Faulkner, not having received the order of 
march, a neglect on the part of Col. Hardin, was left behind. Hav- 
ing advanced some three miles, two Indians afoot, with packs, were 
discovered ; but, the brush being thick, and suddenly throwing' 
aside their burdens at the sight of the detachment, were soon lost 
sight of and escaped. The absence of Faulkner at this time be- 
coming apparent, Major Fontaine, with a portion of the cavalry, 
was at once sent in pursuit of him, with the supposition that he was 
lost. 

The report of a gun, in front of the detachment, soon fell upon 
the attentive ear of Captain Armstrong, in command of the regu- 
lars — an alarm gun, perhaps, suggested he. He had discovered the 
" tracks of a horse that had come down the road and returned." 
These facts were readily conveyed to the ear of Colonel Hardin. 
Captain Armstrong nov/ observed the fires of the Indians — they 
were only discernible in the distance. Caution was large in the 
soul of Armstrong. Hardin thought the Indians would not fight, 
and moved forward, in the direction of the fires, neither giving or- 
<lers or preparing for an attack. Tlie little army of three hundred 
were now strangely separated — -they were in the forest, several 
miles from camp. T,lie enemy were in ambush — were numerousf 
— and Me-clie-cannah-quah, — Little Turtle — was their leader. Har- 
din continued to advance, and the columns moved forward in obe- 
dience to orders. Behind the fires lay the red men, hidden from 
vioM', with guns leveled. Steadily the broken detachment moved 
forward, under the intrepid control of their commander ; and no 
sooner had they approached the fires than a terrible volley was 
opened upon them from behind the smoking entrenchments. The 
shock was sudden — the columns were unprepared for it. The mi- 

*A Shawanoe village. 

f Tiiought. by pome to have been as many as seven hundred — by others only about one 
hundred. The locality of this engagement Vv'ns near Eel River, about the point -where 
the Goshen State Road crosses this sstreain, now known as " Heller's Corners." 



Defeat of a Detachment— Miami Village Desteoyed. 1 27 

litia were panic stricken, and all but nine broke the ranks and be- 
gan a precipitate flight for the camp of Gen. Ilarmar. Hardin liad 
retreated with them, and in vain strove to rally them. The reso- 
lute regulars bravely faced the enemy, and returned the fire. The 
nine remaining militia were pierced by the balls of the enemy, and 
twenty-two of the regulars fell, while Captain Armstrong, Ensign 
Hartshorn, and some five or six privates, alone made their escape, 
and reached the camp again at the village. The victory was witli 
the Indians, and the retreating columns all reached the camp of 
Harmer witliout further loss. 

Having, after the departure of Hardin and the detachment in 
the morning, destroyed the Miami village, Harmar, in the mean- 
time, had moved about two miles down tlie Maumee, to the Shaw- 
anoe village, known as Chilllcothe, and on the 20th issued the 
following orders : 

"'' Camp at CiiiLLicoTnE, one'of the Shawanese towns, ) 
071 the Om.ee [Mamnee'l river, Oct. 20 th, 171)0. \ 

" The party under command of Captain Strong is ordered to 
burn and destroy every house and wigwam in this village, together 
with all the corn, etc., which he can collect. A party of one hun- 
dred men (militia), properly officered, under the command of Col. 
Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually, this afternoon, the Pick- 
away town,* with all the corn, etc., which he can find in it and its 
vicinity. 

" The cause of the detatchment being worsted yesterday, was en- 
tirely owing to the shameful, coM'ardly conduct of the militia, who 
ran away, and threw down their arms, without firing scarcely a 
single gun. In returning to Fort Washington, if any officer or men 
presume to quit the ranks, or not to march in the form that they 
are ordered, the general will most assuredly order the artillery to 
fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will 
make them in future obedient to orders." 

" JOSIAH HAKMAR, Beigadiek-Genekal." 

From the scene of the yet smoking and charred remains of tlie 
Indian village of Chilllcothe,! at ten o'clock on the morning of the 
21st, the army under Harmar took up its line of march towards Fort 
Washington, and proceeded about seven miles, when a halt was 
made, and the army encamped for the night. 

The evening was clear and beautiful — one of those glorious 
nights in the month of October, v/hen the stars, all In harmony, with 
no clouds intervening between the earth and the etheriai blue to 

*A Shawanoe village. 

fTlie scene of this village, some two miles below Fort Wayne, on the Maumee, wna 
about the site of the residence «f Mi'S. Phelps. Says Mr. J. W. Dawson, in his research 
OS, concerning the history of Fort Wayne, "from Judge Colman, who settled on the 
farm now owned by Mrs. Phelps, in i"827, we learn that every evidence of former eul-_ 
tivation of the ground there, was seen ; there being no, timber growing, evidences of 
ancient building, of gardening, such as asparagus, Ac; and also there found lanay 
bayonets, gun- barrels, knives, paclc-snddle frames, itc." 



12S History of Fokt Wayne, 

shut out their joyous example, seem to twinkle a hcaVeuly antlienl 
to the sombre hues and waneing aspects of Autumn. No stealthy 
tread was heard — no savage form was to be seen — the whoo-wlioo, 
wh-o-o of the night-owl ; tlip careful movement of the sentinel ; the 
mingled voices of the soldier}'-, and the falling leaves, rustling 
through the branches to the earth, were all the sounds that fell 
upon the attentive ears of Harmar and his army. 

Looking thus out upon the stillness and beauty of the night, a 
thought had stolen upon the mind of Colonel Hardin. His am- 
bition — his desire for the chastisement of the Indian— was by no 
means appeased. The Miamies had perhaps returned to the village 
immediately after the departure of the army, thought he ^ and a 
most propitious opportunity was presented to return and " steal a 
march upon them." Thus imbued, he readily imparted his feelings 
to General Harmar — urging " that, as he had been unfortunate tlie 
other day, he wished to have it in his power to pick the militia and 
try it again." He sought to explain the cause of the militia not 
meeting the Indians on the 19th ; and insisted that he then wished 
to retrieve their course. The earnest demeanor of Hardin prevailed. 
Harmer gave his consent. The commanding general was anxious 
that the Indians should be as well subdued as ])0ssible, that they 
might not give the army trouble on its return march to Fort Wash- 
ington ; and, as the night advanced, amid the stillness of the scene 
about them, with a body of three hundred and forty militia, and 
sixty regulars under Major Wyllys, with a view of advancing upon 
the Miami village before daylight, and thus be enabled the more 
effectually to surprise the Indians, the force took up its line of 
march in three columns, the regulars in the centre, and the militia 
to the right and left. Captain Joseph Ashton moved at the head 
of the regulars, while Major Wyllys and Colonel Hardin were in 
his front. Contrary to expectations, some delay having occurred 
by the halting of the militia, the banks of the Maumee were not 
gained till after sunrise. Indians were now soon discovered by the 
spies, at the announcement of which, Major Wyllys called the reg- 
ulars to a halt, and ordered the militia on to a point in front, and 
presented his plan of attack to the commanding oiBcers of the de- 
tachment. Major Wyllys reserving to himself the command of the 
regulars, Major Hall was directed, with his battalion, to move cir- 
cuitously round the bend of the Maumee, crossing the St. Mary's 
and, in the rear of the Indians, to halt until an attack should be 
made "by Major McMullen's battalion. Major Fontaine's cavalry, 
and the regular troops under Major Wyllys, wdio were all ordered 
to cross the Maumee at and near the common fording place, which 
was about opposite the residence of Mr. J. J. Comparet.* Hardin 

*Among the wounded in this engagement, there was a man by the name of John 
Smitli, who, during the engagement, with several others fell in the river. He had re- 
ceived a severe wound, and, as a means of safety, had i-emained quiet until all had 
left, when he crawled to the bank of tiie river and concealed himself until some time 
during the night. When all S'jemed still, he cautiously left his bidding place, moved 



■ 

Burial Place of Majors Wyllys, Fontaine, and others. 129 

and Wyllys had aimed to surround the Indians in their encamp- 
ment; but Major Hall, having reached his position unobserved, 
disregarded the orders given by firing upon a single Indian that 
appeared in sight before the general attack was made. The report 
from the point of Hall's battalion had startled the Indians, and 
srnall squads of them were seen hurrying away in many directions 
rapidly pursued, contrary to orders, by the militia under McMul- 
ien, and the cavalry under Fontaine, leaving Wyllys, at the head 
ofthe regulars, without support, and who, "crossing the Maumee. 
were attacked by a superior body ,of Indians, under the lead of Lit- 
tle Turtle, and at length, after the fell of Wyllys and the largest 
portion of the regular troops, were forced to" retreat. Major Fon- 
taine, at the head of the mounted militia, in a charge upon a small 
body of Indians, with a number of his men were killed,^' while the 
remainder sought safety in retreat. In the meantime, while the 
regulars were engaged with the party under Little Turtle, the mili- 
tia under Hall and McMullen, at the confluence of the St. Mary 
and St. Joseph, were briskly engaged in combating small parties 
of Indians ; but soon retreated after the defeat of the regulars, hav- 
ing killed and wounded many of the red men, who made no at- 
tempt to follow them, in their rapid march towards the main body 
under Harmar. A single horseman having reached the camp of 
the main army, about 11 o'clock, a. m., Harmar at once, upon learn- 
ing the news ofthe defeat ofthe detachment, ordered Major Ray, 
with his battalion, to advance to the aid of the retreating forces. 
But the effect of the panic on the militia was too great — -but thirty 
men could be prevailed on to advance to the rescue under Major 
Ray, who had advanced but a short distance, when they were met 
by Hardin and the retreating forces under him. Gaining the en- 
campment, Colonel Hardin, flushed with excitement, and still en- 
tertaining a strong desire to carry his point against the Indians, 
urged Harmar to set out at once, with the entire force, for the Mi- 

*The remains of Majors Wyllys and Fontaine, -with some eight other officers and val- 
iant men who fell on the occasion, were buried in some trendies, near the banks of tlie 
Maumee, some twenty rods below the residence of J. J. Comparet, Esq. Tlie inden- 
tations on either side of the Maumee, juet below Mr. Coniparet's dwelling, still exhibits 
to the stranger the fatal ford where so many brave men fell, and whose blood reddened 
the stream. 

down the Maumee a short distance, and made his escape, reaching Fort "Washington 
in safety, and recovered from his wounds. When Wayne's army came here, this man 
Smith came with it, and ever after lived, and, some years ago, died here. Mrs. Sutten- 
tield, whose name is already familiar to the reader, informed the writer that Smith 
lived for two years in her family, and many times heard him relate his adventures and 
narrow escape from the Indians on the occasion in question. The Indians being in 
aml)ush, along the banks of the Maumee, both above and below, at the time Harmar's 
men began to move over tlic river, a cross fire was opened upon them by the Indians, 
and a large number fell in the river, rendering the water, whicli was not then deep 
enough to cover the bodies, quite bloody, so much so, that Smith, though very dry, 
would not drink it. When it grew dark, the Indians, none of whom had pursued the 
retreating forces, came to the river, and began to strip the bodies, exulting greatly 
over their victory. In describing the noise they made while tluis engaged, Smifh who 
was still oonceaied, said their voIcm "souadcdlike the chattering of a paro'^.i of black 
bird^." (!^) 



130 ■ HlSTOEY OF FOHT WaYNE. 

ami village again. But Harmar would not venture a return. Said 
he: "You see the situation of the araiy : we are now scarcely able 
to move our baggage: it will take up three days to go and returri 
to this place : we have no more forage for our horses : the Indians 
have got a very good scourging ; and I will keep the army in per- 
fect readiness to receive them, should they think proper to follow.,"* 

The militia had now become little better than wooden men in 
the eyes of General Harmar. He had lost all faith in them, and 
began at once to narrow the bounds of the camp, A second defeat 
and retreat were complete ; and., without farther attempt to move 
upon the Indians, on the morning of the 23d of October, after a loss 
of one hundred and eighty-three killed, and thirty-one wounded, the 
army again took up its line of march for Fort Washington, whither 
it arrived on the 4ih of November, having met with no further at- 
tack or trouble with the Indians after the movement of the 22d,- 
about and near the ruins of the Miami village. 

Among the names of the killed during the efforts of the army 
in this campaign, were Major "Wyllys and Lieutenant Ebenezer 
Frothingham, of the regulars; Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp, 
McMurtrey, and Scott, Lieutenants Clark and Rogers, and Ensigns 
Bridges, Sweet, Higgins, and Thielkeld, of the militia. The loss 
on the part of the Indians was thought to be about equal that of 
the forces under Harmar. 

Turning our attention to the expedition of Major Hamtramcky 
who, as the reader will remember, had moved from Vincennes up 
the Wabash, we find that while Harmar was moving upon the 
Miami village at this point, and destroying the villages, corn, etc., 
of the Indians in the region, the former had pioceeded with 
liis command to the mouth of Vermillion river, and laid waste 
several deserted villages, returning again to Vincennes, uninter- 
rupted in his efforts. 

The campaigns of 17D0, against the Indians of the Northwest, 
were now closed, and the chilling blasts of another long, dreary 
winter, with its anxieties, its hardships, and its perils, had begurs 
to set in about the sparse and lonely settlements of the west, 

"Deposition of Hardin, S'Cpt. 14, IT&l. 



CHAPTER XI. 

" Tiiose WesteVn Pioneers an impulse felt. 

Which their less hardy sons scarce comprehend ; 
Aiohe, in Jfatttte's wildest scenes they dwelt; 

* * * » Si * 

And fought with deadly strife for every inch of ground." 

F. \V. Tkomas. 

-felfcc't of Ibe movement of Gen. Harmaf — Hostilities rene'Wed by the Indians — Opposi- 
tioh to the Militia — Petition of the settlers— Increase of the regular army — Ap- 
pointment of Gen. St. Clair — Preparations for another movement against the Mi- 
ami village here^-Instructions of the Secretary of War' — Expedition of Gen. Scott 
— A second expedition from Kentucky^Gen. Wilkinson's account of the same — 
iiffesit of these expeditions-^What the Indians helieved-^Organization of an In- 
dian confederaey-^British influence — Simon Girty — Mrs. Suttenfield's recoUec- 
tions-^-Treaty of 1783 — British disregard of itn^Army under St. Clair move for 
this point — Unfavorable ■^veather, Ac— ^The army reach the site of the present 
town of Fort Recovery — Approach of wintev-^The army encamp for the night — 
Indians on the alert — Preparations for an early move next morning — Sudden and 
furious attack by the Indians— ^Militia give way — Great consternation — St. Clair's 
Account — Great slaughter-^Offieers neafly all killed — Artillerj'- silenced — Retreat 
the only hope, which is efFected--l'Iorse3 nearly a,ll killed— Cannon left behind — 
Main road gained — Guns, knapsacks, <fec., strewn for miles along the road — Rout 
continued for 29 miles — Statement of the killed, Xvounded, &c- — Many womenhad 
followed the expedition-^terrible Treatment by the Indians — B. Van Cleve's &e- 
eount-^A new order of things the only hope of the we.^t. 



^J HE INDIANS, though much effected hy the canapaiga of Har- 
I mar, both in the destruction of their villages and the loss of 
! considerable numbers of their braves in the skirmishes with 
the troops at this point and near Eel river, were yet much 
^' elated at the departure of Harmar, and so much did they es- 
t;eem it a success on their part, that they renewed their attacks 
*0R the frontier with increased force and ferocity. Meetings were 
called to devise means for defending the settlements. The policy 
of employing regular officers to command militia was denounced, 
and petitions were extensively circulated, praying the President to 
employ militia only in d-cfence of the frontier, and offering to raise 
a sufficient force to carry the war immediately into the Indian 
country."* 

The prayeS" <:jf the petitioners, however, was not granted, but tlio 



133 HisToEY OF Fort Wayne. 

President readily favored the increase of the regular army on tbe 
frontier, and appointed General St, Clair to the command. Ener- 
getic measures were adopted to furnish him with arms, stores, &c., 
for an early campaign ; Lut the difficulties and delays incident to 
furnishing an army, so far removed from military depots, with can- 
non, ammunition, provisions, and the means of transportation, were 
so great, that much time wa& lost before General St. Clair was able 
to move his army from Fort Washington ; and then it was said to 
be in obedience to express orders, and against his own judgment, 
as he was neither provided with sufficient force, nor the means of 
transportation. 

It was on the od of March, 1791, that Congress passed the "act 
for raising and adding another regiment to the militia establish- 
ment of the United States, and for making further provision for the 
protection of thp frontier." An army of some three thousand 
troops was proposed to be placed nnder the command of General 
Arthur St. Clair. On the iilst of March, ('91), the following in- 
structions were addressed, by the Secretary of War, Gen. Henry 
Knox, to General St. Clair ; which shows with what importance the 
•possession of this point was still held, and in which President 
Washington, doubtless, wielded a large share of influence. Said 
the Secretary ; " While you are making use of such desultory oper- 
ations as in your judgment the occasion may require, you wall pro- 
ceed vigorously, in every preparation in your power, for the pur- 
pose of the main expedition ; and having assembled your force, and 
all things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace 
should have been produced, either by the messengers or by the 
desultory operations, you will commence your march for the Mi- 
ami village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military 
post at that place. In your advance you will establish such posts 
of communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may 
judge proper. The post at the Miami village is intended for awing 
and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive 
of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure 
against all attempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison which 
should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient for the de- 
fense of the place, but always to afibrd a detachment of live or six 
hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash or other hostile 
Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. The establishment 
of said post is considered as an important object of the campaign, 
and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, the 
Indians are to be conciliated upon this point if possible ; and it is 
presumed good arguments may be offered to induce their acquies- 
cence. * * * Having commenced your march u])on the main 
expedition, and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every 
possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority; 
and, after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works 
in a defcnsilile state, you will seek the enemy with the whole of 



Scott's Expedition agaixst the We a Towns. 133 

your remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible means to strike 
them with great severity. * * * In order to avoid futnre wars, 
it might be proper to make the Wabash, and thence over to the 
Maumee, and down the same to its mouth at lake Erie, the bound- 
ary [between the people of the United States and the Indians], ex- 
cepting so far as the same should relate to the Wyandots and Dela- 
wares, on the supposition of their continuing faithful to the treat- 
ies. But if they should join in the war against the United States, 
and 5''our army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be removed 
without the boundary mentioned." 

On the 9tli of March, some days before instructions were ad- 
dressed to General St. Clair, General Knox, had communicated 
similar instructions to Brigadier-General Scott, of Kentucky, to 
move, with a sufficient body, against the Wea or Ouiatenon towns* 
on the Wabash. Accordingly on the 23d of May, following, " with 
a force of about eight hundred mounted and armed men," Scott 
"' crossed the Ohio, at the mouth of the Kentucky river," and took 
up his line of march for Ouiatenon, and on the afternoon of the first 
of June, after a most disagreeable march of over 150 miles, through 
rain and storm, and the encounter of many obstacles, they succeed- 
ed in reaching and surprising the village of Ouiatenon, which, Muth 
other towns, the growing corn, &c., in the region, were soon after 
destroyed, and thirty Indians, mostly warriors, killed, and fifty- 
eight taken prisoners; from vrhence, without the loss of a man, and 
but six wounded, on the l4th of June, they started on their re- 
turn march for the rapids of the Ohio. On the 4th of the month, 
while at the Ouiatenon towns, Scott gave the Indians a written 
speech, in which he assured them of the pacific and humane 
feelings of the United States government towards them, in view of 
their becoming peaceable and cjuiet in their future relations with 
the government and people of the country. 

Scarcely had Gen. Scott and his corps of mounted men returned 
to Kentucky, when General St. Clair addressed a letter to the board 
of war of the district of Kentucky, authorizing them to send a sec- 
ond expedition of five hundred men up the Wabash. Readily com- 
plying with this request, on the 5th of July, at Danville, Brigadier- 
General James Wilkinson was appointed to the command oi the 
second expedition, and ordered to be in readiness at Fort Washing- 
ton by the 20th of July with the number of men specified, "well 
mounted on horseback, M^ell armed, and provided with thirty days' 
provisions." Accordingly, on the first of August, with five hun- 
dred and twenty-five men', Wilkinson left Fort Washington, iboving, 
by way of feint, in the direction of the Miami village, at this point, 
and soon brought up at the Indian town of Ke-na-pa-com-a-qua, on 
the north bank of Eel river, about six miles from the present town 
of Logansport. After cutting up the corn, then in the milk, and 

^Situated on the south side of the river, about eight miles below the prfsent site of 
Lafayett'j. The site of tho old village of Ouiatonou is now known as " Wea rriiinc." 



134 HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayke. 

burning the cabins the next morning, set out for the Indian towns 
beyond. Striking the village of Tippecranoe on the route, it in turn, 
with the growing corn, was destroyed ; and advancing to one of the 
Kickapoo towns, it too with considerable corn, were burned and 
cut down. Moving on, the same day, to the town of Ouiatenon, the 
same destroyed by General Scott in June, and where the corn had 
been replanted, and which had now gained considerable growth, 
was cut down again ; and from here, striking the trail of Scott, 
they took up the line of march for the rapids of the Ohio, where 
they arrived on the 21st of August, aftor a march of some four 
hundred and fifty-one miles, " witliout any material incident.-' 

In his report, General Wilkinson said.: "The volunteers of Ken- 
tucky have, on this occasion, acquitted themselves with their usual 
good conduct; but, as no opportunity offered for individual distinc- 
tion, it would be unjust to give one the plaudits to which they all 
have an equal title. * * * * But, sir, when you reflect on 
the causes Avhich checked my career and blasted my designs, I flat- 
ter myself you wall believe every thing has been done which could 
be done in my circumstances.* I have destroj^ed the chief town of 
the Ouiatenon nation, and made prisoners of the sons and sisters of 
the King: I have bnrned a respectable Kickapoo village, and cut 
down at least four hundred and thirty acres of corn, chiefly in the 
milk. The Ouiatenons, (Weas) left without houses, home, or pro- 
A'isions, must cease to war, and will find active employ to subsist 
their squaws and children during the impending winter." 

The principal design of the campaigns of Generals Scott and 
Wilkinson v/as that of weakening the strength of the Indians of the 
Wabash country, with a view to giving material aid to General St. 
Clair in his approaching campaign against the Miamies of Ke-ki- 
on-ga and the region here ; but an opposite effect v/as the result. 
Erom formerly having entertained the belief that the Americans 
designed to despoil them of tlieir lands, and destroy the whole In- 
dian race, after these and the former efibrts of General Harmar, 
the Indians of the northwest, still instigated by the English, began 
now most fully to believe that such was truly tJieir design ; and in- 
stead of slackening their efibrts or ceasing to make war upon the 
Americans, the Miamies and Shavranocs, more espescially, began 
to call to tlunr aid a numerous body of warriors from the surround- 
ing tribes of the Pottawattamies, Kickapoos, Delawares, Ott^was, 
Wyandotts, and other tribes of the northwest ; " and while Gen. St. 
Clair was making preparations to establish a military post at the 
Miami village, the Miami chief, Little Turtle, the Shawanoe chief, 
Blue Jacket, and the Delaware chief, Buck-ong-a-helas, were ac- 
tively engaged in an effort to organize a confederacy of tribes suffi- 
ciently powerful to drive the white settlers from the tenitory lying 

*The difficult marches through swamps, tliicketp, A'c. had liiiiitd fuid worn down 
sonio. two huudnjd and soventy horsos, v,-itJi otlior imiiedimeiils, wiiicU niado il dini 
cult to lukc fuilhei' uctioii. 



Treaty of 1783 — Simon Giktt. 135 

on the northwestern side of the river Ohio" — receiving aid and 
counsel "from Simon Girty,* Alexander McKee, Malhew Elliott, 
(the latter two the sub-agents in the British Indian department), 
and from a number of British, French, and American traders who 
generally resided among the Indians, and supplied them with arms 
and ammunition, in exchange for furs and peltries." 

It will here be proper to notice that although, at the definitive 
treaty of 1T§3, between the colonial gorernraent of America and 
Great Britain, it was declared in the seventh article of that docu- 
ment that the King of the latter would, " with all convenient speed, 
and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes 
or property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his forces 
garrisons, and fleets, from the United States, and from every post, 
place, and harbor, within the same,"t yet, at the time of Harmar'^, 
St. Clair's, and Wayne's campaigns, the British Governragnt still 
held and garrisoned the posts of Niagara, Detroit, and Michilmaci- 
nac ; and from these poiats, under the plea that that part of the 
treatyj of 1783, relating to the collection and payment ofalldebts|l 
theretofore contracted with and due to the King's subjects, had 
not been faithfully complied with by the Americans, much to the 
detriment of the former, the English Government persisted in hold- 

*This man seoms to have been a noted charact'^r tlirousrh most of the early str'igglcs 
in the north and -west, from Diinraore's war, in 1774, till after the war of 1812. He 
^-as once adopted by the St;n3cas,the sam3 year that he joined Lord Dunniore's cam- 
paign ; but su'isequjnfcly allie 1 liim-o'f to the Wyandotts, and long after led a rov- 
ing, savage life auiong the Indians of 'vlic northwest, usually leaiing them to battle, 
orinstigating them lo deeds of ferocity against the Americai's, nnder British emjdoy 
or encouragement. He was of Irish descent, and said to have been the wiid'^st and 
most reckk'Ss of the familJ^ He had three brothers — Thomas, Georgr-, ami James. 
Mi-s. Sntrenlield inf(n'med the writer tliat she learne 1 some time suqsequent to the ar- 
rival of herself and husband at the Fort here, in 1814, that Simon and James Girty 
had lived for some time, prior to the war of 1812. near the bend of the Manmee, about 
two miles below Fort Wayne. At the capitulation of Detroit, in 1812, Mrs. S. and her 
husband being there, saw Simon Girty, and described him as a short, heavy set, rough 
looking character, with grey hair. W^hen he had last visited Detroit, some years prior, 
he had caused his liorse to* jump off a considerable embankment into the river, and 
then Rwam her over the same. " Here's old Simon Girty again on American soil I " he 
exc'aimed.as he approached a crowd gathered at a prominent point in the place, at 
the time Mrs. S. and her husband saw" him at Detroit. " Yfhat did jou do with that 
Idack mare you jumped into the river when Wayne Wiis after you '? " enquired one of 
the crowd. '" 0, she's dead, and I buried her with the honors of war," replied Girty. 
Notwithstanding his peculiar organization and the many unfortunate traits of chBr- 
acter ascribed to him, he is said to have po-;jessed some redeeming points — was strong 
in his friendship towards those he became attached, and, i"^ many respects, was some- 
what honorable. He was often at tlie Miami village licre, and doubtless had much to 
do, at various times, with exciting tlie Indians to warfare against the Americans, 
aa;ainst whom, with the Indians, he fou-dit at St. Clair's defeat. Generally attired in 
the Indian costume, it was of course difticult to distinguish him, except when lie spoke 
the English language. He is said to have lived to the age of near a hundred years, 
and died in Canada, some years subsequent to the war of 1812. Interesting accounts 
ofhim will be found in " Annals of the West," beginning on page 281, and in the 
" American Pioneer," beginning on pitge 282. 
tLaws U. S.. i, 2U5. ^Article 4, U. S. Laws 

llSome of the States had passed laws, soon after the treaty of 17S3, tending to prevent 
or restrain She collection of debts due from American citizens to the King's subjects-. 



13 d History of Fokt Wayne. 

iiig these posts, (more especially to retain the fur trade) and eon- 
tmued, from time to time, to give aid and comfort to the Indians 
and others in open warfare and attacks upon the U. S. forces and 
the settlements along the Ohio, and other points in the west. 

With the advantages presented by the fur trade, carried on by 
the English and Canadians, (the latter being then subjects of the 
King of England) and withal not" a little jealous of the United 
States in her efforts to extend her dominion over the tribes and ter- 
ritory north of the Ohio, to relinquish her hold upon the country 
and leave the tribes to the control and influence of the Americans, 
were points not easily to be set aside by the British Government. 
And accordingly, while Gen. St Clair was preparing to march up- 
on the Miami village, at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Jo- 
seph, the English, at Niagara, Detroit, and Michilimacinac, were 
using what means they could to defeat the purposes of the United 
States Government ; and but a small insight as to their movements, 
at that time, in league with the Indians and others, would doubt- 
less have been sufiieient to have convinced St. Clair and his officers 
of the utter futility of any effort to capture the Miami village, or 
establish a military post at this point, as then being pushed for- 
ward. But the efibrt seemed destined to be made ; and after much 
delay and many impeding and perplexing circumstances, in the 
early part of the month of September, 1791, the main body of St. 
Clair's array, under General Butler, took up its line of march from 
the vicinity of Fort Washington, and, moving nortliAvard some 
twenty-five miles, on the eastern bank of the Great Miami, erected 
a post, which they called Fort Hamilton. On the 4tli of October, 
F'ort Hamilton being completed, the army began its further march, 
for the Miami village. Having advanced forty-two miles from Fort 
Hamilton, they erected another garrison, calling it Fort Jefferson, 
six miles south of Greenville, Ohio. The season was now far ad- 
vanced ; and the 24th of October had arrived before the army was 
again on its move for the villacre. 

After a march of nine days, during which time a number of the 
militia deserted ; heavy rains fell ; provisions became short ; a re- 
connoitering party from the main army, was fired upon, two killed, 
and one supposed to have been taken prisoner ; and St. Clair sick 
much of the way, on the 3d of November the main army reached 
the site of the present town of Fort Recovery, Ohio, and encamped, 
at the head waters of the Wabash, in view of several small creeks, 
about fifteen miles from the Miami village here. 

The chill of winter now begun to be perceptibly felt — snow had 
already fallen, and the earth Avas white therewith. Some Indians 
were here seen, but they Hed as soon as observed. 

The advance nnd general movement of St. Clair was sufBciently 
well known* to the confederated tribes and their allies to inspire 

*Ths news of St. Clair's march upon the Miami villages having reached the Indians 
during the autumn of 1791, the famous Shawanoes chief, Tecumsoh, 6a3's the life of 



Attack upon the Army of St. Claie. 137 

them with great courage and determination, and had already be- 
gun a resort to strategem to draw the army into their clutches ; and 
had even advanced to within a few miles of the main body of the 
army, where, under the lead of the famous Little Turtle, Buck-ono-- 
a-helas, Blue Jacket, Simon Girty, and several other Vv^hite men 
lay — in readiness to meet the advancing columns of St. Clair — some 
twelve hundred warriors. 

Tlie army was now some fifteen miles from the Miami villao-e. 
With a view to a place of safety for the knapsacks of the soldiers, 
St. Clair, with Major Ferguson, had, on the evening of the arrival 
of the army at its present encampment, concluded "to throw up a 
slight work," and then, with the regiment yet back, to move on to 
attack the enemy. But neither were consummated; and before the 
sun had sent his rays over the western wilds — between that hour 
Mdiich the adage has accounted the darkest just before day, and 
the full twilight of the morning — the Indian whoop and wild yell of 
the enemy startled the army of St. Clair, already under arms, into 
the wildest commotion, and at once began a furious attack upon 
the militia, which soon gave way, and pell-mell, came rushing into 
the midst of the camp, through Major Bntler's battalion, creating 
the wildest disorder on every side, and closely pursued by the In- 
dians. " The fire, however, of the front line checked thenii ; but al- 
most instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line; and in a 
few minutes it was extended to the second likewise. The great 
weight of it was directed against the center of each, where the ar- 
tillery was placed, and from which the men were repcatedl}' driven 
with great slaughter."* Soon perceiving but little efiect irom the 
fire of the artillery, a bayonet charge was ordered, led by Lieut.- 
Colonel Darke, which drove the Indians back some distance, but, 
for the want of sufiicient force, they soon moved forward to the at- 
tack again, and the troops of Darke were, in turn, compelled to give 
way ; while, at the same time, the enemy had pushed their way 
into camp by the left flank, and the troops there also were giving 
way. Repeated and effectual charges were now made by Butler 
and Clarke's battallions, but with great loss; many oflicers fell, 
leaving the raw troops without direction— Major Butler himself be- 
ing dangerously wounded. In the second regiment every officer 
had fallen, except three, and one of these had been shot through 
the body. 

The " artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed, ex- 
cept Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded and more than 

*St. Clair's report, 
that chief, was soon placed at the head of a small party of spies or scouts, Avith instruc- 
tions to Avatcli and report the advancement of St. Clair ; and he is said to have done 
his work most faithfully, for, wliile concealed near a small tributary of the Great Mi- 
aTui, he and his party saw St. Clair and his army pass on their way to Greenville. 
Though prevented from taking part in the hostile movements that followed, yet, it is 
«>vident that the efforts of Tecumseh and his little band, whose report soon reached the 
head chiefs in action against St. Clair, iiad much to do with the subsequent defeat and 
rout of the armj'. 



138 HisTOEY OF Fort Wayne. 

half of tlie army fallen, being cut oft' from the road, it became nec- 
essary to attempt the regaining of it, and to make a retreat, if |jos- 
sible. For this purpose the remains of the army were formed, as 
well as circumstances would admit, towards the right of the en- 
campment, from which, by the way of the second line, another 
charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn 
their right flank, but in fact to gain the road. This was eftected, 
and as soon as it was open, the militia took along it, followed by 
the troops ; Major Clarke, with his battalion covering the rear."* 
Everything was now precipitate. The panic had assumed a terri- 
ble flight. The camp and artillery were all abandoned — not a horse 
was left alive to remove the cannon ; and the soldiery threw away 
their arms and accouterments as they ran, strewing the road for 
miles with them. The retreat began about half-past nine o'clock, 
and continued a distance of twenty-nine miles, to Fort Jefferson, 
where they arrived soon after sunset, having lost thirty-nine oflicers, 
killed, and five hundred and ninety-three men killed and missing; 
twenty-two oflicers, and two hundred and forty-two men wounded ; 
with a loss to the public, in stores and other valuable property, to 
the amount of some thirty-two thousand eight hundred and ten 
dollars and seventy-five cents.f 

The following were the names of the officers who fell on this 
memorable occasion: Major-general Richard Butler, Lieutenant- 
colonel Oldham, of the Kentucky militia; Majors Ferguson, Clarke, 
and Hart; Captains Bradford, Phelon, Kirkwood, Price, Van 
Swearingen, Tipton, Smith, Purdy, Piatt, Gutlirie, Cribbs, and New- 
man; Lieutenants Spear, Warren, Boyd, McMath, Bead, Burgess, 
Kelso, Little, Hopper, and Lickens ; Ensigns Balch, Cobb, Chase, 
Turner, Wilson, Brooks, Beatty, and Purdy ; Quartermasters Rey- 
nolds and Ward; Adjutant Anderson ; and Doctor Grasson. The 
officers wounded Avere: — Lieutenant-colonels Gibson, Darke, and 
Sargent, (adjutant-general ;) Major Butler ; Captains Doyle, True- 
man, Ford, Buchanan, Darke, and Hough; Lieutenants Greaton, 
Davidson, De Butts, Price, Morgan, McCroa, Lysle, and Thomson ; 
Ensign Bines'; Adjutants Whisler and Crawford; and the Viscount 
Malartie, volunteer aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief. 

Many women J had followed the army of St. Clair in its march 
towards the Miami village, prefering to be with their husbands than 
to remain behind, most of whom were destroyed; and "after the 
flight of the remnant of the army, the Lidians began to avenge 
their own real and imaginary wrongs by perpetrating the most hor- 
rible acts of cruelty and brutality upon the bodies of the living and 
dead Americans who fell into their hands. Believing that the whites, 
for many years, made war merely to acquire land, the Indians 

*St. Clair's report. tR^purt of Secretary of War, Dec. 11, 1T92. 

;•' History of Oliio," i.y Atwat.^', -say^ 250 : Dillon, in lii.> His. of Ind., says " more 
than one lumih'c*i." 



Van Cleve's Nakkation of St. Clair's Defeat, 13 'J 

crammed clay and sand into the eyes and down the throats of the 
dying and the dead."* 

B. Van Cleve, who was in the quartermaster-generaFs depart- 
ment, of the army of St. Clair, says : f On the fourth [of November] 
at daybreak, I began to prepare for returning [to Fort Washing- 
ton,] J and had got about half my luggage on my horse, when the 
firing commenced. We were encamped just within the lines, on 
the riglit. The attack was made on the Kentucky militia. Almost 
instantaneously, the small remnant of them that escaped broke 
through the line near us, and this line gave away. Followed by a 
tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed me. I threw mv 
bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had been cu^, and fol- 
lowed a short distance, when finding the troops had halted, I re- 
turned and brought my horse a little further. I was now between 
the fires, and finding the troops giving away again, was obliged to 
leave him a second time. As I quitted him he was shot down, and 
I felt rather glad of it, as I concluded that now I shall be at liberty 
to share in the engagement. My inexperience prompted me to 
calculate on our forces being far superior to any that the savages 
could assemble, and that we should soon have the pleasure of driv- 
ing them. Not more than five minutes had yet elapsed, when a 
soldier near me had his arm swinging with a wound. I requested 
his arms and accoutrements, as he was unable to use them, promis- 
ing to return them to him, and commenced firing. The smoke Avas 
settled dovv^n to within about three feet of the ground, but I gener- 
ally put one knee to the ground and with a rest from behind a tree, 
waited the appearance of an Indian's head from behind his cover, 
or for one to run and change his position. Bolbre I was convinced 
of my mistaken calculations, the battle was half over and I had be- 
come familiarised to the scene. Hearing the firing at one time 
unusually brisk near the rear of the left wing, I crossed the encamp- 
ment. Two levy oJBScers were just ordering a charge. I had fired 
away my ammunition and some of the bands of my musket had 
flown off. I picked up another, and a cartridge box nearly full, 
and pushed forward with about thirty others. The Indians ran to 

*Dillon's His. Iiid., p. 283. From a letter to General St. Clair, dated Fort Wasliini,'- 
ton, Feliruary 13. 1792, written by Capt. Robert Bunti, who had ])reviously accompa- 
nied Gen. James "Wilkinson with a small detachment of mounted men to the scene of 
St. Clair's defeat, the following extract is made : " We left Fort Jefferson about nine 
o'clock on the 31st (of January), with the volunteers, and arrived within eight miles of 
the field of battle that evening, and next day we arrived at the ground about Ion 
o'clock. The scene was truly melancholy. In ray opinion those unfortunate men who 
fell into the enemy's hands, with life, were used with the greatest torture— having their 
limbs torn off; and the women have been treated with the most indecent cruelty, hav- 
ing stakes as thick as a person's arm, drove through their bodies. Tht^fir.'.t, I observed 
when burrying the dead ; and the latter was discovered by Colonel Sarg-^nt and Dr. 
Brown." "Pits being dug, all the bodies found were hurried by the detacliment under 
Wilkinson. The Indians seldom if ever buried those they killed in battle, or other- 
wif'c. 

vAs published from the manuscript of Van Cleve in the " American Pioneer," l^Vi. 

xSaya >). note lo this account ;•' He was in the quirtetmaster-geuerars service; so 
that he •■ fuv.gbt on his oVu hb'.'k.' " 



140 History of Fort Wayne. 

the right, whe^re there was a small ravine filled with logs. I bent 
my course a,fter them, and on looking round, found I was with only 
seven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward and 
halted about thirty yards ofi" We halted also, and being so near 
to where the savages lay concealed, the second fire from them left 
me standing alone. My cover was a small sugar tree or beach, 
scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired away all my ammuni- 
tion ; I am uncertain whether with any effect or not. I then looked 
for the party near me, and saw them retreating and half way back 
to the lines. I followed them, running my best, and was soon in. 
By this time our artillery had been taken, I do not know whether 
the first or second time, and our troops had just retaken it, and 
were charging the enemy across the creek in front ; and some per- 
son tohl me to look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of 
powder, but I did not see him. There were about thirty of our 
men and ofiicers lying scalped around the pieces of artillery. It 
appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for their hair 
was all skinned ofi*.'' 

" Daniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought 
up with me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time 
received a shot through his hips, and was unable to walk. I pro- 
cured a horse and got him on. My uncle had received a ball near 
his wrist that lodged near his elbow. The ground was literally 
covered with dead and dying men, and the commander gave orders 
to take the way — perliaps they had been given more explicitly. 
Happening to sec my uncle, he told me a retreat was ordered, and 
that I must do the best I could, and take care of myself. Bonham 
insisted that he had a better chance of escaping than 1 had, and 
urged me to look to my own safety alone. I found the troops pressing 
like a drove of bullocks to the right. I saw an officer, whom I took 
to.be lieut. Morgan, an aic^to general Butler, with six or eight men, 
start on a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately ran 
and fell in with them. In a short distance we were so suddenly 
among the Indians, who were not apprised of our object, that they 
opened to us, and ran to the ri-^ht and left witliout firing. I think 
about two hundred of our men passed through them before they 
fired, except a chance shot. When we had proceeded about two 
miles, most of those uiounted had passed me. A boy had been 
thrown or fell ofi* a horse, and begged my assistance. I ran, pull- 
ing him along, about two miles further, until I had become nearly 
exhausted. Of the last two horses in the rear, one carried two men, 
and the other three. I made an exertion and threw him on behind 
the two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile further. 
The boy was thrown ofi" some time afterwards, but escaped and 
got in safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but 
understood he was thrown ofi" about this place, and lay on the left 
of the trace, where he was found in the winter and was buried. I 
took the cramp violently in my thighs, and could scarcely walk, 



Van Cleve's Naekation. • 141 

until I got within a hundred yards of the rear, where the Indians 
were tomahawking the old and wounded men ; and I stopped here 
to tie my pocket handkerchief around a man's wounded knee. I 
saw the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a moment mv 
spirits sunk, and I felt in despair for my safety. I considered 
whether I should leave the road, or whether I was capable of any 
further exertion. If I left the road, the Indians were in plain sight 
and could easily overtake me. I threw the shoes off my feet aiid 
the coolness of the ground seemed to revive me. I again began a 
trot, and recollect that, when a bend in the road offered, and 1 got 
before half a dozen persons, I thought it would occupy some time 
for the enemy to massacre them, before my turn would come. By 
the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had gained 
the centre of the flying troops, and, like them, came to a walk. I 
fell in with lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think, was the only officer 
of artillery that got away unhurt, with corporal Mott, and a woman 
who was called red-headed Nance. The latter two were both cry- 
ing. Mott was lamenting the loss of his wife, and Nance that of 
an infant child. Shaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on 
Mott's arm. I carried his fusee and accoutrements, and led Nance ; 
and in this sociable way we arrived at Fort Jefferson, a little after 
sunset. 

"The commander-in-chief had ordered Col. Darke to press for- 
ward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry them on to the army. 
Major Truman, captain Sedan and my uncle were setting forward 
with him. A number of soldiers, and packhorsemen on foot, and 
myself among them, joined them. We came on a few miles, when 
all, overcome with fatigue, agreed to a halt. Darius Curtus Orcutt,* 
a packhorse master, had stolen at Jefferson, one pocket full of flour 
and the other full of beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one 
Jacob Fowler and myself groped about in the dark, until we found 
some water, whei-e a tree had been blown out of root. "We made a 
kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among the many. It 
was then concluded, as there was a bend in the road a few miles 
further on, that the Indians might undertake to intercept us there, 
and we decamped and traveled about four or five miles further. I 
had got a rifle and ammunition at Jefferson, from a wounded mili- 
tiaman, an old acquaintance, to bring in. A sentinel was set, and 
we laid doAvn and slept, until the governor came up a few hours af- 
terward. I think I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get 
awake afrer I was on my feet. On the day before the defeat, the 
ground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled with wa- 
ter frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife-blade. I was worn out 
with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces against the roots in 
the night, and splashing through the ice without shoes. In the 

*Orcutt's paekhorses were branded D. C. O., and it was a standing joke, when anyone 
asked what the brand meant, to answer that D. C. stood for Darby Carey, and the round 
for his wife, — Western Pioneer. 



142 History of Fort Wayne. 

morning we got to a camp of packhorsemen, and amongst them I 
got a cloiTghboy or water-dumpling, and proceeded. We got within 
Beven miles of Hamilton on this day, and arrived tliere soon on the 
morning of the sixth." 

The eflbrts against the Miami village were, for a time, at least, 
brought to a close. A new order of things now became necessary, 
if success was to be attained in any further movement towards this 
point. 



-^S^v 




CHAPTER XIL 

»■**-**# 

' Fill lip life's little span 

With God-like deeds— it is the test- 
Test of the high-born soulj 

And lofty aim ; 
The test in History's scroll 

Of every honored name! 
None but the brave shall win the goal."— 'HAavzy RioK, 



How 'W'ashington was eifected by the defeat of St. Clair— Frontier settlements exposed 
to the ravages of the India'is-^Appointment of General Wayne to the com- 
mand of the western army — Relief of the frontier settlements — 'Party spirit — Ef- 
forts of the go /eriiment to form treaties with the Indians — General Wayne ad- 
vances towards this point — Establislies his headquariers at Fort Greenville— Erects 
a fortification on the site of St. Clair's defeat — Indians begin to be fearful of suc- 
cees^-Send General Wayne a speech-^— Can't accept the terms of Wayne— They 
still hope for British aid-^The Spanish of the Lower Mississippi— Cetachmeiit 
sent to P'ort Massac — 'Fierce attack upon Fort Recovery — 'The army starts for the 
Miami village — Erection of Fort Adams— ^ Army teaches moutli of the Aiiglaizo 
and Maumee — Erection there oi Fort Defiance — Wayne's report to the Secetary of 
War— Distrust of the Indians— Capt. William Wells and Little Turtle— Wells 
quils the Miamies and joins Wayne — Gouneilofthe tribes^-Speech of Little Turtle 
— Movements of the army — Attack by the Indians — ^The Wisdom of Little Turtle 
—'Anthony Shane's account of Tecumseh^— Report of General Wayne- — Return to 
Fort Defiance — Destruction of corn-fields and villages— General Wayne and the 
British commander at the Rapids of the Maumee — 'Repairs upon Fort Defiance — 
Army movis again for the village here — Its arrival — Selection of the site for tlie 
erection of a fort — Journal ofthearmy — ^Completion of the fort— Lieut. -Col Ham- 
tramck assumes command, and names it Port Wayne— Main body of the army, 
under Wayne, starts for Fort Greenville— Glorious eftect of Waj-ne's victory 
throughout the country — Indians invited to hold a treaty of peace— effoita of the 
British Inciian agents- Agreeable adjustment of affairs with Great Britain — In- 
diana dispirited thereby— They begin to visit Wayne at Greenville — Letters of 
Col. Hauitramek — The treaty of Greenville — effecting address of Wayne— Great 
rejoicing throughout the country — " Westward, ho ! " 



' HE NEWS of the defeat of Gen. St. Clair fell heavily upon 

I the mind of Washington. He had long; looked upon the cap- 

,4ure of this locality and the establishment here of formidable 

fortifications with the highest degree of interest and concern ; 

and to learn of the defeat of an army like that under St. Clair 

—a defeat greater than that of Braddock in his movement againsi; 

Ftirt Du Questiej in 1T55— wl^ts tb b'e most sevei-ely felt by him. 



144 HisTOKY OF FoET Wayne. 

He had hoped for speedy relief to the sparse and greatly exposed 
settlements of the west, and had relied largely upon General St. 
Clair to carry his designs and those ot the government to a suc- 
cessful termination ; and while, in the main, Gen. St. Clair was but 
little if any to blame for the terrible defeat that impeded his march 
to the Miami village, yet Washington could but feel it most sorely. 
His feelings are said suddenly to have overcome him; and though 
most unlike the man of courage, hope, perseverance, and usual 
calm, self-complacency, when told of St. Clair's ill success, his bet- 
ter feelings suddenly gave way to those of the most intense discom- 
fiture. " it's all over ! " he exclaimed ; " St. Clair is defeated ! 
routed I" His private secretary, according to the account, was the 
only one present, and he is said to have been " awed into breathless 
silence by the appalling tones in which the torrent of invective 
was poured forth by Washington. But his composure was as soon 
restored, and new resolution as readily formed in the plastic mind 
of the President. 

The defeat of St. Clair's force was doubly embarrassing. Be- 
sides disappointing and perplexing the government, it had " ex- 
posed the whole range of the frontier settlements on the Ohio to the 
fury of the Indians," against which they made the best arrange- 
ments in their power for their own defence ; while the government 
took measures for recruiting, as soon as possible, the Western army. 
Among the military commandants of the time, General Wayne 
was a great favorite with the people of the west, and lie readily 
received the appointment to the command of the western troops ; 
though " a factious opposition in Congress, at that time, to the mil- 
iary and financial plans of the administration, delayed the equip- 
ment of the army for nearly two years ; " and thus, " while General 
Wayne was preparing to penetrate the Indian country in the sum- 
mer of 1T94, the attention of the Indians was drawn to their own 
defence, and the frontiers were relieved from their attacks."* Party 
spirit now ran high. The west felt sorely agrieved, and every act 
of the general government tending towards conciliation with the 
British, who were charged with inciting the Indians on the frontier, 
was looked upon in the most disapprobative feeling ; and while 
General Wayne, from 1792 to August, 1793, was gathering his 
forces for the renewal of efibrts against the Indians of this point, 
the government of the United States used strenuous efforts to estab- 
lish treaties of peace and good- will among the tribes hostile to the 
Americans in the nerthwestern territory, by sending out messen- 
gers with speeches. On the 7th of April, 1792, Brig. -General Wil- 
kinson dispatched such messengers (Freeman and Gerrard) from 
Fort Washington to the Indians on the Maumee ;t but who were 
captured, and being taken for spies, were murdered some where 
near the rapids ot this river ; and the efibrts of the government re- 
sulted in but little success, in so far as the direct desire for peace 

«•'" Amoricaa PionCcr," p. 206. fDillon's His. lud. pp. 287, 289, 



Wayne's Movement from Fokt Washington. 145 

was concerned. The strong arm of wai-* seemed the only means left 
to bring the tribes to a true sense of regard for the government and 
its real purposes towards the Indians of the western country. Thus 
stood matters from the time of the last efforts of the United States, 
on the part of its last commissioners to the Indians, (Benjamin 
Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Timothy Pickering) in August, 
1793, with some activity on the part of the Indians, and much hope 
and anxiety on the part of the settlements of Marietta and other 
points in the west, till Wayne had advanced from his headquarters, 
at "Hobson's Choice," near Fort Washington, on the Gth of Octo- 
ber, 1793, to the soutliAvest branch of the Great Miami, within six 
miles of Fort Jefferson, and, about a month subsequently, estab- 
lished his headquarters at Fort Greenville,* which was built by him 
about the period of his arrival at that point. On the 23d of Decem- 
ber, of this year, from this fort, he gave orders for the erection of 
a fort on the site of St. Clair's defeat, in '91, and for that purpose 
ordered Major Henry Burbeck, with eight companies of infantry, 
and a detachment of artillery, to proceed to the ground, whither 
the soldiers arrived, executed the order of General Wayne, and the 
fortification was appropriately called "Fort Recovery." At this 
bold procedure, the Indians began to exhibit signs of uneasiness, 
and soon sent General Wayne a "speech,'" desiring to present over- 
tures of peace with the United States ; but the terms presented by 
AVayne were not then agreeable to the Indians, who had, about the 
time of Wayne's proposition, much as in the case of the French, at 
the time of the Pontiac struggle against the British, been led to hope 
that early in the coming year ('94), Great Britain would render 
them sufficient aid to enable them to expel and destroy the Amer- 
ican settlers situated on the territory northwest of the Ohio.f 

Matters now agitating the general mind, and, to a considerable 
extent, calling away the attention of the Government, relative to a 
proposed expedition against the Spaniards of the Lower Mississippi, 
and to oppose which. General Wayne was ordered by President 
Washington to send a detachment to Fort Massac, on the Ohio, 
about eight miles below the Tennessee river, there "to erect a 
strong redoubt and blockhouse, with some suitable cannon from 
Fort Washington," the expedition of Wayne remained in compara- 
tive quiet at the different posts, (Jefferson, Greenville, Recovery, 
&c.,) till the morning of the 30th of June, '94 when Major 

*Which formerly stood in tlie vicinity of what is now tlie town of Greenville, Darke 
county, Ohio. 

tin February, 1791, Lnrd Dorchester, then Governor-general of Canada, at a council 
of chiefs at Quebec, told the Indians "that he should not be surprised if Great Britain 
and the United States were at war in course of th*year." Hence their encouragement 
in part, at least. It was about this period also that Franco was experiencing much 
trouble of a revolutionary nature, and that Genet, theFrencli Minister in this country, 
had sought to raise a body of troops, &c., to move against the Spaniards of Florid;^ s^nd 
Louisiana. Lord Dorchester, doubtless infering that such a movement, aided hy tlie 
United SUtcs, would soon precipitate the two coi^ntifies into a v,'ar again,, was most 
probably led to encourage the Indians by the v^W^V-^ q^'oted above. A proclamatiuu 
was issued by Washington against the movement, March '24, 1794. (U)} 



146 HisTOBY OF FoET Wayne. 

McMahon, commanding-, with an escort of ninety riflemen and fifty 
dragoons, was fiercely assailed by a body of some fifteen hundred 
Indians "under the walls of Fort Kecovery.'-' Assisted, as was 
thought, b}^ a " number of Britisli agents and a few French Cana- 
dian volunteers," the Indians, during a period of about twen- 
ty-lour hours, made several sallies upon this fort, but finding their 
efforts unavailable, retired. The loss, however, to the garrison was 
b)^ no means trifling — twenty-tAvo men being killed, and thirty 
wounded, and throe were missing ; two hundred and twcntj'-one 
horses were also killed, wounded and missing. The Indians hav- 
ing been en'j,Hged in carrying away their dead during the night, 
but eight or ten of their warriors were found dead near the fort. 
Major McMahon, Captain Hartshorne, Lieutenant Craig, and Cor- 
net Torry, fell on this occasion. 

]\Iaior-General Scott, with some sixteen hundred motinted volun- 
teers, having arrived at Fort Greenville, on the 26'th of J(il_y, {^94.), 
and joined the regulars under General Wayne, on the 28th of July, 
the army began its march upon the Indian villages along the Mau- 
mee. On this march, some twenty-four miles to the north' of Fort 
Recovery, Wayne had built and garrisoned a small Post, which he 
called Fort Adams. From this point, on the 4th of August, the 
army moved toward the confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee 
rivel-s, where tliey arrived on the 8th of August. At this point, '• a 
strong stockade fort, with four goad stockhouses, by way of bas- 
tions,'^ was soon concluded, which was called by Gen, Wayne Fort 
Defiance. On the 14th of August, General Wayne wrote as fol- 
lows to the Secretary of War : " 1 have," said he, " the honor to in- 
form you that the army under my command took possession of 
this very important post on the morning- of the 8th instant — the ene- 
my, on the preceding evening, having abandoned all their settle- 
ments, towns, and villagCSj With such apj^a.-ent marks of surprise 
and precipitatiou, as to ^amount to a positive proof that our ap- 
proach Vv'as not discerned by them until the arrival of a Mr. New- 
man, of the quartei-master-generars departmentj who deserted from 
the army near the St. Marv's. * * * I had made such deuion- 
strations, for a length of time previously to taking up our line of 
march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the route 
of the Miami viliagCiS, to the left, or toward Eoche de Bout, by the 
right — which feints appear to have pioduced the desired effect, by 
<lr«wiug' the attention of the enemy to those points, and gave an 
opfiuiiiS!; ioi" the army to approach undiscovered by a devious, i. <?., 
in a centr.'tl direction. Thus, sir, we have gained possession of the 
grand emj^oriLiin ^^' the hostile Indians of the west, without loss of 
l^lpod. * * * Everything is now prepared for a forward 
piiOyft* fQ.:-]Tiorrow morniffg toward Roche de JBoote, or foot of the 
rapicjs: ^' ^ * Yet I har^ thottght proper to offer the enemy 
fi Ui.at overture '.^f peace ". and as they have everything that is dear 
and interesting now at stake,! have reason to expect that they will 



Wayne's Effoets for Peace — ^Wm. Wells. 147 

listen to the proposition mentioned in the enclosed copy oi' an ad- 
dress, dispatched yesterday by a special flag (Christopher Miller,) 
who I sent under circumstances that will insure liis safe return, and 
which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood. 
But should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads. 
America shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an all- 
powerful and just God I therefore commit myself and gallant 
army." 

In his address to the Indians, as dispatched by Miller " to the 
Delewares, Shawanees, Miamis, and Wyandots, and to each and 
every of them ; and to all other nations of Indians northwest of the 
Ohio, whom it may concern," said General AVayne : " Brothers — 
Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and lan- 
guage of the bad white men at the foot of the rapids: they have 
neither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut 
jour eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to tliis 
last overture of peace. But, in pity to your innocent women and 
children, come and prevent the further effusion of yottr blood. Let 
them, experience the kindness and friendship of the United States of 
iVmerica, and the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility." 
He urged them also — " each and every hostile tribe of Indians to 
appoint deputies " to assemble without delay at the jimction of the 
Auglais:e and foot of the rapids, "in order to settle the prelimina- 
ries of a lasting peace." The answer brought by Miller on his re- 
turn, on the 16th, was, " that if he (General Wayne) waited where 
he was ten days, and then sent Miller for them, tliey would treat 
with him ; but that if he advanced, they wotild give him battle." 

The slow movement of Wayne towards the Miami village had 
causeil many of the Indians to feel no little distrust as to their abili- 
ty to defeat the great chief* of the Americans who was creeping 
so cautiously upon their strongholds. 

A man by the name of Wells, already referred to in a previous 
chapter, who, at the age of twelve years, had been captured in Ken- 
tucky and adopted by the Miamies, and who had lived to manhood 
and raised a family among them, just prior to the advance of the 
army towards the rapids, began to feel a new awakening in his 
mind. He had fought by the side of Little Ttirtle against botii 
Jiarmar and St. Clair; and it was said of him, that '' afterwards, in 
the times of calm reflection, with dim memories still of his child- 
hood home, of brothers and playmates, he seemed to have been 
harrowed with the thought that amongst the slain, by his oavu hautl, 
may have been his kindred." He had resolved to break his at- 
tachment to the tribe, even to his wife and children. In this state 
of mind, with much of the Indian characteristics, inviting the W'ar 
chief of the Miamies — Little Turtle — to accompany hiai to a point 
on the Maumee, about two'nules east of Fort Wayne, at what was 
long known as the " Big Elm," whither they at once repaired. Wells 

*i<Vom liis greai vigi!(5iice, Wayne was culled by the TndiaTiK the BlniiK Sini"W<^-. 



148 History of Fokt Wayne. 

readily told the chief his purpose. "I now leave your nation," 
said he, " for my own people. We have long been friends. We 
are friends yet, until the sun reaches a certain height, (which was 
mentioned). From that time we are enemies. Thenif you wish to 
kill me, you may. If I want to kill you, I may." When the time 
indicated had come, Capt. Wells crossed the river, and was soon 
lost to the view of his old friend and chieftain. Little Turtle. Mov- 
ing in an easterly course, with a view to striking the trail of Wayne's 
forces, he was successful in obtaining an interview with the Gen- 
eral, and ever thereafter proved the fast friend of the Americans.* 
The resolute movement of Wells was a severe blow upon the Miam- 
ies. To Turtle's mind it seemed to have been an unmistakable 
foreboding of sure and speedy defeat to the confederated tribes of 
the northwest, as already referred to. 

In accordance with previous arrangements, on the 15th of Au- 
gust, General Wayne moved with his forces towards the foot of the 
rapids, and came to a halt a few miles above that point, on 
the ISlh, and the next day began the erection of a temporary 
garrison, more especially for the reception of stores, baggage, and 
the better to reconnoitre the enemy's ground, which lay " behind a 
thick, bushy wood, and the British fort."t This post was called 
" Fort Deposit." 

The Miamies were now undecided as to the policy of attacking 
General Wayne, notwithstanding the fact tliat they, with the aid of 
other tribes, and through the iuliuence of the British, had succeeded' 
in defeating the former expeditions of Harmar and St, Clair. At a 
general council of the conl'edevated tribes, held on the 19th of Au- 
gust, Little Turtle was most earnest in his endeavors to pursuade a 
peace with general Wayne. Baid he, " we have beaten the enemy 
tv/ice under different commanders. We cannot expect the same 
good fortune to attend us always. The Americans are now led by 
a chief who never sleeps. The nights and the days are alike to him, 
and during all the time that he has been marching on our villages, 
notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never 
been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something 
whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." 
But his words of wisdom were but little regarded. One of the chiefs 
of the council even went so far as to charge him with cowardice, 
which be readily enough spurned, for there were none braver or 

*After ilii: arrival here of the army tvnder Wayne, Wells was made ca])tain of the 
Spies, unil settling at the " Old Orchard," a short distance from the eontlueneeof the 
St. Mary and St. Joseph, on the banks of a little stream there, afterwards called " Spy 
Run," and which stilJbeai-s that name, the government subsequently grunted him a 
preemption of some thre^hundifed and twenty iicres of land thereabout, including his 
improvement thereon, the oW orehai'd, etc. Wells afttrwards, also became, by ap- 
pointment of the Government, Indian Agent here, in wliich capacity he served for sev- 
eral years, 

fThis fort, at tlio foot of the Rapids, called Fort Miami, was about seven miles from 
Fort Deposit, and stood on the northwestern bank of the Maumee, near where Maumee 
City now stands. 



General "Wayne's Report to Secretary Knox. 149 

more ready to act where victory was to be won or a defense re- 
quired, than Little Turtle, and so, without further parley, the coun- 
cil broke up, and Turtle, at the head of his braves, took his stand to 
meet and give battle to the advancing army. 

" At eight o'clock," says Wayne, in his report to Secretary Knox, 
on the 28th of August, 1794, '' on the morning of the 20th, the arniy 
again advanced in columns, agreeably to the standing order of 
march ; the legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee : 
one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Brigadier-gen- 
eral Todd, and the other in the rear, under Brigadier-general Bar- 
bee. A select battallion of mounted volunteers moved in front of 
the legion, commanded by Major Price, wdio was directed to keep 
sulBciently advanced, so as to give timely notice for tke troops to 
form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the In- 
dians would decide lor peace or war. 

" After advancing about five miles," continued the report, " Ma- 
jor Price's corps received so severe a lire from the enemy, who were 
secreted in the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. 
The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a 
close, thick wood, which extended for miles on our left, and for a 
yery considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with 
old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which ren- 
dered it impracticable for the cavalry to act v/ith etlect, and alibrd- 
ed the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode of warfare. 
The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance 
of each other, and extending for near two miles, at right angles with 
the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and ex- 
tent of their lines, that the enemy were in fuil force in front, in pos- 
session of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left 
flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and 
support the first; and directed Major-general Scott to gain and turn 
the right flank of the savages, with the whole of the mounted vol- 
unteers, by a circuitous route ; at the same time I ordered the front 
line to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians 
from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and v/hen up, to de- 
liver a close and well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a 
brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again. 

" I also ordered Captain Mis Campbell, who commanded the leg- 
ionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, 
and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All 
these orders were obeyed witli spirit and promptitude ; but such 
was the irapetuousity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that 
the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were drove from 
all their coverts in so short a time, that, although every possible ex- 
ertion was used by the oflicers of the second line of the legion, and 
by Generals Scott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to 
gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in sensou 
to participate in the action ; the enemy being drove, in the course 



1 50 PIlSTOliY OF FOKT WaVKE. 

of one hour, more than two miles through the thick woods already 
mentioned by less than one-half their numbers. From every ac- 
count, the enemy amounted to two thousand combatants. The 
troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred.* 
This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to 
liight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious 
army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which term-, 
inated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison." 

The wisdom, foresight and valor of Little Turtle were now no 
longer to be questioned. At the Indian council, on the night be- 
fore the attack, he clearly saw the end of all their efforts as:ainst 
the army of Wayne ; and the Indians soon began to feel and realize 
that their main hold upon the northwest was broken forever. 

Though it is not positively known whetlier Tecumseh was at the 
council or not, the night before the battle, yet it is authentically 
recorded, in the life of this chief, in accordance with the folloAving 
account by Anthony Shane, that h6 led a party of Shawanoes in 
the attack upon the army of General Wayne. And it was in this 
engagement that he first encountered the white chief. Gen. Harri- 
son, then a Lieutenant, with whom, a few years later, he had so much 
dealing. Says the accoimt of Shane : He occupied an advanced 
position in the battle, and while attempting to load his rifle, he pat 
in a bullet before the powder, and Avas thus unable to use his gun. 
Being at this moment pressed in front by some infantry, he fell 
back with his party, till they met anulher detachment of Indians. 
Tecumseh urged them to stand fast and fight, saying if any one 
would lend him a gun, he would show them how to use it. A fowl- 
ino;-piece was handed to him, with which he fought for some time, 
till the Indians were again compelled to give ground. While fall- 
ing back, he met another party of Shawanoes; and, although the 
whites were pressing on them, he rallied the Indians, and induced 
them to make a stand in a thicket. When the infantry pressed 
close upon them, and had discharged their muskets into the bushes, 
Tecumseh and his party returned the fire, and then retreated till 
they had joined the main body of the Indians below the rapids of 
the Maumee. 

As presented in the foregoing report, " the bravery and conduct 
of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals down te 
the ensign," merited the '' highest approbation. There were, how- 
ever, some," says Wajnie, " whose rank and situation placed their 
conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed 
with pleasure, and the most lively gratitude. Among whom, I 
nmst beg leave to mention Brigadier-general Wilkinson, and Col. 

*The exact, number of Indians engaged in this action, against Wayne's army ha»i 
never been ascertained. There were, however, about 450 Delawares, 175 Miamies, 275 
yiiawanees, 225 Ottawas,275 Wyandotts, and a small number of Senecas, T'ottawatta- 
mios, and Chippewas. The number of white men who fought in defense of the Indianpi 
Jn this engagement, was about seventy, including a cor|).s of volunteei"s from Detroit, 
under tiu'cvnimand of Captain CaldwelL — His. Ind. 



Wayne's- Viotoky at the Rapids — Killed, Wounded, &c. 151 

Haratramck, thecomm-mdants of the right and left wings of the 
legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I 
mnst add," said he, " the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de- 
camp. Captain De Butt and. T. Lewis; and Lieutenant Harrison, 
who, with the adjutant-general. Major Mills, rendered the most es- 
sential service l)y communicating my orders in every direction, and 
by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for vic- 
tory. Lieutenant Covington, upon whom the command of the cav- 
alry now devolved, cut down two sa^^ages Avith his own hand; and 
Lieutenant Webb one, in turning the enemy's left flank. The 
wounds received by Captains Slough and Price,-, and Lieuienant 
Campbell Smith, an extra aid-de-camp to General Wilkinson, of the 
legionary infantr}^, and Captain Van Rensselear, of the dragoons, 
Captain Ilawlins, Lieutenant McKenny, and Ensign Duncan, of the 
mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their braverj'- and 
conduct. 

" Captains H. Lewis and Brock, with their companies of light 
infantry, had to sustain an unequal fire for some time, Avhich they 
snpported with fortitude. Li fact, every oflicer and soldier, who 
had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true bravery 
whicli will always ensure success. And here permit mo to do(darc, 
that I never discovered more true spirit and auxiety for action, than 
appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers ; and I 
am well persuaded that, had the enemy maintained their favorite 
ground for one-half hour longer, they would have most severely 
felt the prowess of that corps. But, while I pay this tribute to the 
living-, I must not neglect the gallant dead, among whom \\'e have 
to lament the early death of those worthy and brave officers, Cap- 
tain Mis Campbell, of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Towles, of the 
light infantry, of the legion, who fell in the first charge.." 

Of the killed and wounded, in this engagement, according to the 
report of General Wayne, the regular troops, lost twenty-six killed, 
and eiglity-seven wounded. Of the Kentucky volunteers, seven 
were killed and thirteen were wounded; and nine regulars and tvvo 
volunteers died of their wounds before the 28th of the month. The 
loss of the enemy was more than twice that of the army under 
Wayne; and " the woods were strewn for a considerable distance 
■with the dead bodies of Indians." 

Wayne's victory was now complete. It was short and decisive ; 
and after remaining" three days and nights on the banks of the 
Maumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the 
houses and cornfields (of the enemy) were consumed and destrv)yed 
for a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami, as 
well as Avithin pistol shot of the garrison, who were compelled to 
remain tacit spectators to this general devastation and conflagra- 
tion ; among which were the houses, stores, and pro])erty of Col-^ 
onel McKee, the British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of 
the war now existing between the United States and the sav- 



152 HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayne. 

ages,"* on the 2Ttli, the army started upon its return march for 
Fort Defiance, laying: waste, as it moved, villages and cornfields for 
a distance of some fifty miles along* the Manmee. 

It will be proper here to mention, that while the American forces 
occupied their position within range of the British fortf at the rap- 
ids, from the afternoon of the 20th to the forenoon of the 23d, five 
letters passed between the British commander (Major Campbell) 
and General Wayne; the first coming from the British command- 
ant, encjuiring the cause of the army of the United States approach- 
ing so near his majesty's fort — that he knew " of no war existing 
between Great Britain and America," etc. To which Gen. Wayne 
replied: " Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir, 
ot your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, 
observe to you, that, were you entitled to an answer, the most full 
and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my 
small arms, yesterday morning, in the action against the horde of 
savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to 
the American arms ; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc., 
were driven under the influence of the post and guns 3^ou mention, 
they would not ha.ve much impeded the progress of the victorious 
army under my command, as no such post was established at the 
commencement of the present war between the Indians and the 
United States." To which, in turn, the British commandant, having 
taken the rejoinder of Wajme as an insult to the British flag, threat- 
ened to open his batteries upon the American forces, should they 
continue to approach his post " in the threatening manner " they 
were then doing, etc. Wayne's reply was this time to the effect 
that he also knew of no war then existing between Great Britain and 
America — reminding him of the definitive treaty of 178o — showing 
him tliat Great Britain was then and there maintaining a post be- 
yond the limits and stipulations of that treaty ; and ordering him to 
retire peacefully within the limits of the British lines. To which 
the British commandant replied that he certainly would not aban- 
don the post at the summons of any power whatever, until he re- 
ceived orders to that efiect from those he had the honor to serve 
under, or the fortunes of war should oblige him so to act; and still 
firmly adhered to his previous proposition, or threat. And thus 
the controversy ended. 

Reaching Fort Defiance again, the army soon began repairs upon 
the fort, in order to render it the more substantial in its general 
structure; and here the army remained till the morning of the 14th 
of September, 1794, when " the legion began their march for the 
Miami village," (this ])oint) whither they arrived at 5 o'clock, 
P. M., on the l7th of September, and on the following day, the 

*Wayne's report. 

tAt tlie period of Wayne's engagement near tlie rapids, there were about 2.50 regu- 
lars and 210 militia m this fort, with "four nine-pounders, two laige howitzers, and 
six six-pouuders mounted in tlie foit, and two swivels." — American State papers. 



Journal of Wayne's Campaign, 153 

troops fortilied their camps, while " the commander-iii-chicf re- 
cpnnoitered the ground and determined on the spot to build a gar- 
rison."* 

The history of events, from the time of the arrival of Wayne and 
his army at the Miami village, on the afternoon of the l7th, to the 
completion of the fort, will be partially seen, at least, from the fol- 
lowing dates at the Miami village, as presented in the daily journal 
of Wayne's campaign: 

Cam.p Miami Villages, Wih S/'p. 1794. — * » * * Four deserters from 
the Britirfh came to us this day ; they bring the information that the I'ldijuis arc en- 
camped 8 miles below the British forr to the nuinber of I'iOi.). 

20th Sep. — Last night it rained violently and the wind blew from the N. W. liarder 
than I knew heretofore. Gen. Barber with his cimuiand arrived in camp about 9 
o'clock this morning with 553 kegs of flour, each containing 100 pound-t. 

'IZd Sep. — Pour deserters from the British garrison arrived at our camp; they 
mention that the Indians are still embodied on the Miami, miles below the British 
fort ; that they are somcwliat divided in opinion, some are for peace and others for 
war. 

'Mth Sep. — This day the work commenced on the garrison, which T am apprehen- 
sive will take sometime to complete it. A keg of whisky containing ten gallons, 
was purchased this day for eighty dollars, a^heep for ten dollars : three dollars was 
offered for one pint of salt, but it could not be obtained for less than six. 

25/A Sep. — Lieutenant Blue, of the dragoons, was this day arrested by ensif^n 
Johnson, of the 4th S. L., but a number of their friends interfering, the dispute was 
settled upon lieutenant Blue asking .Johnson's pardon. 

2y\th Sep. — M'Cleland, one of our spies, with a small party came in this evening 
from Fort Defiance, who brings information that the enemy are troublesome about 
the garrison, anJthat they liave killed some of our men under the walls of the fort. 
Sixteen Indians were seen to-da}' near this place ; a small party went in pursuit of 
them. I have not heard what discoveries they have made. 

SOtk Sep. — Salt and whisky were drawn by the troops this day, and a number of 
the soldiery became much intoxicated, they iiavingstolen a quantity of liquor from 
the quartermaster. 

4:t.h Oct. — Thi-i morning we had the hardest frost I ever saw in the middle of De- 
cember, it was like a small snow; there was ice in our camp, kettles f of an inch 
thick ; the fatigues go on with velocity, considering the rations the troops are obliged 
to live on. 

5th Oct. — The weather extremely cold, and hard frosts, the wind N. W. ; every 
thing quiet and nothing but harmony and peace throughout the camp, which is some- 
thing uncommon. 

6th Oct. — Plenty and quietness the same as yesterday; the volunteers engaged to 
work on the garrison, for which they are to receive three gills of whisky per man per 
day; tlieir employment is digc^ing the ditch and filling up the parapet. 

Sth Oct. — The troops drew but half rations of flour this day. The cavalry and 
otlier horses die very fast, not less than four or five per day. 

'3th Oct. — The volunteers have agreed to build a block-house in front of the gar- 
rison. 

11th Oct. — A Canadian (Rozelie) with a flag arrived this evening; his business 
was to deliver up three nrisoners in exchange for his brother, who was taken on the 
20th August; he brings information thp.t the Indians are in council with Girty and 
M'Kee near the fort of Detroit, that all the tribes are for peace except the Shawan- 
ees, who are determined to prosecute the war. 

Idth Oct. — Nothing new, weather wet, and cold, wind from N. W. The troops 
healthy in general. 

nth Oct. — This day Captain Gibson arrived with a large quantity of flour, beef, 
and sheep. 

19/A Oct. — This day the troops were not ordered for labor, being the first day for 
four weeks, and accordingly attended divine service. 

*Daily journal Wayne's campaign. 



154: HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayne. 

SOz/i OrJ. — An express arrived this day with dispatclies to the oominander-in- 
chicf ; th« contents nrji. kept secret. 

A court-martial to sit this da_y for the trial of Cliarles TTj-de. 

21,1/ Oct. — Tills day were read the proceedings of a genenil conrt martial, hold on 
lieutenant Charles Hyde, (yesterday) was found not guilty of the charges exhibited 
against liim, and was therefore acquitted. 

On the morning- of the 22d of October, 1794, the garrison M-as 
in readiness, and Lieutenant-colonel llamtramck assunied com- 
mand of the I*ost, with the following sub-legions: Captain Kings- 
hury's 1st; Captain Greaton's 2d; Ca]jtains Spark's and Reed's 3d; 
Captain Preston's 4th; and Captain Porter's of artillery; and after 
firing lifreen rounds of cannon, Colonel Hamtramck gave it the 
name of Fort Wayne, * 

And here was the starting-point of a new era in civilization in 
the great northwest ! 

On the 2Sth of October, having completed his work at the point 
now bearing his name. General AVayne, with the main body of the 
regulars, took up his line of march for Fort Greenville, arriving at 
that point on the 2d of November. 

Early in September the news of "Wayne's victory had spread over 
a large part of the country, and operated most favorably for the 
government. It not only removed the dissatisfaction to which the 
great delays attending the campaign had given rise, but it was the 
best possible illustration of the benefits to be derived from the pro- 
tection of tlie general government, which had been greatly nnder- 
rated. As a permancnt*peace with the Indians was now consid- 
ered certain, tliis increased the desire for tranquility at home. And 
the troubles whi(di, but a short period before, had threatened to in- 
volve the government in much trouble, through tiie desire of Genet 
and his followers to move upon the Spaniards of the Lower Mis- 
sissippi, began greatly to dispirit the insurgents; and by the first 
of October, ('94) tranc{nility and good order were in a great meas- 
ure restored throughout the country.* 

After the close of the engagement of the 20rh of August, Wayne 
continued to invite the Indians to a friendly meeting, with a view 
■to permanent peace between the tribes and the United States. But 
the Indians, for some time, seemed to-be balancing between a de- 
sire si ill for the overthrow of the Americans and the hope of " ef- 
fectual support from the British," on the one hand, and the fear of ulti- 
mate defeat on the other,let their own stiengthor aid from the English 
be as formidable as it might ; and while AVayne was inviting them to 
meet him at Greenville to conclude a treaty with him there, " Lieu- 
tenant-general Simcoe, Col. McKee, and other oflicersof the British 
Indian department, persuaded Little Turtle, Blue Jacket, Buck-ong- 
a-helas, and other distinguished chiefs, to agree to hold an Indian 
council at the mouth of Detroit river."t 

The troubles with England, which had, but a few months before, 
threatened to break out into warfare again, were now, through the 
•American Pioneer. fDillon's His' Ind. 



Lbttkks of Col. Hamteamck. 155 

•vTJsdom of Washington, in a great measure, and the admirable ef- 
forts of John Jay, as envoy extraordinary from this country to the 
court of St. James, amicably adjusted in the conclusion of" a treaty 
of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United 8tateB 
and Great Britain." This treaty was concluded on the 1 iJth of No- 
vember; and one of its main stipulations was that of a withdrav/al, 
"on or before the first day of June, 17^6, all (of the Kings) troops 
and garrisons, from all posts and places within the boundry lines 
assigned to the United States by the treaty of peace of 1783." 

The news of this treaty having reached America, the Indians 
soon felt their last hope of aid from the English fading away, and 
began seriously to think of peace ; and during the months of Decem- 
ber and January, 1794-5, small parties of Miamies, Ottawas, Cliip- 
pewas, Pottawattamies, Sacs, Delawares, and Shawanoes began to 
visit General Wayne at his headquarters at Greenville, signing re- 
spectively, preliminary articles of peace, and agreeing " to meet 
Wayne at Greenville on or about the loth of June, 1795, with all 
the sachems and war-chiefs of their nations," Mdth a view of arrang- 
ing a final treaty of peace and amity between the United States and 
the Indians of the northwestern territory. 

During the period that elapsed between the departure (28th of 
October.) of Wayne for Fort Greenville from the newly completed 
garrison bearing his name here, until the 1 7th of May 1796, Col. 
Hamtramck remained in command at Fort Wayne ; and though 
nothing of a very important nature transpired during that time, yet 
there is much of interest to be gathered from the many letters* of 
Col. H., written from the fort here, and addressed to generals Wayne 
and Wilkinson.. 

On the 5th December, "91:, he wrote to Gen. Wayne: 

" It is willi a great degree of mortificixtion that I am obliged to inform your ex- 
cellency of the great propensity many of the solilicrs ha.ve to larceny. 1 have 
flogged them till I am tired. The economic allowance of one hundred lashes, al- 
lowed by government, does not ap|jear a sufficient inducement for a rascal to act 
the part of an honest man. I liave now a number in confinement and in irons for 
having stolen four quarters of beef on the night of the 3rd instant. I could wi.'^h 
them to be tried by a general court-martial, in order to make an example of some 
of them. 1 shall keep them contined until the pli^a-ure of your excellency is known." 

''Fort Wayne, December 2'^, 1794. 

"Sir — Yesterday a number of chiefs of the Chippeways, Ottawas, Sacks, and 
Potiawattamies arrived here with the two Lassells f It appears that the Shawaii- 
ecs, Delawares, and Miamios remain still under the influence ofMcKee; but Las- 
selj thinks they will be compelled to come into the measures of the other Indians. 
After the chiefs have rested a day or two, I will send them to he.-id-quarters " 

''Fort Wajpie, December 2'), 1704. 

8ra — Since my last letter to your excellency of the present date, two war-chiefs 
have arrived from the Miami nation, and inform me that their nation will be here 
in a few days, from whence they will proceed to Greenville They also bring in- 
telligence of the remaining tribes of savages acceding to the prevalent wish for peace. 
and collecting for the purpose the chiefs of their nations, who, it is expected, will 
make their appearance at this post about the same time the Miamies may come for- 
ward." 

*Published from the inamiscript of Col Hamtramak in the "American Pioneer, l&W. 

fJacques and Antoiue Lassolle. iJacques La«eelle 



156 History OF Fort AVayne. 

" Decfmher lo, 1795 

" The issues ro the Indians would Le very inconsiderable this wiriier, if it was 
not. forabout ninety old v/omen and children with some very old men, who live near 
us and have no other mode of subsisting; but by garrison. I have rcpoaledly tried 
to get clear of them, but without success. 

" Janriartj 13, 179G. 

"Aboutninety old women and chibiven have been victualled by the garrison. I 
have, yesterday, given tliem five days' provision, and told them it was the last 
they should have until spring. I was obliged to do so because, from calculation, I 
have no more flour thnn will last me until spring. But, sir, if other supplies could 
be got by land, I consider it politic to feed these poor creatures, who will suffer very 
much for want of subsistence." 

\_To General Wilk%nwn'\ " J/wrcA 28, 1790. 

"I am out of wnmpum. I will be very much obliged to you to send me some, for 
speaking to an Indian without it is H'Ke consuliing a lawyer without a fee." 

[7'o General Wilkinson ] ' April 5, 1796. 

'' Little Turtle arrived yesterday, to whom I delivered your message. R's answer 
was, to present his conipiiments to you. that he was very glad of the invitation, as 
he wished very m;)ch to see general Wilkinson, bu! it was impossible for him to go 
to Greenville at present, as he had ordered all his young men to repair to a rendez- 
vouz, in order, when assembled, to chose a place for their permanent residence : that, 
as soon as that object shall be accomplished, he would go to see you, which, he said, 
would be by the time he hears f'oim you again." 

\_To General Willdmon.'] "April 18, 1796. 

"The bearer is captain Blue .Jacket, who. at your request, is now going to Green- 
ville. 131ue Jacket is used to good company ana is always treated with more atten- 
tion than other Indians. He appears to be very well disposed, and I believe him 
sincere." 

True to their promise, in the early part of June, 1795, dp.pnta- 
tions from the diflerent tribes of the northwest hegan to arrive at 
Greenville with a view to the consummation of the treaty already 
referred to. This treaty, which was one of much interest through- 
out, lasted from the 16th of June, to the 10th of August, (1795) 
many of the principal chiefs making strong speeches, and each na- 
tion openly and separately assenting to the articles and stipulations 
of the treaty. At the conclusion of his speech to deputies on the 
lOth of August, at the termination of the treaty, General Wayne 
addressed the assemblage as follows : '' I now fervently pray to the 
Great Spirit, that the peace now established may be permanent, 
and that it may hold us together in the bonds of friendship, until 
time shall be no more. I also pray that the Great Spirit above may 
enlighten your minds, and open your eyes to your true happiness, 
that your children may learn to cultivate the earth, and enjoy the 
fruits of peace and industry. As it is probable, my children, that 
we shall not soon meet again in public council, I take this opportu- 
nity of bidding you all an affectionate farewell, and wishing you a 
safe and happy return to your respective homes and families." 

A general feeling of rejoicing soon pervaded the country at the 
happy termination of this treaty ;* and it was as pleasing and accep- 

* The boundry lines established at this treaty, betAveen the north we,?tcrn Indians 
and the U. S., secured to the Indians all the territory within the present limits of the 
State of Indiana, excepting. First : — One tract of land, six miles square, ut the con- 
fluence of the St. Mary and St. Jouepli rivers. Secondly: — One tract of land, two 
miles square, on the Wabash river, at the end of the portage, from the head of the river 
Maumee, and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 'J'hirdly : — One ti'act of 
land, six miles square, at Ouiatenon, or the old Wea town on the river Wabash. 



Beginning of a New Era in the Geeat West. 



157 



table to tlie Government, as it was agreeable to the Indians. With 
these pacific relations came the cry of " Westward, ho ! " and soon 
a tide of emigration began to set in from the eastern States, 
many selecting sites along the Ohio, the Sciota, and Muskingum 
rivers ; and others again selected and began settlements along the 
fertile regions lying between the two Miami rivers, and at other 
points westward. And thus had begun a new life and a new free- 
dom in the wide domain of the northwest. 

Fourtlily: — The tract of one luindred and fifty thousand acres, near the falls of the 
Ohio ; which tract was called tlie " Illinois Grant," or "Clark's Grant." Fifthly: — 
The town of Vincennes, on the I'iver Wabash, and the adjacent lands to which t.he 
Indian title had been extinguished ; and all similar lands, at other places, in possession 
of the Freneli peoide, or other white settlers among them. And, sixthly : — The sti-ip of 
land lying east of aline running directly from the site of Fort Recovery, so as to inter- 
sect the River Ohio at» a point opposite to the mouth of the Kentuckj' river. 




CHAPTER ml 



" All olona; the winding rivef 
And adown tlie sliudy glfn, 
On the hill and in the valiev," 
The voice of war resounds again. 



lEniigi'ation westward — The Sliawanoes Prophet — Enactments of laws — Ti^eaty l)etv?eert 
the U S. and Spain — Efforts to dissolve the Union' — Col. Hamtranick leaves Fort 
Wayne — British evacuate Kort Miami — Deatli of General Wayne — General Wilk- 
inson assumes command of the western forces — Movements of Baron Garondelet 
— Failuioof the S|>i<iiish and French scheme — Treaty of peace Avith France — ces- 
sion of Louisiana to France — Cession ofsime totlie U. S. — Legislative sesfdon at Cin- 
cinnati — Wm. Henry Harrison chosen representative in Congress — Division of ter- 
ritory — Harrison ap)>ointed Governor — Principal events from 1800 to 1 felt) — Efforts 
of Governor Harrison to induce the Indians to engage in agricultni'al pursuits — 
Extinguislimentof Indian claims — Treaty at Fort Wayne in 18U.3 — Peaceable re- 
lations between tlie Indians and the U. S. — Beginning of new troubles — ■Short 
account ot the Shawanoes — Indians put to death by orderof the Prophet — Speech 
of Gov. Harrison — Gapt. Win. Wells, Indian agent liere — Sends a message to Te- 
cumseh by Anthony >hane — Shane's reception — Tecumsuh's re[dj- — Wells refuses 
to comply with Tecumseli's request — Shane again sent to Tecuniseh — Second re- 
ply of Tecumseli — Indians continue to assemble at Greenville — Many about Fort 
Wayne — Great alarm of the settlers — Governor of Ohio sends a deputation to 
Greenville — Address of the commissioner.'^ — Speech of Blue Jacket — Tecuniseh and 
others return with the commissioners — 'Further alarm — A white man killed — Mi- 
litia called out — Investigation of the murder — Settlera still uneasy — S})eech of 
Gov. Harrison — Protestations of the Prophet — He removes to Tippecanoe-"-War- 
like sports begun — Settlers again alarmed — Tiie Pr(M>liet visits Gov. Harrison — His 
Speech — Harrison tests him — Secret movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet — ■ 
Many of their followers leave them — Militia organized — Alarm subsides — Treaty 
ofFort Wayne, 1809 — Further movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet — Gov. 
Harrison prepares for the safety of tlie frontier. 



fHE TIDE of emigration westward, that had begun soon after 
the treaty of Greenville, steadily continued for a number of 
y>,tri/years, and the peace of the country was not materially inter- 
•*^rupted till some time during the 3'ear iSlO, when the famous 
^ Shawanoe Prophet, Ells-kwata-wa, through a singular and 
somewhat powerful influence, began to exert a wide control over 
many tribes of the nortliwest, thus creating much alarm among the 
western settlements, wliicli, in turn, much impeded the influx of 
emigrants to the Indiana Territory. 

The most important events that transpired from 1795 to 1 810, 



Tkeaty- between the U. S. and Spain. 1 59 

were the meeting ofGovernor St.Clair,with John Cleves Symmes and 
George Turner, the latter as judges of the northwestern territory, 
Cincinnati, May 29th, 1795, wherein they adopted and made thirty- 
eight laws i'or tlie better regulation and government of the territory. 

On the 27th of October of this year ('95) a treaty of " friendship, 
limits, and navigation, between the United States of America and 
the King of Spain," was concluded, at the eourt of Spain, between 
Thos. Pinckney, envoy eXtraordianary of the United States, and the 
Duke of Alcudia, which extended from the southern boui^dry of the 
U. S. to " the northernmost post of the thirty-first degree of latitude 
north of the equator," which was to extend " due east to the mid- . 
die of the river Apalachicola or Catahouclla, thence along the 
middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint; thence straight to the 
head of St. Mary's river, and thence down the middle thereof, to the 
Atlantic Ocean;" and was ratified on the 3d of March, 1796. 

In July of 179G, the French Executive Directory, because of this 
treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United 
States and Spain, charged the American government with •' a breach 
of friendship and abandonment of neutrality, and a violation of tacit 
engagements;" and during 1790 and 1797, as in keeping with a 
similar spirit exhibited in 1795, before the Spanish garrisons on the 
eastern side of the Mississipppi were surrendered to the United 
States, strong- efibrts were made, on the part of French and Spanish 
agents, to persuade the inhabitants of the western country to 
withdraw their connection from the American Union, and, witli 
those governments, to form a separate and independent government, 
extending westward from the Allegheny Mountains. But the in- 
ducements were of no avail, and the scheme failed* 

Before the end of July, (1796) the English had withdrawn 
from all "the posts within the boundry of the United States north- 
west of the Ohio ; " and about the 17th of May of this year, Colonel 
Haratramck had left Fort Vv^iyne, passing down the Maumee to 
Fort Deposit, where the famous engagement of Wayne had l)ut a 
few months before occured, and on the 11th of July the British 
fort, Miami, at the foot of the rapids, was evacuated, Capt. Moses 
Porter soon taking command. On the 13th of July, Colonel Ham- 
tramck took possession of the Post at Detroit, 

In December of this year, '96, General Wayne died, and General 
James Wilkinson was put in command of the western army of the 
United States, and a small detachment still continued at Fort 
Wayne. 

In the month of June 1797, some feeling still existing on the part 
of Spain as well as France,, the two governments being somewhat 
allied in their motives against the United States, the governor of 
Louisiana (Biron de Carondelet) sent a request to General Wilkin- 
son to delay the movement of the United States troops that were to 
occupy the posts on the Mississippi river until such time as the ad- 
justments of certain questions then pending between the Amoricj\P4 



IGO HiSTOEY OF FOET W AYNE. 

and Spanish governments could be adjusted. But the true object 
of Carondelet, through his agent (Thomas Power,) seems to have 
been only to ascertain the true feeling of the western people regard- 
ing a dissolution of the Union. Power having passed through the 
western territory as far as Detroit, in the month of August, '97, 
he met General Wilkinson, and explained the object of his mission, 
which the general readily concluded to be ''a chimerical project, 
which it was impossible to execute, that the inhabitants of the west- 
ern states, having obtained by treaty all they desired, would not 
wish to form any other political or commercial alliance." Because 
of these intrigues on the part of Spain, and the conduct of France, 
in December, 1790,* in refusing to receive Minister Monroe, at 
Paris, on the ground of complaints already mentioned, relative to 
the treaty witli Spain, and because of the depredation of French 
vessels against American commerce, the United States government, 
during '1798, impelled the latter to adopt and enforce strenuous 
measures of retaliation ; the first of which was that of " an act au- 
thorizing the President of the U. S. to raise a provisional army." 
The second, " to suspend the commercial intercourse between the 
U. S. and France and the dependencies thereof." The; third, " to 
authorize the defense of the merchant vessels of the U. S. against 
French depredations;" and fourth, " an act concerning alien ene- 
mies." 

The Spaniads had hoped for aid, by way of Canada, from the 
English, in 1798. But they were doomed to disappointment, and 
having reluctantly evacuated the posts on the Mississippi during the 
summer of 1798, in the fall of that year Gen. Wilkinson moved 
down that river and took up his headquarters at Loftus' Heights, 
where he soon erected Fort Adams. In September of this year, 
France having exhibited a desire for peaceable relations with the 
United States, subsequent negotiations were had at Paris, and on 
the 30th of September, l800, a " treaty of peace and commerce" 
was consummated between the United States and France. 

In October of this year, (1800), by the conclusion of a treaty at 
St. Ildefonso, Spain retroceded to France the province of Louisiana, 
embracing the original lines of territory as when before held by 
France ; and under Jefferson's administration, three years later, 
(30th of April, 1803,) the French government " sold and ceded 
Louisiana, in its greatest extent, to the United States, for a sum 
about equal to fifteen millions of dollars." 

On the 23d of April, 1798, a legislative session was convened at 
Cincinnati, which closed on the 7th of May, same year, Winthrop 
Sargent, acting governor, and John Cleves Symmes, Joseph Gil- 
man, and Return Jonathan Meigs, Jr., territorial judges. On the 
29th of October of this year. Gov. St. Clair issued a proclamation, 

* It -was in September of this year that Washington, then soon to vacate the Presi- 
dential chair for John Adams, who, that year, was elected President, and Thonius 
Jefferson vice President of the United States, issued his fervent and ever memoruhle 
Fakf.well Address. ' 



Division of the Noethwestken Terkitokt. 161 

" directing: the qualified voters of the Northwestern Territory to 
hold elections in their respective counties on the third Monday of 
December," with a view to electing representatives to a general as- 
sembly, to convene at Cincinnati on the 22d of January, 1799. The 
representatives having met at the appointed place, in compliance 
with the ordinance of 1787, for ihe establishment of legislative 
councils, ten persons were chosen as nominees, and their names 
forwarded to the President ol the United States, who, on the second 
of March, 1799, selected therefrom, the names of Jacob Burnett, 
James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Eobert Oliver, and David 
Vance, as suitable persons to form the legislative council of the ter- 
ritory of the United States, lying northwest of the Ohio river, which 
names were, on the following day, confirmed by the U. S. Senate. 
This body met at Cincinnati on the I6th day of September, and 
were fully organized on the 25th of that month, 1799, of which 
Henry Vanderburgh was elected President, and William C.Schenk, 
Secretary. The following counties were represented: Hamilton, 
Ross, Wayne, Adams, Knox, Jefferson, and Washington ; sending 
nineteen members. 

On the third of October, of tliis year, the names of two candi- 
dates (Wm. H. Harrison and Arthur St. Clair, Jr.,) to represeni the 
Northwestern Territory in Congress, being presented to that body, 
Harrison was chosen — the one receiving eleven votes, and the other 
ten.* 

In 1800, a division of the territory northwest of the Ohio river 
having occurred, on the 13th of May of that year. Win. Henry 
HarrisonVas appointed governor of the Indiana Territory. The seat, 
of government for the Territory was established at Vincennes, where, 
with the judge of the same, the governor met on Monday, I2th of 
January, 1801, with a view of adopting and issuing " such laws as 
the exegencies of the times " might call for, and likewise for the 
" performance of other acts conformable to the ordinances and laws 
of Congress (1787) for the government of the Teriitory." 

From the period of the formation of the new territory to 1810, 
the principal subjects of attention and interest to the people therein, 
"were land speculations, the adjustmentof land titles, the question 
of negro slavery, the purchase of Indian lands by treaties, the or- 
ganization of territorial legislatures, the extension of the right of 
suffrage, the division of the Indiana Territory, the movements of 
Aaron Burr, and the hostile views and proceedings of the Shaw- 
anoe chief, Tecumseh, and his brother, the Prophet"! 

With a view to peace and good-will between the United States 
and the Indians of the northwest, through certain laws and regula- 
tions of the government, Gov. Harrison, at an early period of his 
administration, made efforts to induce the different tribes to engage 
in agricultural and other pursuits of a civilized nature, to the end 
that they might be more agreeably situated and live more in har- 
* Dillon's His. Ind., page 392. fibid, page 409 (H) 



162 HisTOEY OF FoKT Wayne. 

inony with the advancing civilization of the time. Being also in- 
vested with powers authorizing him to negotiate treaties between 
the U. S. government and the different tribes of the Indiana Terri- 
tory, and also to extinguish, by such treaties, the Indian title to 
lands situate within the said territory. Between the fore part of 1802 
and 1805, the governor was most actively employed in the discharge 
of these duties. 

On the I7th day of September, 1802, at a conference held at 
Vincennes, certain chiefs and head men of the Pottawattamie, Eel 
River, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, and Kickapoo tribes ap- 
pointed the Miami chiefs. Little Turtle and Richardville, and also 
tbe^Pottawattamie chiefs, Wine-mac and To-pin-e-pik to adjust, by 
treaty, the extinguishment of certain Indian claims to lands on the 
Wabash, near Vincennes. And on the 7th of June, the year fol- 
lowing, (1803,) Gov. Harrison held a treaty at Fort Wayne, with 
certain chiefs and head men of the Delaware, Shawanoe, Potta- 
wattamie, Eel River, Kickapoo, Piankeshaw, and Kaskaskia tribes, 
wherein was ceded to the United States about one million six hun- 
dred thousand acres of land.* 

For a period of sixteen years, subsequent to the treaty of Green- 
ville, (1795 to 1811) agreeable relations were maintained, by the U. 
S,, between the Miamies and some other tribes represented at that 
famous treaty. During this time the Indians seemed mainly to 
have betaken themselves to the forest and priaries in pursuit of 
game ; and the result was that a considerable traffic was steadily 
" carried on with the Indians, by fur-traders of Fort Wayne, and 
Vincennes, and at different small trading posts which were estab- 
lished on the borders of the Wabash river and its tributaries. The 
furs and peltries which were obtained from the Indians, were gen- 
erally transported to Detroit. The skins were dried, compressed, 
and secured in packs. Each pack weighed about one hundred 
pounds. A pirogue, or boat, that was sufficiently large to carry 
forty packs, required the labor of four men to manage it on its voy- 
age. In favorable stages of the Wabash river, such a vessel, under 
the management of skillful boatmen, was propelled fifteen or twenty 
miles a day, against the current. After ascending the river Wa- 
bash and the Little River to the portage near Fort Wayne, the tra- 
ders carried their packs over the portage, to the head of the river 
Maumee, where they were again placed in pirogues, or in keel- 
boats, to be transportated to Detroit. At this place the furs and 
skins were exchanged for blankets, guns, knives, powder, bullets,t 
intoxicating liquors, etc., with which the traders returned to their 
several posts. According to the records of the customhouse at Que- 
bec, the value of the furs and peltries exported from Canada, in the 
year 1786, was estimated at the sum of two hundred and twenty- 
five thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven pounds sterling." 

* Dillon's His. Ind. 

+Tlie bullets, which were made to fit the guns in use among the Indians, were valued 
;8t four dollars per hundred. Powder; at one dollar per pint. 



'^ The Shawanoes. 163 

But the volcanic fire of revolution had already begun its up- 
heavel. The past had witnessed many periodical struggles in the 
new world, and the hour for another was near at hand. The Indians 
of the northwest, for the most part, began to grow restive. The game 
of the forest had now long been hunted and killed for their hides 
fur, and meat, while many of the traders had grown wealthy upon 
the profits yielded therefrom. The life of the hunter seemed too 
monotinous for the Indian, and he sought, as at other periods, and, 
in many relations, for good reasons, as he had thought, to change it 
for one of war; and as the larger fish of the ocean are said to de- 
vour the lesser ones, so it would s.eem that, by continued irritation, 
brought on through the efforts of both the white and red man. Civil- 
ization, with its strange and active impulse, was at length destined 
to supplant the early and endearing homes and soil of the red 
children of the northwest with new and more advanced human and 
physical relations. 

As tke reader has already seen, the Shawanoes played a Conspicu- 
ous part at various times during the early eS"orts of the English 
and Americans to gain possession of the western frontier. CoL 
Bouquet's expedition was directed mainly against them, at which 
time they dwelt principally about the Sciota river, some miles to 
the southeast of the Miami villages. 

Not unlike most Indian tribes, the origin of the Shawanoes is en- 
veloped in much obscurity. Many tribes, it is true, can be traced 
back for many centuries; but beyond that, all is conjecture or so 
wrapped in legendary accounts, that it is most difficult indeed to 
trace them further. 

The Lenni-Lenape, or Delawares, have long received the first 
claim to attention as an active and war-like branch of the Algonquin 
family ; bnt the Shawanoes are evidently, in so far, at least, as their 
chiefs and the spirit of war is concerned, entitled to a first considera- 
tion, while the Miamies, evidently, were early the superiors, in 
many essential respects, of most of the Algonquin tribes of the 
northwest. 

The French knew the Shawanoes as the Chaouanous, and were 
often called the Massawomees. The famous Iroquois called them 
the Satanas ; and the name was often spelt Sliawanees, Shawaneus, 
Sawanos, Sha wanes, and Shawanoes. The latter style of spelling 
the name is the one adopted in these pages. 

Mr. Jefferson, in his " Notes on Virginia," speaks of a savage 
warfare between several tribes, one of which was the Shawanoe, 
at the period of Capt. John Smiths's advent in America. In 1632, 
by another historian, the Shawanoes were dwoiiing upon one of the 
banks of the Delaware ; and it is variously conceded that this tribe 
participated in the tre^iy with Wm. Penn, in 16S'2. Accounts agree 
that " they were a -^larauding, adventurous tribe," while " their 
numerous wandervags f^'^d appearances in different parts oi the 
continent, almo'st pkce research at defi^^nce." To become em- 



164 HisTOET OF FoKT Watki. 

broiled with neighboring tribes, wherever they dwelt, seems to have 
been their fate ; and to save themselves from utter destruction as a 
tribe, it is told that they had more than once been obliged to fly 
for other and more secure parts of the country. 

Parkman is of opinion that the Five Nations (Iroquois) overcame 
them about the year 1G72, and that a large portion of them sought 
safety in the Carolinas and Florida ; where they soon again be- 
came involved in trouble, and the Mobilians sought to exterminate 
them, lieturning northward, with others, they settled in what is 
now the Ohio valley. Gallatin, who is well versed in the aborigi- 
nal tongues, is of opinion that this tribe was of the Lenni-Lenape 
branch of the Algonquin family, and thinks that their dispersion 
took place about 1732. The Suwanee river, in the southern part 
of the United States, takes its name from this tribe, whither they 
had wandered before settling in the northwest. Says Heckwelder, 
referring to this tribe before their settlement upon the Ohio, they 
" sent messengers to their elder Irother^ the Mohicans, requesting 
them to intercede for them with their grandfather, the Lenni-Lenape, 
to take them under his protection. This the Mohicans willingly 
did, and even sent a body of their own people to conduct their 
younger brother into the country of the Delawares. The Shawan- 
oes, finding themselves safe under the protection of their grand- 
father, did not choose to proceed to the eastward, but many of 
them remained on the Ohio, some of whom settled as far up that 
river as the Long Island, above which the French afterward built 
Fort Duquesne, on the spot where Pittsburgh now stands. Those 
who proceeded further, were accompanied by their chief, Gach- 
gawatschiqua, and settled principally at and about the forks of the 
Delaware, between that and the confluence of the Delaware and 
Schuylkill rivers ; and some, even on the spot where Philadelphia 
now stands ; others were conducted bythe Mohicans into their own 
country, where they intermarried with them and became one peo- 
ple. When those who settled near the Delaware had multiplied, 
they returned to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna, where they resided 
for a great number of years." 

In 1754, during the French and English war, the Shawanoes took 
part -with the French. The Wyoming branch, through the efibrts 
of the missionary Zingendorf, through this period, remained quiet, 
taking no part in the struggle. A few years later, however, a trivial 
dispute having arisen between this tribe and the Delawares as to 
the possession of a grasshopper, a bloody conflict ensued between 
them, wherein about one-half of the Shawanoe warriors were de- 
stroyed, while the remainder removed to the Ohio, where they 
dwelt for several years, during all the period of those desolating 
struggles of the early frontier settlements, referred to in former 
chapters, during the latter part of the past and tlie first of the pres- 
ent century. In what is now the State of Ohio, they had many con- 
sideraN^ t<?yfns, Tecumseh was born at one of these, known as 



A Short Account op thb Shawakoes. 165 

Piqua, which stands upon Mad River, a few miles below Spring- 
field. This village was destroyed by the Kentuckiang, under Clark, 
in 1780, 

Alter their defeat by Col. Bouquet, in 1764, and the treaty of Sir 
William Johnson, they soon became embroiled in a difficulty with 
the Cherokees, maintaining the struggle until 1768, when they 
were forced to sue for peace. Remaining comparatively quiet for 
several years, but little is known of them, of a war-like nature, un- 
til 1774, soon after the breaking out of the " Danmore War." But 
for the results that brought them into this struggle, it is said the 
Shawanoes were in no wise responsible. A repoi't having gained 
credence among the whites that the Indians had stolen several of 
their horses, a couple of Shawanoes were taken and put to death by 
them, without knowing whether they were the guilty ones or 
not ; and on the same day, the whites fired upon and killed several 
of the Shawanoes, the latter returning the fire and severely wound- 
ing one of the whites. Cresap also killed the famous Logan family 
about this period. An old Delaware sachem, known as " Bald 
Eagle," for many years the friend of the whites, was murdered, and 
the famous chief of the Shawanoes, one much beloved by that tribe, 
known as " Silver Heels," was fatally wounded, while returning in 
a canoe from Albany, where he had accompanied some white tra- 
ders seeking safety. When found by his friends, " Bald Eagle " 
was floating in his canoe, in an upright position, and scalped. The 
Indians were now exasperated to a high degree ; Logan, at the mer- 
ciless death of his wife and children, — and a sanguinary war was 
the result. It was in the month of October of the year in question 
that occured the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in which Colonel 
Lewis was killed, with some fifty odd other white men, with about 
a hundred wounded. The Indians were defeated, but the defeat was 
dearly bought. 

After this, the Shawanoes allied themselves to the English, and 
became the implacable foe of the colonists in the struggle for In- 
dependence ; and even after peace was declared, in 1783, they re- 
fused to be friendly, and continued to wage war upon the whites, 
obstinately opposing the advancing army to the west. Several 
small expeditions were sent against them after the revolution, which 
they strongly Opposed — Clark's, in 1780 and 1782 ; Log-an's in 1786 ; 
Edward's in 1787 ; Todd's in 1788 ; and the reader is already famil- 
iar with their efi"orts, combined with other tribes, against the expe- 
ditions of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne. 

In the spring of 1803, Captain Thomas Herrod, living a short 
distance from Chilicothe, was murdered and scalped near his OAvn 
house. A party ol hunters coming upon the body, recognized it, 
and, from the appearance, were convinced that it had been done 
by Indians. The treaty of Greenville up to this time had sufi"ered 
no violation, and the settlers now believed hostilities were about to 
commence. W^ho committed this deed has never been ascertained, 



166 HisToiGY OF Fort Wayne. 

but there was strong suspicions among the immediate neighbors 
against a white man who had been a rival candidate with Herrod 
for a captaincy in the Ohio militia. There being no tangible evi- 
dence against the man, he was allowed to remain unmolested, while 
those who suspected the Indians most cowardly retaliated upon 
them. The account of the death, as if borne on the wings of the 
wind, spread with great rapidity all over the Sciota valley, and the 
excitement and alarm produced among the citizens was most in- 
tense. Whole families, from five to fifteen miles apart, flocked to- 
gether for purposes of self-defense. In some places block-houses 
were run up, and preparations for ^war made in every direction. 
The citizens of Chilicothe, though in the center of population, col- 
lected together for the purpose of fortifying the town. The inhabi- 
tants living on the north fork of Paint Creek were all collected at 
Old Town, now Frankfort, and among others was David Wolf, an 
old hunter, a man of 'wealth and some influence. He had settled 
on the north fork, twenty miles above Old Town. After remaining 
in the town several days, he employed two men, Williams and Fer- 
guson, to go with him to his farm, with the view of examining into 
the condition of his stock. When they had proceeded about six 
miles, and w^ere passing across a prairie, they saw an Indian ap- 
proaching them in the distance, and walking in the same path over 
which they were traveling. On a nearer approach, it was found to 
be the Shawanoe chief, Waw-wil-a-way, the old and faithful hunter of 
General Massie during his surveying tours, and an unwavering 
friend of the white men. He was a sober, brave, intelligent man, 
well known- to most of the settlers in the country, and beloved by 
all for his frank and generous demeanor. He had a wife and two 
sons, who were also much respected by their white neighbors 
where they resided, near the falls of Paint Creek. 

Waw-wil-a-way was frequently engaged in taking wild game and 
skins to Old Town, for the purpose of exchanging them for such 
articles as he needed. He had left home this morning on foot v/ith 
his gun, for the purpose of visiting Frankfort, and meeting the com- 
pany named, he approached them in that frank and friendly man- 
ner which always characterized his intercourse with his white breth- 
ren. After shaking hands with them most cordially, he inquired 
of the health of each and their families. The salutation being over. 
Wolf asked him to trade guns with him, and the chief assenting, 
an exchange was made for the purpose of examining previous to 
concluding the bargain. While this was going on. Wolf, being on 
horseback, unperceived by Waw-wil-a-way, opened the pan, and 
threw out the priming, and, handing it back, said he believed he 
would not trade with him. 

Wolf and Williams then dismounted, and asked the chief whether 
the Indians had commenced war. He replied : " No, no ! the In- 
dians and white men are now all one, all brothers." 



Encountek between Waw-wil-a-way and Wolf. 167 

Wolf then asked whether he had heard that the Indians had 
killed Captain Herrod, 

The chief, much surprised at the intelligence, replied that he had 
not heard it, and seemed to doubt its correctness. Wolf affirmed 
that it was true. Waw-wil-a-way remarked that perhaps some bad 
white man had done it, and after a few more words, the parties 
separated, each going his own way. 

The chief had walked about ten steps, when Wolf, taking delib- 
erate aim, shot him through the body. Waw-wil-a-way did hot 
fall, although he felt his wound was mortal, nor did he consent to 
die as most men would have done under similar circumstances. 

Bringing his unerring rifle to his shoulder, he leveled it at Wil- 
liams, who, in his efforts to keep his horse between himself and the 
Indian, so frightened him that his body was exposed, and when 
the rifle was discharged, he dropped dead near his animal. Ren- 
dered desperate by his wounds, the Indian then clubbed his gun, 
and dealing Wolf a fearful blow, brought him to the earth. Recov- 
ering, and being strong and active, he closed upon the Indian, and 
made an effort to seize him by the long tuft of hair on the crown of 
his head. A shawl was tied around the Indian's head in the form 
of a turban, and this being seized by Wolf, instead of the hair, he 
gave a violent jerk for the purpose of bringing him to the ground. 
The shawl gave way, and Wolf fell upon his back. At this, the In- 
dian drew his scalping-knife, and made a thrust at Wolf, Avho, see- 
ing his danger, and throwing up his feet to ward off the blow, re- 
ceived the blade of the knife in his thigh. In the scuffle the handle 
broke off, and left the blade fast in the wound. At the same time. 
Wolf made a stroke at the Indian, the blade of his knife entering 
the breast-bone. Just then Ferguson came to Wolf's assistance ; 
but the Indian, taking up Wolf's gun, struck him on the head a ter- 
rible blow, and brought him to the ground, laying bare his skull 
from the crown to the ear. Here the sanguinary conflict ended, and 
it all occurred in less time then it has taken the reader to peruse 
this account of it. 

When the deadly strife ended, the foes of Waw-wil-a-way were 
all lying at his feet, and had he been able to follow up his blows, 
he would have dispatched them, for they were completely within 
his power. But his strength failed him, and perhaps his sight, for 
he must have been in the agonies of death during the whole con- 
flict. It may be that the poor Indian relented, and that forgiveness 
played like sunshine around his generous heart. He cast one 
glance upon his fallen foes ; then turning away, he walked out into 
the grass, and fell upon his face amid the wild-flowers of the prairie, 
where his heart at once and forever was still. 

During the entire engagement he never spoke a word. Silently 
he acted his part in the fearful drama, as though moved by an in- 
visible agency. The course of Wolf and his comrades was most 
unwise indeed, and should never have been encouraged by any one. 



168 Hl6T0KT OF FOKT WaYNK. ^ 

They first attempted to disarm him by throwing the priming out of 
his gun, and tlien talking with him and parting under the mask of 
friendship. Had Wolf and his companions supposed liim to be ac- 
cessory to the death of Herrod in any way, he would have gone 
with them cheerfully to Old Town or Chilicothe, and given himself 
up to an investigation. But Wolf was determined on murder, and 
the blood of Waw-wil-a-way rests upon his head.* 

Williams, when found, was stone dead, but Ferguson and Wolf 
subsequently recovered. The surgeon who examined Waw-wil-a- 
way stated that every one of his wounds was mortal, and those of 
the two whites were so severe that it was many months — and they 
underwent great suffering — before they were themselves again. 

This occurrence added fuel to the excitement. The Indians fled 
in one direction and the whites in another, each party undecided 
what course to pursue. Several of the prominent citizens of Chili- 
cothe went into the Indian country, where they found Tecumseh 
and a number of his people. These disavowed all connection with, 
the murder of Herrod, and afiirmed that it was their intention to 
remain true to the Greenville treaty. To quell the apprehension, 
Tecumseh returned with the deputation to give them personal as- 
surance of his intentions. Tho people were called together, and 
through an interpreter, Tecumseh delivered a speech of which 
a listener said : " When he rose to speak, as he cast his gaze over 
the vast multitude, which the interesting occasion had drawn to- 
gether, he appeared one of the most dignified men I ever beheld. 
While this orator of nature was speaking, the vast crowd preserved 
the most profound silence. From the confident manner in which 
he spoke of the intention of the Indians to adhere to the treaty of 
Greenville, and live in peace and friendship with their white breth- 
ren, he dispelled, as if b}^ magic, the apprehensions of the whites — 
the settlers returned to their deserted farms, and business generally 
was resumed throughout that region." As Drake remarks, the 
declaration of no other Indian would have dissipated the fears ©f a 
border man which then pervaded the settlementf 

The maternal history of the Prophet and Tecumseh is, that their 
mother gave birth, about 1770, to three children at one time, who 
were subsequently named Tecumseh (meaning a couger crouching 
for his prey) ; Ellskwatawa, (an open door) ; and Rumskaka. The 
latter seems, however, never to have created any special attention 
among the tribes. During the early period of the life of the Prophet 
(Ellskwatawa), he is said to have given himself up almost wholly 
to a life of intoxication ; and it was not until about 1804 that he be- 
gan to abandon his old habit of drunkenness. A sudden change 
then came over him. One day, in his wigwam, while lighting his 
pipe, the account runs, " he fell back in a trance upon his bed, and 
continued a long time motionless, and without any signs of life." 
Supposing him to be dead, his friends iuumediately began to pre- 

« J. B. .Fiuley. t Life of Tecumseh, by Edward S. Ellis. 



Account of Elskwatawa, the^-Prophet. 161) 

pare for his burial. Agreeably to Indian custom, the head men of 
the tribe at once gathered about the body, and were in the act of 
removing it, when, to their great astonishment, Ellskwatawa, (the 
Prophet) suddenly awoke, and began to address those about him as 
follows : " Be not alarmed," said he ; " I have seen heaven. Call 
the tribe together, that I may reveal to them the whole of my vis- 
ion." His request was readily complied with, and he at once beo-an 
to speak. He said " two beautiful young men had been sent from 
Heaven by the Great Spirit," who spoke to him thus : " The Great 
Spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men, unless 
you abandon drunkenness, lying, and stealing, Ifyou will not do 
this, and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the beautiful 
place which we will now show you." Whereupon, he affirmed, he 
was " conducted to the gates of Heaven," and saw "all the glories, 
but was not permitted to enter. Thus viewing the beauties of the 
other world, without being permitted to enter, he was told to return 
to the earth again, and acquaint the Indians with what he had seen, 
and to persuade them to repent of their vices, saying that then 
*' they would visit him again." After this, Ellskawatawa assumed 
the powers and title of " Prophet," establishing himself at Green- 
ville, near the point where General Wayne had held the famous 
treaty with the tribes in 1795 ; and so famous did he become, that 
*' immense throngs of men, women, and children from the tribes on 
the Upper Mississippi, and Lake Superior " visited him, and " the 
most extravagant tales were told and believed by the Indians of 
his power to perfom miracles." Indeed, " no fatigue or suffering 
was considered too great to be endured for a sight of him." Like 
the famous Delaware Prophet, at the period of Pontiac's move- 
[nents, he proclaimed that " the Great Spirit who had made the red 
inen, was not the same that made the white men ; " and urged that 
ihe misfortunes of the Indians were owing to their having aban- 
coned their old modes of living, and adopted many of the customs 
and usages of the pale faces, in the use of their guns, blankets, 
Mliisky, etc. — all of which must be thrown away, and the red men 
arain return to their primitive customs, clothing themselves in 
sHns, etc. His followers were now numerous, and the frontier settle- 
ments gradually became alarmed at his movements and those of 
hii brother, Tecumseh.* 

In 1805, the Shawanoes had wandered from their old hunting 
grmnds and places of abode, and an effort was then made to bring 
the tribe together again. Tecumseh and his party had settled upon 
WKte river, and others of the tribe had begun to settle upon an- 
other tributary stream of the Wabash. Tecumseh and some others 
of he Shawanoes, from different points, having some time in 
180i, started for the Auglaize towns, met at Greenville, the site of 
the (Id Wayne treaty ground, and there finding his brother, Ellskwa- 
tawa, the Prophet, Tecumseh and the other party, through the per- 
* " jamous Indians," pages 255, 256, and 257. 



170 History of Fobt Wayne. 

suasions of the Prophet, concluded to proceed no farther, and at 
once began to establish themselves at the old treaty ground of 
Greenville. 

Here, says Drake, the Prophet commenced the practice of those 
sorceries and incantations by which he gained such notoriety. In 
the autumn, he assembled a large number of Shawanoes, Delawares, 
Wyandotts, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Kickapoos, Chippewas and 
Senecas, upon the Auglaize river, where he made known to them 
the sacred character he had taken upon himself. He harangued 
them at considerable length, denouncing, it is said, the belief and 
practice of witchcraft common among them, and declaiming against 
drunkenness wdth great eloquence and success. He advocated 
many practices which were really virtuous, and ended by affirming 
with great solemity that power was given him by the Great Spirit, 
to cure all diseases, to confound his enemies, and to stay the arm of 
death, in sickness, or on the battle-field.* 

These assertions of the Prophet had great weight with the people 
— and so much confidence was placed in him, that he did not hesi- 
tate to put to death those who in the least disputed his peculiar 
claims. His plan, when he desired the death of any one, was 
to denounce him as guilty of witchcraft, and then to call in the help 
of others in putting him out of the way. Several prominent men 
of the tribe, who were unfortunate enough to possess more common 
sense then the others, were put to torture. Among these was a well 
knoM^n Delaware chief, named Teteboxti, who calmly assisted in 
making his own funeral pile. Others of his family were doomed to 
death, and the sacrifices at last grew so numerous that Governor 
Harrison sent a special messenger to the Delawares with the fol- 
lowing speech: 

" My Children : — My heart is filled with grief,, and my eyes ar« 
dissolved in tears, at the news which has reached me. You havj 
been celebrated for your wisdom above all the tribes of red peopb 
who inhabit this great island. Your fame as warriors has extended 
to the remotest nations, and tlie wisdom of your chiefs has gainfd 
{or you the ii-pi:)e\\sLiion of grandfathers, from all the neighboriig 
tribes. From what cause, then, does it proceed, that you have ce- 
parted from the wise counsel of your fathers, and covered yoir- 
selves with guilt ? My children, tread back the steps you hfve 
taken, and endeavor to regain the straight road which you hive 
abandoned. The dark, crooked and thorny one which you are low 
pursuing, will certainly lead to endless woe and misery. But vho 
is this pretended prophet, who dares to speak in the name of the 
Great Creator? Examine him. Is he more wise or virtuous han 
you are yourselves, that he should be selected to convey to yoi the 
orders of your God? Demand of him some proofs at least, o his 
being the messenger of the Deity. If God has really empoyed 
him, he has doubtless authorized him to perform miracles, th:t he 

* Drake. 



Address of Gov. Harbison. 171 

may be known and received as a prophet. If he is really a prophet, 
ask of him to cause the sun to stand still — the moon to alter its 
course — the rivers to cease to flow— or the dead to rise from their 
graves. If he does these things, you may then believe that he has 
been sent from God. He tells you the Great Spirit commands you 
to punish with death those who deal in magic ; and that he is au- 
thorized to point such out. Wretched delusion ! Is then the Mas- 
ter of Life obliged to employ mortal man to punish those who of- 
fend him ? Has he not the thunder and all the powers of nature at 
his command ? — and could he not sweep away from the earth a 
whole nation with one motion of his arm? My children, do not be- 
lieve tkat the great and good Creator of mankind has directed you 
to destroy your own flesh; and do not doubt but that if you pursue 
this abominable wickedness, his vengeance will overtake and crush 
you. 

" The above is addressed to you in the name of the Seventeen 
Eires.* I now speak to you from myself, as a fripnd who wishes 
nothing more sincerely than to see you prosperous and happy. 
Clear your eyes, 1 beseech you, from the mist which gurrounds 
them. No longer be imposed upon by the arts of an impostor. 
Drive him from your town, and let peace and harmony once more 
prevail among you. Let your poor old men and women sleep in 
quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadful idea of being 
burnt alive by their own friends and countrymen. I charge you to 
stop your bloody career ; and, if you value the friendship of your 
great father, the President — if you wish to preserve the good opin- 
ion of the Seventeen Fires, let me hear by the return of the bearer, 
that you have determined to follow my advice." 

The effect of this speech was very great, both with the Delawares 
and the Shawanoes, for the governor was a man much beloved by 
the Indians of the northwest. For a time the influence of the prophet 
was greatly checked, though the Kickapoos, with some smaller 
tribes, who were still inclined to acknowledge and encourage the 
claims of the prophet, put the greatest trust in him. And it was 
about this period, that a Wyandott chief, from Lower Sandusky, a 
Christian preacher, licensed by the Methodist denomination, visited 
the Prophet, with a view of gaining some clue as to his noted power. 
After a year's sojourn with him, the Wyandott chief, returned to 
his people, fully persuaded that the Prophet was an impostor. 

Hearing, sometime before its occurrence, that an eclipse of the 
sun was to take place at a certain time, during the year 1806, the 
Prophet announced to his people that, on a certain day, the sun 
would hide his face, and the earth be veiled in darkness for a time. 
Coming to pass, as he had told them, the occurrence of this phe- 
nomenon had the effect to greatly strengthen his influence again 
over the tribes. Nothing of special note, however, occurred until 
the spring of 1807, when it was made known that Tecumseh and 

* THe seventeen States then composing the Union. 



172 HiaTOKY OF Fort Wayke. 

his brother, the Prophet, had assembled several hundred of their 
people at Greenville, where, through their harangues, they had 
succeeded in working them up to the highest state of excitement, 
with a view to make their control the stronger, and to prepare the 
way for a confederacy of the Indian tribes of the northwest. At 
these demonstrations, the people of the west became alarmed, and 
soon began to make strenuous efforts to ascertain the meaning of 
such movement on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet, but 
without success for a time. 

Some time subsequent to the capture of this point by Wayne and 
the treaty of Greenville, Capt. Wells, with whom the reader is al- 
ready acquainted, as having bid his old friend, Little Turtle, good 
bye, and left his old home here to join Wayne's army, then on its 
march thitherward, received the appointment by the government 
as Indian agent here, in which capacity he acted for several years 
after. 

Having received a letter from the President, through the Secre- 
tary of War, addressed to the Indians, and reminding them that 
they were assembled within the government purchase, and desiring 
them to remove to some o her point, where the government would 
render them all the aid they needed in settling anew upon territory 
not held by the government, Captain Wells sent one Anthony 
Shane, a half-breed Shawanoc, with a message to Tecumseh, invit- 
ing the latter, with his brother and two other chiefs, to visitjhim at 
Fort Wayne. 

. Shane had long been intimately acquainted with the Shawanoes, 
and they of course knew him well, but seem not to have regarded 
Shane very highly. Having made known the substance of the 
communication, Shane was met by Tecumseh with this reply : " Go 
back," said he, " to Fort Wayne, and tell Captain Wells that my 
fire is kindled on the spot appointed by the Great Spirit alone ; and 
if he has anything to communicate to me, lie, must come here ; and 
I shall expect him six days from this time." 

But Wells did not comply with Tecumseh's request. He sent 
Shane again, instead, at the appointed time, with the letter of the 
President, through the Secretary of War, which was readily com- 
municated to Tecumseh, who was by no means pleased that Wells 
himself had not complied with his desire in waiting upon him in 
person. Having delivered an eloquent and glowing speech to the 
council, he told Shane to return to Captain Wells and tell him he 
would hold no further communication with him ; and further, that if 
the President of the Seventeen Fires had anything else to say to 
him, he must send it by a man of more importance than Shane. 
And thus, instead of dispersing, the Indians continued to assemble 
at Greenville. Fully fifteen hundred had passed and repassed Fort 
Wayne, in their visits to the Prophet, before the summer of this 
year (1807) had fairly set in. Messengers and runners passed from 
tribe to tribe, and were greatly aided by British agents in carrying 



' i 



Commissioners sent to Greenville. 173 

out tlieir plans, which were always carefully concealed from such 
as were known to be friendly to the United States. 

At the close of summer, reliable witnesses bore testimony that 
about a thousand Indians, in possession of new rifles, were at Fort 
Wayne and Greenville, all under the control of the Prophet. 

The alarm had now become so general, that the governor of 
Ohio, in the month of September, sent a deputation to Greenville to 
ascertain the meaning of the movement. Arriving at Greenville 
the commissioners were well received by the Indians — a council 
was called, and the governor's message read to the assemblao-e • 
at the close of which, one of the commissioners addressed them in 
explanation of their relationship to the United States government 
urging them to desist from all aggressions and remain neutral, 
^should a war with England ensue. Having heard the commis- 
sioner attentively, according to Indian usage, they asked to be per- 
mitted to meditate upon the matter until the next day. In the 
meantime the famous chief, Blue Jacket, had been appointed to 
deliver to tlie commissioners the sentiments of the council ; and at 
its re-assembling. Blue Jacket, through the interpreter, said: 

" Brethren : — We are seated who heard you yesterday. You 
will get a true relation, so far as our connections can give it, who 
are as follows : Shawnees, Wyandots, Pottawatamies, Tawas, Chip- 
pewas, Winnepaus, Malominese, Malockese, Lecawgoes, and one 
more from the north of the Chippewas. Brethren, you see all these 
men sitting before you, who now speak to you. 

" About eleven days ago we had a council, at which the tribe of 
Wyandots, (tlie elder brother of the red people) spoke and said 
God had kindled a fire, and all sat around it. In this council we 
talked over the treaties with the French and the Americans. The 
Wyandot said, the French formerly marked a line along the Alle- 
ghany mountains, southerly, to Charleston, (S. C.) No man was to 
pass it from either side. When the Americans came to settle over 
the line, the English told the Indians to unite and drive off the 
French, until the war came on between the British and the Ameri- 
cans, when it was told them that king George, by his oflicers, di- 
rected them to unite and drive the Americans back. 

" After the treaty of peace between the English and the Ameri- 
cans, the summer before Wayne's army came out, the Englisli held 
a council with the Indians, and told them if they would turn out 
and unite as one man, they might surround the Americans like 
deer in a ring of fire, and destroy them all. The Wyandot spoke 
further in the council. We see, said he, there is hke to be war be- 
tween the English and our white brethren, the Americans. Let us 
unite and consider the sufferings we have undergone, from inter- 
fereing in the wars of the English. They have often promised to 
help us, and at last, when we could not withstand the army that 
came against us, and went to the English fort for refuge, the Eng- 
lish told us, ' I can not let you in ; you are painted too much, my 



174 HiBTORT OF Fort Wayne. 

children.' It was then we saw the British deal treacherously with 
us. We now see them going to war again. We do not know what 
they are going to fight for. Let us, my brethren, not interfere, was 
the speech of the Wyandot. 

" Further, the Wyandot said, I speak to you, my little brother, 
the Shawanoes at Greenville, and to you our little brothers all 
around. You appear to be at Greenville to serve the Supreme Ru- 
ler of the universe. Now send forth your speeches to all our breth- 
ren far around us, and let us unite to seek for that which shall be 
for our eternal welfare, and unite ourselves in a band of perpetual 
brotherhood. These, brethren, are the sentiments of all the men 
who sit around you ; they all adhere to what the elder brother, the 
Wyandot, has said, and these are their sentiments. It is not that 
they are afraid of their white brothers, but that they desire peace 
and harmony, and not that their white bretliren could put them to 
great necessity, for their former arms were bows and arrows, by 
which they get their living." 

At the conclusion of this speech, the Commissioners made some 
explanation, whereupon the Prophet, who seemed determined to 
make every occasion advance his own importance, took upon him- 
self the duty of informing the whites why his people had settled 
upon Greenville. 

" About nine years since," said he, " I became convinced of the 
errors of my ways, and that I would be destroyed from the face of 
the earth if I did not amend them. Soon after I was told what I 
must do to be right. From that time I have continually preached 
to my red brethren, telling them the miserable situation they are 
in by nature, and striving to convince them that they must change 
their lives, live honestly and be just in all their dealings, kind to 
one other and also to their white brethren ; aflectionate in their fami- 
lies, put away lying and slandering, and serve the Great Spirit in 
the way I have pointed out ; they must never think of war again ; 
the tomahawk was not given them to go at war with one another. 
The Shawnees at Tawa town could not listen to me, but persecuted 
me. This made a division in the nation ; those who adhered to me 
removed to this place, where I have constantly preached to them. 
They did not select this place because it looked fine or was valu- 
able, for it was neither ; but because it was revealed to me that this 
is the proper place where 1 must establish my doctrines. I mean 
to adhere to them while I live, for they are not mine but those of 
the Great Ruler of the world, and my future life shall prove to the 
whites the sincerity of my professions. In conclusion, my breth- 
ren, our six chiefs shall go with you to Chilicothe." 

Tecumseh, Roundhead, Blue Jacket and Panther, returned with 
the Commissioners to Chilicothe, where a council was called, and 
in which they gave the governor positive assurances that they en- 
tertained none but peaceful intentions toward the whites. A speech 
which Tecumseh delivered at the time occupied between three and 



Alarm among the Settlements — C ouncil at Springfield. 175 

four hours in its delivery. It was eloquent and masterly, and 
showed that he possessed a thorough knowledge of all the treaties 
which hadbeen made for years. While he expressed his pacific 
intentions if fairly treated, he told the governor to his face that 
every aggression or settlement upon their lands would be resisted, 
and that no pretended treaties would insure the squatter's safety. 
Stephen Ruddell (who, with Anthony Shane, has given to the v/Orld 
nearly all that has been learned of Tecumseh) acted as interpreter 
upon the occasion. Other of the chiefs spoke, but Tecumseh, it 
was evident, was the leader, and every word that he uttered was 
received with attention and its full importance attached to it. 

The council terminated pleasantly, and the governor, convinced 
that no instant danger was threatened from the gatherings of the 
Indians at Greenville and Fort Wayne, disbanded the militia which 
he had called into service. The chiefs returned to their people, 
and for a short time the settlers were free from alarm and appre- 
hension.* 

Not long after this event the settlements were again thrown into 
still greater excitement by the murder of a man by the name of 
Myers, who was killed by the Indians, near where is now the town 
of Urbana, Ohio ; and many of the settlers returned to Kentucky, 
where they had previously lived, v/here the alarm arose to such a 
height as to make it necessary to call into action a large body of 
militia. Being demanded to deliver up the murderers, Tecumseh 
and his brother, the Prophet, disclaimed any knowledge of them — 
said they were not of their people. A council being finally held at 
Springfield, Tecumseh, Blackfish, and other chiefs, with two sepa- 
rate and distinct parties of Indians, one from the North, the other 
from Fort Wayne, under Tecumseh, were in attendance. Being 
embittered against each other, each were quite anxious that the 
other should receive the blame for the murder. Says Drake, the 
party from the North, at the request of the Commissioners, left their 
arms a few miles behind them, but Tecumseh would not consent to 
attend unless his followers were allowed to keep theirs about them, 
adding that his tomahawk was his pipe, and he might wish to use 
it. At this a tall, lank-sided Fensylvanian, who was standing among 
the spectators, and who, perhaps, had no love for the glittering 
tomahawk of the self-willed chief, cautiously stepped up, and 
handed him a greasy, long-stemmed clay pipe, respectfully intima- 
ting that if he would only deliver up his dreadful tomahawk, he 
might use that article. The chief took it between his thumb and 
finger, held it up, looked at it a few seconds, then at the owner, 
who all the time was gradually backing away from him, and in- 
stantly threw it, with a contemptuous sneer, over his iiead into the 
bushes. The commissioners being compelled to wave the point, 
the council proceeded ; and the result was, that the murder was an 
individual affair, sanctioned by neither party— which brought the 
* Life of Tecumseh. 



176 HisTOET OF FoET Watne 

council to a close, with a reconciliation of both parties, and to the 
acceptance of the settlers. 

But the air was still rife with trouble. The' protestations of Te- 
nuraseh and the Prophet could not allay the uneasiness of the set- 
tlements ; and before the end of the fall months of this year, (1807) 
Governor Harrison sent the following speech, by an Indian agent, 
to the Shawanoes : 

"MtChildekn: — Listen to me; I speak in the name of your 
father, the great chief of the Seventeen Fires. 

" My children, it is now twelve years since the tomahawk, which 
you had seized by the advice of I your father, the king of Great 
Britain, was buried at Greenville, in the presence of that great war- 
rior, General Wayne. 

" My children, you then promised, and the Great Spirit heard it, 
that you would in future live in peace and friendship with your 
brothers, the Americans. You made a treaty with your father, and^ 
one that contained a number of good things, equally beneficial to 
all the tribes of the red people, who were parties to it. 

" My children, you promised in that treaty to acknowledge no 
other father than the chief of the Seventeen Fires ; and never to 
listen to the proposition of any foreign nation. You promised never 
to lift up the tomahawk against any of your father's children, and 
to give him notice of any other tribe that intended it ; your father 
also promised to do something for you, particulary to deliver to 
you every j^ear a certain quantity of goods ; to prevent any white 
man from settling on your lands without your consent, or to do you 
any personal injury. He promised to run a line between your land 
and his, so that you might know your own ; and you were to be per- 
mitted to live and hunt upon your father's land, as long as you be- 
haved yourselves well. My children, which of these articles has 
your father broken ? You know that he has observed them all with 
the utmost good faith. But, my children, have you done so ? Have 
you not always had your ears open to receive bad advice from the 
white people beyond the lakes ? 

" My children, let us look back to times that are past. Ithas been 
a long time since you called the king of Great Britain father. You 
know that it is the duty of a father to watch over his children, to 
give them good advice, and to do every thing in his power to make 
them happy. What has this father of yours done for you, during 
the long time that you have looked up to him for protection and 
advice ? Are you wiser and happier than you were before you 
knew him, or is your nation stronger or more respectable? No, my 
children, he took you by the hand when you were a powerful tribe; 
you held him fast, supposing he was your friend, and he conducted 
you through paths filled with thorns and briers, which tore your 
flesh and shed your blood. Your strength was exhausted, and you 
could no longer follow him. Did he stay by you in your distress, 
and assist and comfort you ? No, he led you into danger an^ then 



Tecumseh and thk Pkophet at Tippecanoe. 177 

abandoned you. He saw your blood flowing and lie would give 
you no bandage to tie up your wounds. This was the conduct of 
the man who called himself your father. The Great Spirit opened 
your eyes ; you heard the voice of the chief of the Seventeen Fires 
speaking the words of peace. He called you to follow Idm ; you 
came to him, and he once more put you on the right way, on the 
broad, smooth road that would have led to happiness. But the 
voice of your deceiver is again heard; and, forgetful of your former 
sufferings, you are again listening to him. My children, shut your 
ears and mind him not, or he will lead you to ruin and misery. 

" My children, I have heard bad news. The sacred spot where 
the great council-fire was kindled, around which the Seventeen 
Fires and ten tribes of their children smoked the pipe of peace — 
that very spot where the Great Spirit saw his red and white child- 
ren encircle themselves with the chain of friendship — that place 
has been selected for dark and bloody councils. My children, this 
business must be stopped. You have called in a number of men 
from the most distant tribes, to listen to a fool, who spake not the 
words of the Great Spirit, but those of the devil, and of the British 
agents. My children, your conduct has much alarmed the white 
settlers near you. They desire that you will send away those peo- 
ple, and if the}^ tvish to have the impostor with them, they can 
carry him. Let him go to the lakes ; he can hear the British more 
distinctly." 

The Prophet's reply was, that evil birds had sung in the Govern- 
or's ears ; and he denied any correspondence with the British, pro- 
testing that he had no intentions whatever of disturbing the adjoin- 
ing settlements. It soon became evident, however, that the assem- 
blages of the Prophet could not be dispersed without a resort to 
arms on the part of the government ; and Gov. Harrison, strongly 
disposed to think that no harm was intended by the Indians towards 
the settlements, let the matter rest, and the assemblages continued, 
large bodies of Indians coming down from the lakes in tlie early 
part of the following year (I808), where, as their supply of provis- 
ions became reduced or exhausted, they received fresh supplies 
from Fort Wayne. 

But a change of base was contemplated, and the Pottawattamies 
having granted them a portion of land, Tecumseh and the Prophet, 
in the spring of this year, removed with the tribe to Tippecanoe, 
where large bodies were soon collected, and, among other exer- 
cises, war-like sports became frequent among them. Again the 
settlements were in a high state of uneasiness, and many were 
ready to declare that they knew from the first that the Indians were 
but preparing for the consummation of some treacherous scheme. 
Many of the Indians among them were from the north. The Miam- 
ies and Delawares, being friendly to the whites, were greatly op- 
posed to their coming, and even sent a delegation to the Prophet 

(12) 



178 HisTOEY OF Fort Watiste. 

to stop them. But Tecnmseli and his brother, the Prophet, in re - 
ceivijig them, said they were not to be thwarted in tlieir purposes to 
ameliorate the condition of their brethren ; and the Miami and 
Delaware delegation returned fully oi the belief that the settlements 
were not without the strongest grounds for the apprehensions they 
had so long manifested. 

August had come. The Prophet, accompanied by several of his 
followers, had visited GoVernor Harrison, at Vincennes, protesting, 
as formerly, that his purposes were peaceable. Said he, to Gov. 
Harrison : 

'• Father : — It Is three years since I first began with that system 
of religion which I now practice. The white people and some of 
the Indians were against me ; but I had no other intention but to 
introduce among the Indians, those good principles of religion 
v/hich the white people profess, I was spoken badly of by the 
white people, who reproached me with misleading the Indians ; but 
I defy them to say [ did anything amiss. 

" Father, I was told that you intended to hang me. When I 
lieard this, I intended to remember it, and tell my fiither, Avhen I 
went to see him, and relate the truth. 

" I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my father, the Gov- 
ernor, had declared that all the land between Vincennes and Fort 
Yv'ayne, was the properl}'- of the Seventeen Fires. I also heard 
that you wanted to knovv^, my father, whether I was God or man; 
and that you said if I was the former, I should not steal horses. I 
lieard this from Mr. Wells, but I believed it originated with himself. 
" The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians that he had made 
thejn, and made the world — that he had placed them on it to do 
good and not evil. 

" I told all the red-skins, that the way they were in was not good, 
and that they ought to abandon it. 

" That we ought to consider ourselves as one man ; but we ought 
to live agreeably to our several customs, the red people after their 
mode, and tlie white people after theirs ; paiticularly, th.at they should 
not drink whiskey ; that it was not made for them, but the white 
people, v,-ho alone knew hov\^ to use it; and that it is the cause of 
all the mischiefs which the Indians sutler ; and that they must al- 
ways folloAv the directions of the Great Spirit, and we must listen 
to him, as it v/as He that made us; determine to listen to nothing 
itl.iat is bad ; do not take up the tomahawk, should it be oflered by 
the .British, or by the Long-Knives ; do not meddle with any thing 
that docs not belong to you, but mind your own business, and culti- 
vate the ground, that vour women and your children may have 
«nongh to live on. 

" I now inform you that it is our intention to live in peace with 
our latlier and his people i'o/ever. 

^'.My f3,ther, I have informed you what we mean to do, and I call 
the Great Spirit to witneBS the ti'uth of my declaration. The religion 



Gov, ITaerison Tests the PjsopnET. 179 

winch I have established for the L^st three years, has been attended 
to by thediflerent tribes of Indians in this part of the world. These 
Indians were once different people ; they are now but one; they 
are all determined to practice what I have communicated -to them, 
that has come immediately from the Great Spirit throngh me. 

" Brother, I speak to you as a warrior. You are onet But let us 
lay aside this character, and attend to the care of our children, that 
tliey may live in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join 
us for the preservation of both red and white people. Formerly, 
when we lived in ignorance, we were foolish ; but ^low, since we 
listen to the voice of tlie Great Spirit, we are happy. 

"I have listened to what you have said to us. You have prom- 
ised to assist us. I now request you, in behalf of all the red peo- 
ple, to use your exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We 
are all well pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to pro- 
mote our happiness. We sive you every assurance that we will 
follow the dictates of the Great Spirit. 

" We are all well pleased with the attention you have showed 
us ; also with the good intentions of our father, the President. If 
you give us a fevv articles, such as needles, hints, hoes, powder, etc., 
we Will take the animals that afibrd us meat, with powder and ball." 

Says Drake, to test tb.e influence of the Prophet over his follow- 
ers. Gov. Harrison held conversations with and ofiered them spir- 
its, but they always refused, and he became almost convinced that 
he was really sincere in his professions, and had no higher ambi- 
tion than to ameliorate the condition of his race. 

Thus matters rested or rather continued ; and durino' tJie follow- 
ing year Tecum seh and the Prophet sought quietly to add 
strength to their movement. Both were engaged in a deep game ; 
and while tlie Prophet seemed the leading spirit, Tecumseh was 
yet the prime mover ; and the Prophet attempted but little without 
first getting the advice of the former, if in reach, though it is evi- 
dent he was most headstrong in much that he undertook. 

In the spring of 1809, reports having reached the ear of Gov. 
Harrison that many of the Indians were leaving the Prophet be- 
cause of his persistency in requiring them to become party to a 
scheme he had in viev,' for the massacre of the inhabitants of Vin- 
cennes, he began the organization of tv/o companies of volunteer 
militia, with a view to garrisoning a post some two miles from Vin- 
cennes. But the Prophet's followers having dispersed before the 
elose of the summer, the alarm among the settlements became 
placid again, and so continued until the early part of I8l0. 

Up to 1809 Governol' Hamson continued his eflbrts in the extin- 
guishment of Indian ch.iims to lands within the Indiana Territory; 
and on the 30th of Septernber of that year concluded another treaty 
at Fort Wayne, in which the chiefs and head men of the Delaware, 
Pottawattamie, Miami, and Eel River tribes participated. Accord- 
ing to the report of this treaty, the Indians sold aivl ceded to the 



180 HiSTOKY OF FOKT WaTNE. 

United States about two million nine himdred thousand acres of 
land, principally situated on the southeastern side of the river Wa- 
bash, and below the mouth of Raccoon Creek, a little stream which 
empties into the Wabash, near what is now the boundaries of Parke 
county, in this State. The chiefs and head men of the Wea tribe, 
in the following month, (26th of October) having met Gov. Harrison 
at Vincennes, acknowledged the legality of this treaty ; and by a 
treaty held at Vincennes on the 9th of December following, the 
sachems and war-chiefs of the Kickapoo tribe also confirmed the 
treaty of Fort Wayne. Up to this time, the whole amount of land 
ceded to the United States by treaty stipulations between Governor 
Harrison and the different tribes of the Indiana Territory, accord- 
ing to the records, was 29,719,530 acres. 

Having received, through what he believed a reliable source, 
certain facts regarding the conduct of Tecumseh and the Prophet 
in an effort to incite the Indians against the settlements of the west ; 
and that those who had previously left the ranks of the Prophet 
had again returned to his support ; and further, that the British had 
their agents quietly at work among the tribes thus banded ; that the 
Indians were boasting to American traders that they were getting 
their ammunition — powder and balls — without cost ; Gov. Harrison, 
through instructions from the Secretary of War, in July, 1810, be- 
gan at once to prepare for the better safety of the frontier settle- 
ments. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

■ At len£jth Discord, the Fury, came, 
Waving her murderous torch of flame, 
And kindled that intestine fire. 

Which, like the lightning-flame hurne on, 
More fierce for being rained upon." 



Fm'ther movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet — The "Doomed Warrior" — Letter 
of Gov. Harrison — Death of Tarhe — Discovery of the plot to massacre Fort Wayne, 
(fee. — Efforts of Tecumseh to obtain the aid of the tribes along the Mississippi — In- 
fluence of British agents — Agents are dispatched to Tecumseh and the Prophet 

The Propliet complains that the Indians had been cheated — Gov. Harrison -writes 

to the Secretary of War — He also sends an address to Tecumseh and the Prophet 

Tecumseh "s visit to Vincennes — The conference — Eloquence of Tecumseh — Hii 
contempt for tlie proffer of the government — Pei-sonal appearance of Tecumseh — 
His objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne — Sends wampum belts to the different 
tribes — Gov. Harrison's address to the legislature — Statement of a Kickapoo chief 
— Assurances of the Gov. of Missouri — Seizure of salt by the Prophet — Governor 
Harrison demands further aid from the government — Vincennes to be the fii-st place 
of attack — Tecumseh again visits Gov. Harrison — His departure for the South — 
His efforts among the Creek Indians — His return northward — His charges to the 
Prophet — alarm of the settlers — Arrival of aid — Gov. Harrison determins to bring 
matters to a crisis — Peaceful protestations of tlie Prophet — Gov. Harrison groTTS 
more determined — Prepares for a march upon the Prophet's town — The army met 
by a deputation from the Prophet — A conference agreed upon — The army en- 
camps for the night — An attack expected — The niglit dark and cloudj' — 'Indiana 
on the alert — Discovered by the sentry — An attack — The Projihet tells the Indians 
the bullets of the white men will not hurt them — Fierce struggle — Indians routed — 
The battle of Tippecanoe a success for the American arms — Anger of Tecumseh — 
He visits Fort Wayne ; and the Prophet retires to the Missessinewa. ~''J[~ 



(C^t^S THE summer of 1810 advanced it became more and more 
evident to Gov. Harrison that the true purposes of Tecumseh 
land the Prophet were war upon the T^dntes. Having accused 
a Wyandott chief, by the name of Leatherlips, known as the 
" Doomed Warrior," with witchcraft, it was thought that the 
Prophet and Tecumseh were instrumental in his subsequent mur- 
der ; though it was asserted by a Mr. Thatcher tliat a Wyandott 
chief, of tiie Porcupine clan, known as Tarhe or Crane, was the 
principal agent in the deed. But Gov. Harrison, in a letter ad- 
dressed to "the editor of the " Hesperian," 1838, said of Tarhe : " I 
have often said I never knew a better man, and am confident he 



182 illSTOKY OF FoKT I'VavKE. 

would not have been concerned in sncli a transaction as is ascribed 
to him. In support of this opinion I offer the following reasons: 
The execution of the ' Doomed Wyandott Chief is attributed, and 
no doubt correctly, to the Shawnee Froplietand his brother Tecum- - 
sell. To my kno\vledge, Tarlie was ahvay-s the opponent of these 
men, and could not have been their agent in the matter. The ac- ■ 
cusation of witchcraft was brought by these Shawnee brothers, and 
the accused were exclusively those who were friendly to the United 
States, and who had been parties to treaties by which the Indian 
titles to lands had been extinguished. In both these respects, 
Tarhe bad rendered himself obnoxious to the former. Tarhe was 
not only the Grand Sachem of his tribe, but the acknowledged head 
of all the tribes who were engaged in the M/ar with the United 
States, which was terminated by the treaty of Greenville ; and in 
that character the duplicate of the original treaty, engrossed on 
parchment, was committed to his custody, as had been the grand 
calumet whicii was the symbol of peace. Tarhe united with his 
frieuo, Black-Hoof, the head chief of the Shawnees, in denying the 
rank of chief either to the Prophet or Tecumseli ; and, of course, he 
would not have received it of them. If the ' Doomed Warrior ' had 
])een snetenced by a council of his own nation, Tarhe would not 
have directed the execution, but, as was invariably the custom, it 
would have been committed to one of the war-chiefs. The party 
sent to put the old chief to death, no doubt, came immediately from 
Tippecanoe ; and if it was commanded by a Yfyandot, the proba- 
bility is that it was Kound-Head, who was a Captain of the band of 
Wyandots who resided with the Prophet, and was, to a great extent, 
under his inliuence." 

Rev. J. B. Finley, a missionary to the tribe of Tarhe, and for some 
years most intimately acquainted with Tarhe, said that Mr. Thatcher 
and his informant v/ere wholly mistaken in the conclusions regard- 
ing the accusation against Tarhe ; and added that a better and truer 
Indian than he never lived. 

Finding the " Doomed Warrior "at his home, some twelve miles 
north of Columbus, he was made acquainted with the sentence 
passed upon him, and calmly preparea to meet the fate which he 
felt inevitable. A number of white men present, sought to inter- 
fere in his behalf, but without success; and when the fatal hour 
came, he is said to have " tm-ned from his wigwam, and, with a 
voice of surpassing strength and melody, commenced the chant of 
his death-song. He was followed slowly by the Wyandott warriors, 
all timing, with their slow and measured marcli, the miusic of his 
wild and melancholy dirge. The whites were likewise all silent 
followers in that strange procession." 

Having been led to his own grave, he knelt calmly, resolutely 
down, and offered a prayer to the Great Spirit, at the conclusion of 
which, still in a kneeling posture, one of the Wyandotts gave him a 
heavy blow upon the head with a tomahawk, breaking his skull. 



MOVEMBNTS OF TECUMSEn AND THE PkOPHET BeITISH AID. 1S3 

After a few moments more, ceasing- to stir, the unfortunate victim 
of the Shawanoe conspirators and revohuioners, with all his ap- 
parel and decorations, was consig-ned to the earth and hidden from 
view. 

A few weeks later, and Gov. Harrison was made acquainted with 
a plot that was maturing for the surprise and massacrd of Fort 
Wayne, Detroit, Chicago, Vincennes', and St. Louis. Tecumseh 
and the Prophet were moving as with the slow but sure action of a 
volcanoe; and the internal heat of their eflbrts was continually made 
the more apparent by the rising cinders cast up in the endeavor 
here and there secretly to draw the different tribes of the west and 
south within their circle, and by other means, equally wily and 
sereptitious, to bring their plans to bear for the overthrow df the 
wdiites of the northwest. 

At the conclusion of the struggle for Independence, the opinion 
is said to have prevailed with many in England that the American 
colonies were not wholly lost to the mother country ; and the ho]:)e 
was entertained by such, that, at some favorable hour the English 
government would be able to regain its former hold upon the coun- 
try ; in which anticipations, it was thought the Biitish Ministry 
most earnestly and hopefully united. From anticipations and de- 
sires of this nature, together with the discomfiture felt at tlie failure 
of their arms, may have arisen the many hostile acts of interferance 
on the part of English agents, commandants, and others in li^'ir 
employ along the interior frontiers of the north\vest, and also the 
bestOAval of frequent large supplies of ammunition upon the various 
tribes within range of the Canadas. 

After the discovery of the plot to massacre the forts, it vv\as as- 
certained that strong efforts were being made to persuade the tribes 
along the Mississippi to unite with Tecumseh and the Prophet in 
their efforts, but up to the period in question, had met with no great 
degree of success : while the most influential chiefs among the Dela- 

111 

wares, Miamies, and Shawanoes were much opposed to the recic- 
less scliemes and efforts of Tecumseh and the Prophet. Besides 
these facts, about this period. Governor Harrison- learned from a 
friendly Indian that a British agent had recently visited the Prophet, 
who had encouraged the latter to continue in his efforts to unite 
the tribes, and to await a signal from the British authorities before 
carrying out their designs against the Americans. 

Finding now that the most constant vv^atch fulness was necessary, 
and being determined to obtain all the information possible regard- 
ing their plans. Governor Harrison dispatched tv/o agents to Te- 
cumseh and his brother with a view of ascertaining more fully and 
certainly, if possible, their real designs and plans. Receiving the 
agents very courteously, in reply to the inquiries made, the Prophet 
told the agents that the assembling of the Indians upon that spot 
was by the explicit command of the Great Spirit. 

Having heard the Prophet, the agents told hitii that his move- 



184 HisTOKY OF Fort Wayne. 

ments had excited so much alarm that the troops of Kentucky and 
Indiana were being called out, and strong preparations were being 
made in anticipation of trouble with the tribes. 

In answer to the questions of the agents as to the cause of his 
complaints against the United States, the Prophet replied that his 
people had been cheated of their lands. Insisting that his com- 
plaints would readily be listened to by laying them before Gov. 
Harrison, at Yincennes, the Prophet refused to go, saying that, 
while there, upon a former occasion, he was badly treated. 

Receiving this information, the Governor at once wrote to the 
Secretary, stating the cause, and telling him that all this caviling 
was merely a pretext on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet to 
gather strength in the furtherance of their designs ; that he had been 
as liberal in the conclusion of treaties as his understanding of tlie 
views and opinions of the government would permit, and that none 
of the tribes had just cause for complaint. 

Having heard, in the month of July, that the Sacs and Foxes had 
formed an^alliance with the Prophet, and were ready and willing 
to strike the Americans at any time. Governor Harrison set about 
the ^preparation of the following address, which he forwarded to the 
Prophet by a conlidential interpreter : 

" William Henry Harrison, Governor and Commander-in-chief of 
the Territory of Indiana, to the Shawanoe chief and the Indians as- 
sembled at Tippecanoe: 

" Notliwithstanding the improper language whicli you have used 
toward me, I will endeavor to open your eyes to your true interests. 
Notwithstanding what bad white men have told you, I am not your 
personal enemy. You ought to know this from the manner in whicli 
I received and treated you on your visit to this place. 

"Although I must say, that you are an enemy to the Seventeen 
Fires, and that you have used the greatest exertions with other tribes 
to lead them astray. In this, you have been in some measure suc- 
cessful ; as I am told they are ready to raise the tomahawk against 
their father ; yet their father, notwithstanding his anger at their folly, 
is full of goodness, and is always ready to receive into his arms 
those of his children who are willing to repent, acknowledge their 
fault, and ask for his forgiveness. 

" There is yet but little harm done, which may easily be repaired. 
The chain of friendship v/hich united the whites with the Indians 
may be renewed, and be as strong as ever. A great deal of that 
work depends upon you — the destiny of those w^ho are under you, 
depends upon the choice you ma}^ make of the two roads which are 
before you. The one is large, open and pleasant, and leads to peace, 
security and happiness ; the other, on tlie contrary, is narrow and 
crooked, and leads to misery and ruin. Don't deceive yourselves ; 
do not believe that all the nations of Indians united are able to re- 
sist the force of the Seventeen Fires. I know your warriors are 
brave, but ours are not less so ; but what can a few brave warriors 



Tecumseh's Visit to Vincennes. 185 

do against the innumerable warriors of the Seventeen Fires? Our 
bhie-coats are more numerous than you can count ; our hunters are 
like the leaves of the forest, or the grains of sand on the Wabash. 

" Do not think that the red-coats can protect you ; they are not 
able to protect themselves. They do not think of going to war with 
us. If they did, you would, in a few months, see our iian^ wave 
over all the forts of Canada. 

" What reason have you to complain of the Seventeen Fires ? -Have 
they taken any thing from you ? Have they ever violated the treat- 
ies made with the red-men'^ You say tlmt they have purchased 
lands from them who had no right to sell them : show that tliis is 
true, and the land will be instantly restored. Show us the rightful 
owners of those lands which have been purchased — let them pre- 
sent themselves. The ears of your father will be opened to your 
complaints, and if the lands have been purchased of those who did 
not own them, they will be restored to their rightful owners. I have 
full power to arrange this business ; but if you would rather carry 
your complaints before your great father, the President, you shall 
be indulged. I will immediately take means to send you, with 
those chiefs which you may choose, to the city where your father 
lives. Every thing necessary shall be prepared for your journey, 
and means taken for your safe return." 

After hearing this speech, the Prophet told the interpreter that, 
as his brother intended to pay Governor Harrison a visit in a few 
weeks, he would let him carry the reply to the Governor's message. 
Receiving this information, Governor Harrison sent a message to 
Tecumseh, requesting him to bring but a small body of his follow- 
ers, as it v/as inconvenient for him to receive man}'-; to which Te- 
cumseh paid little or no regard, and on the I2th of August, I8l0, 
with four Imndred warriors, all armed with tomahawks, war-clubs, 
and "painted in the most terriiic manner," he began to descend the 
Wabash for Vincennes, Arriving near Yincennes, and encamping 
on the Wabash, on the morning of the 15th, attended by about lit- 
teen or twenty of his warriors, Tecumseh approached the house of 
the Governor, who, in company with the judges of the Supreme 
Court, several army officers, a sergeant and a dozen men, besides 
a large number of citizens, waited upon the portico of his own house 
to receive the chief and his followers.* 

During the milder season of the year, to hold a council other 
than in a grove or woody place, with logs or a clear, grassy spot 
of ground to set upon, was to invite the Indian to do an act very 
mucli to his distaste ; and to the invitation to come forward and take 
seats upon the portico, he objected, signifying that it was not a_ fit 
place to hold a council, and expressed a desire that the meeting 
might be held beneath a grove of trees near, which was readily as- 
sented to, and soon the Governor, with his attendants was seated be- 
neath a grove of trees in the open lawn, before the house. 

* Ellis' Life of Tecumseh. 



ISO HlSTOKY OF FOKT WayNE. 

" With a, firm and elastic step," says Judge Law,* and " with a 
proud and somewhat defiant look, he advanced to the plac^^ where 
the Governor and those who had been invited to attend the confer- 
ance were sitting. This place had been fenced in, with a vi'ow of 
preventing the crowd from encroaching upon the council dnring its 
deliberations. As he stepped forward, he seemed to scan the pre- 
parations which had been made for his reception, particularly tlie 
milita7-y part of it, with an eye of suspicion — by no means, how- 
ever, with fear. As he came in front of the dias, an elevated por- 
tion of the place upon which the Governor and the officers of the 
Territory were seated, the Governor invited him, tlirough the inter- 
preter, to come forward and take a seat Avith liim and his counsellors, 
premising the invitation by saying: That it was the wish of their 
' Great Father,' the President of the United States, that he should 
do so." Pausing for a moment, at the utterance of these words by 
the interpreter, and extending his tall figure to its greatest height, 
he looked scanningly upon the troops and then upon the crowd 
about him. Thus, for a moment, with keen, piercing eyes fixed 
upon Governor Harrison, and then upward to the sky, and " his sin- 
ewy arm pointing towards the heaven," with a tone and gesture ex- 
pressive of" supreme contempt for the paternity assigned him," in 
a clear, loud, full voice, which reverberated again upon the mo- 
mentary stillness that his stolid demeanor had produced, with all 
eyes fixed upon him, he exclaimed : 

" Jfy Father ? — The sun is my father — the earth is 7ro7/ mother — 
and on her bosom I will recline." Having finished, says Judge 
Law, he stretched himself with his warriors on the green sward ; 
and the effect is said to have been electrical — for some moments 
there was a perfect silence throughout the assembly. 

Governor Harrison having now began to refer to the subject of 
the council, said toTecuin^eh, through the interpreter, '• that he had 
understood he had complaints to make, and redress to ask for cer- 
tain v/rongs which A^?, Teeumseh, supposed had been done his tribe, 
as well as the others ; that he felt disposed to listen to the one, and 
make satisfaction for the other, if it was proper he should do so. 
That in all his intercourse and negotiations with the Indians, he had 
endeavored to act justly and honorably with them, and believed he 
had done so, and had heard of no complaint of his conduci until he 
learned that Tecumseh was endeavoring to create dissatisfaction 
towards the Government, not only among the Shawanoes, but 
among the other tribes dwelling on the Wabash and Illinois ; and 
had, in so doing, produced a great deal of mischief and trouble be- 
tween them and the whites, by averring that the tribes, whose land 
the Government had lately purchased, had no right ro sell, nor their 
chiefs any authority to convey. That he, the Governor, had invited 
him to attend the Council, with a view of learning from his own 
lips, whether there was any truth in the reports which he had heard 

* Judge Law's Address, page 83. 



Tecumsei'i's Oejeotioks to the Treaty of Fokt Wayne. 187 

and to learn from himself whether he, or his tribe, liad any cause 
of comphiint against the whites ; and if so, as a man and a warrior, 
openly and boldly to avow it. That, as between himself and as 
great a warrior as Tecumseh, there should be no concealment — all 
should be done by them under a clear sky, and in an open path, 
and with these feelings on his own part, he was glad to meet him 
in council." 

In appearance, Tecumseh was accounted " one of the most splen- 
did specimens of his tribe — celebrated for their ptiysical propor- 
tions and line forms, even among the nations surrounding the Shaw- 
anoes. Tall, athletic, and manly, dignified but graceful, he seemed 
the heau ideal of an Indian chieitain. In a voice, at first low, but 
with all its indistinctness,"* Tecumseh replied by " stating, at length, 
his objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Gov. Harrison 
in the previous year; and in the course of of his speech," says Ben- 
jamin Drake, " boldly avowed the principle of his party to be, that 
of resistance to every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes, 
who, he contended, formed but one nation. He admitted that he 
threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of Fort Wayne ; 
and that it was Ids fixed determination not to permit the village 
chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but to place the power with 
which they had been heretofore invested, in the hands of the war- 
chiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the 
sea-coast, and would soon push them into the lakes ; and, while he 
disclaimed all intention of making war upon the United States, he 
declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand, and reso- 
lutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon the Indian 
lands. He concluded, by making a brief but impassioned recital 
of the various wrongs and aggressions inflicted upon the Indians 
by the white men, from the commencement of the Revolutionary 
war dov/n to the period of that council ; all of which was calcula- 
ted to arouse and influence the minds of such of his followers as 
v/ere present. 

'^ The Governor rose in reply, and in examining the right of Te- 
cumseh and his party to make objections to the treaty -of Fort Wayne, 
took occasion to say, that the Indians were not one nation, having 
a common property in the lands. The Miamis, he contended, were 
the real owners of the tract on the V/abash, ceded by the late treaty, 
and the Shawnees had no right to interfere in the case; that upon 
the arrival of the whites on this continent, they had found the Mi- 
amis in possession of this land, the Shawnees being then residents 
of Georgia, from which they had been driven by the Creeks, and 
that it was ridiculous to assert that the red men constituted but one 
nation ; for, if lauch had been the intention of the Great Spirit, he 
would not have put diflerent tongues in their heads, but have taught 
them all to speak the same language. 

" The Governor having taken his seat, the interpreter commenced 

* Judge Laws Address, page t5. 



188 History of Fokt Wayne. 

explaining the speech to Tecumseh, who, after listening to a por- 
tion of it, sprung to his feet, and began to speak with great vehem- 
ence of mannei'. 

" The Governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as he 
did not understand him, thought he was making some explanation, 
and suffered his attention to be drawn toward Winnemac, a friendly 
Indian lying on the grass before him, who was renewing the prim- 
ing of his pistol, which he had kept concealed from the other In- 
dians, but in full view of the Governor. His attention, however, 
was again attracted toward Tecumseh, by hearing General Gibson, 
who was intimately acquainted with the Shawnee language, say to 
Lieutenant Jennings, ' Those fellows intend mischief; you ha,d bet- 
ter bring up the guard.' At that moment, the followers of Tecum- 
seh seized their tomahawks and war-clubs, and sprang upon their 
feet, their eyes turned upon the Governor. As soon as he could 
diseno-ao-e hinaself from the arm-chair in which he sat, he rose, drew 
a small sword which he had by his side, and stood on the defensive. 
Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, 
and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens present 
were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of 
them procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the.- defen- 
sive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran to the 
Governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to de- 
fend the family. During this singular scene, no one spoke, until 
the guard came running up, and appearing to be in the act of lir- 
ing,the Governor ordered them not to do so. He then demanded 
of the interpreter an explanation of what had happened, who re- 
plied that Tecumseh had interrupted him, declaring that all the 
(governor had said was false ; and that he and the Seventeen Fires 
had cheated and imposed on the Indians. 

" The Governor then told Tecumseh that he Vv^as a bad man, and 
that he would hold no further communication with him ; that as he 
had come to Vincennes under the protection of a council-fire, he 
might return in safety, but he must immediately leave the village. 
Here the council terminated. During the night, two companies of 
militia were brought in from the country-, and that belonging to the 
town was also embodied. Next morning TecumBeh requsted the 
Governor to afford him an opportunity of explaining his conduct on 
the previous day — declaring that he did not intend to attack the 
Governor, and that he had acted under the advice of some of the 
white people. The Governor consented to have another interview, 
it being understood that each party should have the same armed 
force as on the previous day. On this occasion the deportment ot 
Tecumseh was respectful and dignified. He again denied having 
any intention to make an attack upon the Governor, and declared 
that he had been stimulated to the course he had taken, by two 
white men, who assured him that one half the citizens were op- 
posed to the Governor, and willing to restore the land in question ; 



Conference at Vincennes. 189 

that the Governor would soon be put out of office, and a good man 
sent to fill his place, who would give up the land to the Indians. 
When asked by the Governor whether he intended to resist the sur- 
vey of these lands, Tecumseh replied that he and his followers were 
resolutely determined to insist upon the old boundary. When he 
had taken his seat, chiefs from the Wyandots, Kickapoos, Pottawat- 
amies, Ottawas and Winnebagoes, spoke in succession, and dis- 
tinctly avowed that they had entered into the Shawnee confederacy, 
and were determined to support the principles laid down by their 
leader. The Governor, in conclusion, stated that he would make 
known to the President the claims of Tecumseh and his party, to the 
land in question ; but that he was satisfied the Government would 
never admit that the lands on the Wabash were the property of any 
other tribes than those who occupied them when the white people 
first arrived in America; and, as the title to these lands had 'been 
derived by purchase from those tribes, he might rest assured that 
the right of the United States would be sustained by the sword. 
Here the council adjourned. 

" On the following day, Governor Harrison visited Tecumseh iu 
his camp, attended only by the interpreter, and was politely re- 
ceived. A' long conversation ensued, in which Tecumseh again de- 
clared that his intentions were really such as he had avowed them 
to be in the council; that the policy which the United States pur- 
sued, of purchasing land from the Indians, he viewed as mighty 
water, ready to overflow his people ; and that the confederacy which 
he was forming among the tribes to prevent any individual tribe 
from selling without the consent of the others, was the dam he was 
erecting to resist this mighty water. He stated further, that he 
should be reluctantly drawn into war with the United States ; and 
that if he, the Governor, would induce the President to give up the 
lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty 
without the consent of all the tribes, he w^ould be their faithful ally, 
and assist them in the war, which he knew was about to take place 
with England ; that he preferred being the ally of the Seventeen 
Fires, but if they did not comply with his request, he would be com- 
pelled to unite with the British. The Governor replied, that he 
would make known his views to the President, but that there was 
no probability of its being agreed to. ' Well,' said Tecumseh, ' as 
the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit 
ynll put sense enough into his head to induce him to give up this 
land ; it is true, he is so far off, he will not be injured by the war ; 
he may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will 
have to fight it out.' This prophecy, it will be seen, was literally 
fulfilled; and the great chieftain who uttered it, attested that fulfill- 
ment with his blood. The governor, in conclusion, proposed to Te- 
cumseh, that in the event of hostilities between the Indians and the 
United States, he should use his influence to put an end to the cruel 
mode of warfare which the Indians were accustomed to wage upon 



190 History of Fort Wayne. 

women and children, or upon prisoners. To this he cheerfully as- 
sented ; and it is due to the memory of Tecumseh to add, that he 
faithfully kept his promise down to the period of his death." 
■ Not long subsequent to the terminatiou of this council, a Winne- 
bago chief, who had been employed by Governor Harrison to watch 
the proceedings of Tecumseh, brought word to Gov. Harrison that 
the former was sending to each of the tribes a large wampum belt, 
with a view of uniting them in one great confederation ; and that, 
upon a return of the belt, he saw a British agent fairly dance with 
joy — adding, with tears in his eyes, that he and all the village chiefs 
had been deprived of their power, and that the control of every- 
thing was in the hands of the warriore, who were greatly opposed 
to the United States. 

Speaking of the Prophet, in his address to the legislature of this 
year, Gov. Harrison said : " His character as a Prophet would not, 
however, have given him any very dangerous influence, if he had 
not been assisted by the intrigues and advice of ibreign agents, and 
other disalfected persons, who have for many years omitted no op- 
portunity of counteracting the measures of the government with 
regard to the Indians, and filli)ig their naturally jealous minds with 
suspicions of the justice and integrity of our views against them." 

During the autumn of 1810, a Kickapoo chief visited Governor 
Harrison, and assured him that the peaceful assurances of the 
Prophet and Tecumseh were merely to cover up their real inten- 
tions against the United States ; and about the same period, the 
Governor of Missouri sent word' that the Sac Indians had allied 
themselves to the Tecumseh confederacy; that Tecumseh himself 
was then doing all in his power to induce the tribes west of the 
Mississippi to join him ; to which were added the reports of differ-' 
ent Indian agents, who were generally of opinion that the period 
for a war with the Indians v/ould soon arrive. And thus passed the 
year 18 10. 

Early in l8ll, as a part of the annuity to the Indians, Governor 
Harrison sent a boat load of salt up the Wabash, a portion of which 
was to bo given to the Prophet for the Shawanoes and Kickapoos ; 
but, upon the arrival of the boat at the point where the Prophet had 
his lodges, he made bold to seize the entire cargo, alleging for so 
doing that he had two thousand men to feed, who had been with- 
out that commodity for two 3'ears. Upon the receipt of this pro- 
ceedure. Governor Harrison felt fully justified in demanding imme- 
diate aid from the government, and accordingly made application 
to the Secretary of War to have Colonel Boyd's regiment, then at 
Pittsburg, sent immediately to him, for the better safety of Vin- 
cennes, requesting, at the same time, to receive authority to act on 
the offensive as soon as it was known that the Indians were arrayed 
in actual hostility against the United States. The Governor's ap- 
prehensions were well founded, and it soon became an acknwol- 
edged fact, that Vincennes was^to be the first point of attack. The 



Second Council with Tecumseh at Vincennesi. 1 91 

pLacB was most accessible, and Tecumseh was fully aware of its 
situation. He could have made a descent upon it in a very short 
space of time, and then retreated into the unexplored country be- 
hind it, " where it would have been next to impossible for any cav- 
alry to have penetrated " at that period. And so earnest was Gov- 
ernor Harrison upon the subject, that he notified the Secretary of 
War, that, should troops not be immediately sent to his relief, he 
would at once take the matter in his own hands. 

Accompanied by three hundred warriors,* on the 27th of July of 
this year, Tecumseh again visited Vincennes; and on the 30th of 
this month, in an arbor near, attended by about two hundred of his 
warriors, another council was held. Opening the occasion by pre- 
senting the fact of several murders having been committed by In- 
dians in Illinois, Governor Harrison expressed a desire that Tecum- 
seh should pay a visit to the President with a view of laying before 
him what complaints he had to offer, assuring him that he should 
receive the fullest justice at the chief magistrate's hands ; and con- 
cluded by demanding an explanation of the conduct of the Prophet 
in the seizure of the salt sent up the Wabash sometime before, to 
he devided among the tribes. Replying to the latter, Tecumseh 
remarked that he was not at home at the time of the seizure of the 
salt, and said nothing further than, that Governor Harrison seemed 
very hard to please, he having complained sometime before that 
they refused to take the salt, and that now he was not pleased be- 
cause they had taken it. With but little further business of import- 
ance, the council adjourned to meet again on the following day. 

Reassembling, says the account,t on the afternoon of the next 
day, the council was continued far into the night. There being a full 
moon and a clear sky, the members were distinctly revealed to 
each other. It must have been a picturesque scene — those one 
hundred and seventy warriors seated in grim silence, listening, 
spell-bound, to the eloquence of the wonderful Tecumseh, occasion- 
ally signifying their approbation by their odd grunts ; or, taking in 
the wordb of the noble Harrison, as he strove by every means at 
his command to convince them that what he urged was for their 
own welfare and interest. 

Still manifesting his well known self-will and independence, Te- 
cumseh cooly admitted that he was still endeavoring to establish a 
union of the different tribes. And " why do you complain ? " he 
enquired ; " hav'nt you formed a confederacy of your different fires ? 
We have raised no voice against that, and what right have you to 
prevent us doing the same ? So soon as the council ends, 1 shall 
go south and seek to bring the Creeks and Choctaws into our con- 
federacy ;" repeating that his designs were peaceful, and that the 
whites were causelessly alarmed ; while his reply regarding the Illi- 
nois murders is said to have been not only "justified by facts," but 

* Ellis' Life of Tecumseh, page 48. 

t As principally presented by Benjamin Drake. 



192 History of Fort Wayne. 

was " cutting and pointed." Governor Harrison had previously 
stated, in a letter to the war department, " that it was impossible, iu 
many instances, for the Indians to receive justice. Were one of 
their number murdered by a white man, no jury of settlers would 
convict him, and, many of the latter seemed to think the savage 
fit for nothing but insults and kicks." " As to the murderers, they 
are not in my town," was substantially Tecumseh's response ; " and 
if they were, I would not give them up. We have set the whites 
an example of /o?'^M'^/?^ injuries, which they should follow;" and 
added that he wished no settlers to come upon the new purchase, 
near Tippecanoe before his return from the south, as the Indians 
would require it as a hunting ground, and that if they found cattle 
or hogs there, they would be apt to treat them as lawful game.* 

In a brief but earnest response. Governor Harrison said "the 
moon above them should fall to the earth before the President 
would allow his people to be massacred with impunity; and that 
no land would be yielded which had been honorably and fairly 
bought of the Indians." And here the council terminated, from 
whence, as he had stated, with great pomp, accompanied by some 
twenty of his warriors, Tecumseh was soon rowing his canoe south- 
ward down the Ohio to arouse the Creeks for the overthrow of the 
whites. 

Of his efforts and the result of his mission among the Creeks, the 
following graphic accountf will be read with no little degree of in- 
terest. The Shawanoe chieftain and his followers had meet their 
friends, the Creeks of the south, and a council was at once proposed. 

"Tecumseh led, the warriors followed, one in the footsteps of the 
other. The Creeks, in dense masses, stood on one side of the path, 
but the Shawanoes noticed no one ; they marched into the center of 
the square, and then turned to the left. At each angle of the 
square, Tecumseh took from his pouch some tobacco and sumach, 
and dropped on the ground ; his warriors performed the same cere- 
mony. This they repeated three times as they marched around the 
square. Then they approached the flag-pole in the center, circled 
around it three times, and facing the north, threw tobacco and su- 
mach on a small fire, burning, as usual, near the base of the pole. 
On this they emptied their yjouches. They then marched in the 
same order to the council, or king's house, (as it was termed in an- 
cient times,) and drew up before it. The Big AVarrior and leading 
men were sitting there. The Shawnee chief sounded his war-whoop 
— a most diabolical yell — and each of his followers responded. Te- 
cumseh then presented to the Big Warrior a wampum-belt of five 
difierent colored strands, which the Creek chief handed to his war- 
riors, and it passed down the line. The Shawnee's pipe was then 
produced: it was large, long, and profusely decorated with shells, 
beads, and painted eagle and porcupine-quills. It was lighted from 

* Ellis' Life of Tecumseh, pages 49 and 50. 

tFrooi " Claiborne's Life and Times of General Sam Dale." 



Teoumseh Among the Creek Indians of the South. 193 

tlie fire in the center, and slowly passed from the Big Warrior along 
the line. 

" All this time not a word had been uttered, every thing was as still as 
death ; even the winds slept, and there was only the genMe-falling leaves. 
At length Tecumseh spoke, at first slowly and in sonorous tones, but 
he grew impassioned and the words fell in avalanches from his lips, 
his eye burned with supernatural luster, and his whole frame trembled 
with emotion ; his voice resounded over the multitude — now sinking 
in lovf and musical whispers, now rising to its highest key, hurling 
out his words like a succession of thunderbolts. His countenance 
varied with his speech ; its prevalent expression was a sneer of hatred 
and defiance ; sometimes a murderous smile; for a brief interval a sen- 
timent of profound sorrow pervaded it, at the close of a look of con- 
centrated vengeance, such, I suppose, as distinguislies the arch-enemy 
of mankind. 

" I have heard many great orators, but I never saw one with the 
vocal powers of Tecumseh, or the same command of the face. Had 
I been deaf, the play of his countenance would have told me what he 
said. Its effect on that wild, superstitious, untutored, and war-like as- 
semblage, may be conceived ; not a word was said, but stern warriors, 
' the stoics of the woods,' shook with emotion, and a* thousand toma- 
hawks were brandished in the air. Even Big Warrior, who had been 
true to the whites, and remained faithful during the war, was, for the 
moment, visibly affected, and more than once I saw his huge hand 
clutch spasmodically the handle of his knife. And this was the effect 
of his delivery— for, though the mother of Tecumseh was a Creek, and 
he was familiar with the language, he spoke in the northern dialect, 
and it was afterward interpreted by an Indian linguist to the assembly. 
His speech has been reported; but no one has done, or can do it jus- 
tice. I think I can repeat the substance of what he said, and, indeed, 
his very words : 

" ' In defiance of the white men of Ohio and Kentucky, I have trav- 
eled through their settlem^ents — once our favorite hunting-grounds. 
No war-whoop was sounded, but there is blood upon our knives. The 
pale-faces felt the blow, but knoAV not from whence it came. Ac- 
cursed be the race that has seized on our country, and made women 
of our warriors. Our fathers, from their tombs, reproach us as slaves 
and cowards. I hear them now in the wailing winds. The Muscogee 
were once a mighty people. The Georgians trembled at our y\nr- 
vfhoop ; and the maidens of my tribe, in the distant lakes, sung the 
prowess of your warriors, and sighed for their embraces. Now, your 
very blood is white, your tomahawks have no edges, your bows and 
arrows were buried with your fathers. Muscogees, brethren of my 
mother 1 brush from your eyelids the sleep of slavery ; once more 
strike for vengeance — once more for your country. The spirits of 
the mighty dead complain. The tears drop from tbe skies. Let the 
white race perish ! They seize your land, they corrupt your women. 



194 History of Fort Wayne. 

they trample on your dead ! Back ! whence they came, upon a trail 
of blood, they must be driven ! Back I back — ay, into the great 
water whose accursed waves brought them to our shores ! Burn their 
dwellings ! Destroy their stock ! Slay their wives and children ! The 
red-man owns the country, and the pale-face must never enjoy it I 
War now ! War forever ! War upon the living ! War upon the 
dead ! Dig their very corpses from the graves ! Our country must 
give no rest to a white man's b^nes. All the tribes of the North are 
dancing the war-dance. Two mighty warriors across the seas will 
send us arms. 

" ' Tecamseh will soon return to his country. My prophets shall 
tarry with you. They will stand between you and your enemies. 
When the white man approaches you the earth shall swallow him up. 
Soon shall you see my arm of fire stretched athwart the sky. I will 
stamp ray foot at Tippecanoe,* and the very earth shall shake.' " 

" Incredible as it may seem," says Ellis, in his life of Tecumseh, " the 
threat of Tecumseh, embodied in the last sentence of the foregoing 
speech, was fulfilled to the very letter. It vras uttered by the chief 
when he saw the great reluctance of the Big Warrior and the Creeks 
to join him ; and tlie confidence with which he made the threat had its 
effect upon them.'' 

Moving nortliAvard again, Tecumseh and his folloAvers, came by 
way of Missouri, rallied the tribes on the Des Moines, crossed the head- 
waters of the Illinois, and from thence to the Wabash and to Tip- 
pecanoe ; and it was about this time that a heavy earthquake occurred. 

Before quitting the mouth of the Tippecanoe river, Tecumseh had 
charged his brother, tlie Prophet, to be most careful in the preserva- 
tion of peace with the whites during his absence, and especially until 
his arrangements were fully matured for the confederation of the tribes, 
north and south, as then advancing ; to which the prophet gave his 
assent, and Tecumseh left him with the full belief that he would be 
true to his word. 

But a short time elapsed, however, before the whites of the territory 
began to feel an increased alarm. Tecumseh's movement southward 
had spread among them, and many murders by the Indians in the re- 
gion of the Prophet's town, at the mouth of the Tippecanoe, and other 
points, were now becoming more frequent, and it was evident that 
the Prophet was not wholly a stranger to these depredations, notwith- 
standing his promise to his brother, Tecumseh, to remain quiet and 
peacable with the whites during his absence. 

In the meantime, the regiment under Col. Boyd, as desired by Gov. 
Harrison, had reached Vincennes, and the Governor was likewise or- 
dered to add to this body a corps of militia, and to take immediate 
measures for the defence of the citizens, and, as a last resort, to re- 
move the Prophet and his followers them.selves.f And the Governor 

*Other writers say that Detroit wag mentioned in place of Tippecanoe, and in giving 
the exclamations of the astoniahcd Indians, we liave put that word in their mouth, in 
accordance with tlic awlliovityquoiod. — Life of Tecumseh. fM'Afee. 



The Pkophet's Determination. 195 

was soon joined by a number of additional volunteers from Kentucky, 
many of whom were men of high standing as military, civil, and liter- 
ary gentlemen. 

Governor Harrison now began to take active measures to bring 
matters to a crisis, and wrote to his neighboring governors of Missouri 
and Illinois, asking their aid in an effort still to persuade the Indians 
to evade a recourse to arms ; and also charged the Indian agents to do 
what they could in bringing the Indians to a sense of reason in the 
north ; at the same time sending special messages to the different tribes, 
demanding that all who had been concerned in the recent murders of 
settlers, be at once given up, and from the Miamies a full disavowal of 
all alliance or connection with the Prophet; and concluded, says 
Drake, by saying that the United States, having manifested, through a 
series of years, the utmost justice and generosity toward their Indian 
neighbors, and having not only fulfilled the engagements which they 
entered into with them, but had spent considerable sums to civilize 
them and promote their happiness — that if, under these circumstances, 
any tribe should dare to raise the toniahawk against their fathers, they 
need not expect the same lenity that had been shown them at the close 
of the former war ; but that thej would either he exterminated, or driven 
beyond the Mississippi. 

In reply to this, the Prophet assured Gov. Harrison that all his 
demands should be regarded, still insisting that his purposes were 
peaceable, though this response of the Prophet had hardly reached the 
hands of the governor, before he also received intelligence that a par- 
ty of whites had been fired upon when in pursuit of some horses 
stolen by the Indians. 

Gov. Harrison was now the more determined in his course, and the 
Prophet had already sent, upon learning of the Governor's course of 
action, word to the Delaware chiefs, inquiring as to what part they 
intended to play in the coming struggle — as to liimself, it was his pur- 
pose not to lay down the hatchet until he was either killed or the 
grievances he complained of were repaired. In response to- this, the 
Delaware chiefs at once set out for the Prophet's tov/n, whither, upon 
theu' arrival, they used strong efforts to dissuade him from opening 
any hostilities with the United States. But they received only rebukes 
and insults for their efforts and advice ; and finding it useless to tarry 
longer in their council with the Prophet, the Delaware chiefs, whose 
tribes had long been most friendly to the United States, left the 
Prophet's town, and made their way to the camp of Gov. Harrison, 
and at once informod him of the treatment they had received at tlie 
hands of the Prophet. 

The Governor had already begun his preparations for a march upon 
the Prophet's town ; and toward the latter part of the month of Octo- 
ber, with some eight hundred men, embracing the P'ourth U. S. regi- 
ment, commanded by the gallant Miller, moved forward toward tlie 
mouth of the Tippecanoe river, to bring the Prophet and his followers 



196 History op Fort Wayne. 

to terms or battle. Before quitting his camp, however, on the 29th, 
he sent twenty-four Miami chiefs forward to the Prophet, upon a simi- 
lar errand to that for which the Delawares had visited him ; but not 
having returned as he had expected, he concluded they had joined the 
Prophet's forces. Accordingly, on the 6th of November, at the head 
of about one thousand troops, Gov. Harrison took up his line of march 
for Tippecanoe. Desirous stiil to know Avhether the Prophet would 
come to terms, the Governor, when within a short distance ot the town, 
sent forward a captain and interpreter to learn what course the Proph- 
et would pursue. But the Indians, on seeing these, only endeavored 
to take them prisoners, and they found it difficult to make their es- 
cape; and one of the sentinels of the army had been shot by the In- 
dians. The Governor now determined to treat the Prophet and his 
followers as enemies, and again resumed his march upon them. But 
before he had gained the village, the army was met by a deputation 
from the Prophet, enquiring for what purpose they were thus advanc- 
ing upon the town : insisting that they were anxious for peace, and 
that they had sent messages by the Miami and the Pottawattamie 
chiefs, stating to the Governor this desire.* At this a suspension of 
hostilities Avas agreed upon, and arrangements for a meeting submitted 
to take place the following day, the Governor telling them that ho 
would move on with the army to the V\^ abash, and take up his encamp- 
ment for the night. Having found a suitable place for rendezvous, 
near a creek, about three-fourths of a mile to the north of the town, 
and made all necessary arrangement for action, should an attack be 
made, the army took up its quarters for the night. 

In approaching the town, the Indians, not being aware of the pur- 
poses of the commanding officers of the army to find a suitable place 
for encampment, ran out and cried to the advanced corps to halt, but 
the governor riding up, assured the Indians that his purpose was not 
to attack them, and, in response to questions, as to a favorable place 
for encampment, told the ofiicers of a suitable one upon the creek they 
had, but a little time before, crossed, which point was soon after chosen 
for the encampment of the army. 

The night proved dark and cloudy. The moon rose late, and a 
drizzling rain fell. Many of the men had anticipated a battle, and 
were not much pleased that they had not been permitted to engage the 
Indians in a fight, and were fearful that they might have to return 
without a " brush " with them ; and, accordingly, had but little antici- 
pation of an attack from them, although Colonel Daveiss had been 
heard to say that he had no doubt that an attack would be made be- 
fore morning.f And true enough, — according to his habit, Governor 
Harrison being astir, getting his men under arms, — about four o'clock 
in the morning, it.was discovered and made known that the Indians 
had stealthily " crept so near the sentries as to hear them challenge 

*The Miami chiefs, in returning to the Governor, from their mission to the Prophet, had 
started on their return by way of the south side of the Wabash, and had accordingly lost 
sight VI .,«i? army. fM'Afee, 



TiiE Battle of Tippecanoe. 197 

when relieved ; " their aim being to rush upon the sentries before they 
coukl fire. But an Indian being observed by one of the guards, as the 
former crept through the grass, the lotter fired upon the "Indian, which 
was immediately followed by one of their fierce yells, and then a des- 
perate charge upon the left flank of the encampment, which caused the 
guards to give way. The army was now all alive with excitement, 
but the men generally stood their ground and fought most bravely, and 
" the battle was soon maintained on all sides with desperate valor. The 
Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling noise made with deer- 
hoofs," and who also fought with great energy, as if " determined on 
victory or death." The Prophet had told them the bullets of the 
white men could not hurt them ; that the Great Spirit would give them 
light, while the efforts of the army of the Americans would be " ren- 
dered unavailing," and '' involved in thick darkness : " * and taking 
his position upon an eminence near, secure from the bullets whizzing 
in all directions, he employed his time in singing a war- song, and urg- 
ing his followers " to fight on," that all would soon be as he had told 
them — singing the louder with each assurance. t 

Soon after daylight, the Indians were put to flight in different direc- 
tions, and the battle was ended — the power of the Prophet was broken, 
and the plans of Tecumseh forever frustrated and destro3''ed. 

The force of the Indians was estimated at from six hundred to one 
thousand; whlie their killed was greater than ever known before. "It's 
certain," says M'Afee, " that ro, victory was ever before obtained over 
the northern Indians, where the numbers Avere anything like equal." 
It was " their custom," continues he, " always to avoid a close action, 
and from their dexterity in hiding themselves, but few of them could 
be killed, even when tliey are pouring destruction into the ranks of 
their enemies. It is believed that there Avere not ten of them killed 
at St, Clair's defeat, and still fewer at Braddock's. At Tippecanoe, 
they rushed up to the bayonets of our men, and, in one instance, re- 
lated by Captain Sneiling, an Indian adroitly put the bayonet of a 
soldier aside, and clove his head with his war-club, an instrument on 
which there is fixed a triangular piece of iron, broad enough to pro- 
ject several inches from the wood. Their conduct, on this occasion," 
continues M'Afee, " so different from what it usually is. was attributed 
to the confidence of succcess with which their Prophet had inspired 
them, and to the distinguished bravery of the Winnebago warriors." 
The loss of the Americans was sixty killed, and about one hundred and 
thirty wounded ; among the killed was the distinguished Jo Daveiss, 
of Kentucky. I The Indians had not determined to attack the^ camp 

«M'Afee. 

f An uncle of John P. Hedges, Esq., of our city, who was in the engiigcment, anil wiio 
Was also badly wounded, avers that the Indians, under the inspiration and as.-;urances of 
the Prophet, " went in," " cutting and slashing " most fearlessly and indifferently ; but 
that they readily lost faith in him when they saw each other falling, pierced by tho 
muskot and riile balls of tho white men. 

JSays a note in Ellis' life of Tecumseh: " Jo Daveiss was, in many respects, 'one of 
the most remarkable men of his time. As a lawyer he had few equals — being considered 
the father of the Kentucky bar. lie was very singular in his habile, traveling his circuit 



198 History of Foht Wayne. 

until after niglit-fall. Their original plan was to meet the Governor 
in council the next day, and then for tT>'0 Winnebagoe chiefs, " who 
had devoted themselves to certain death, to accomplish their design," 
were to loiter about the camp after the council had broken up, and, 
killing the Governor, a war-whoop from them was to be the signal of a 
general attack.'' 

The Indians about the Wabash, after the battle of Tippecanoe, be- 
came very quiet, and most of them returned to their homes and villages. 

Among the tribes engaged in this conflict, were the Shawanoes, 
Pottawattamies, Winnebagoes, Kickapoos, &c. After the burial of the 
dead, and caring for the wounded, the army began its return march 
on the 9th of November ; and on the 18th Governor Harrison was 
welcomed to Vincennes by a body of some two hundred of her citizens ; 
and in the following month a vote of thanks was tendered him by the 
Kentucky legislature. 

While the Prophet was engaging the army of Gov. Harrison, Te- 
cumseh was in the south rallying the tribes in behalf of his grand 
scheme of confederation, little dreaming that his brother had spoiled 
his plans and broken the chain of his wily efforts ; and when he return- 
ed, he is said to have been so enraged at his brother, upon learning 
what he had done, that, in a feeling of great anger, he gathered hold 
of the hair of his head, and threatened to kill him. 

Tecumseh now thought of peace ; visited Gov. Harrison again, and 
wished to call upon the President, as the Governor had suggested, be- 
fore his journey south ; but upon Gov. Harrison not wishing him to 
take many of his warriors with him, he refused to visit Washington, 
and his conference with the Governor ended for the time, and soon 
after made his vv^ay to Ft. Wayne, while the Prophet took up his abode 
at a village on the Miasissinnewa river, about seventy miles south- 
west of Fort. Wayne. 

— which comprised his whole state — in the costume of a hunter, often entering the court 
room with his rifle in his hands, at the very momeut his ease was ready for liearing. 
riis extraordinary life was ended at Tipj]ecaiioe. He assumed command of a troop of 
Kentucky horse, after having been defeated by Henry Clay, in the effort, as United States 
District Attorney to secure the eoiiviution of Aaron Burr." 




CHAPTER XVI. 

As tiie dashing billows Javo tlie beach, 
And riisli back again into the deep, 

So the war element sought to reach 
A frenzied height and keep 

The West still unbless'd. 



Assembling of the Indians at Fort "Wayne to receive their annuities — Many of them 
fresh from the scene of the late battle of Tippecanoe — Col. John Johnson, Indian 
agent here — The old Council-House — Early scenes — Peaceful protestations of the 
Indians — Teeumseh visits Fort Wayne — Failing to obtain ammunition, he gives the 
war-whoop and loaves — Depredations begun again on the frontiers — The Ohio mili- 
tia called out — Command of the army surrendered to Gen. Hull — Army under Hull 
reaches Urbana, Ohio — Triumphal arch erected — Further movements of the army — 
The British capture an American schooner — Col. Cass sent to demand its surrender 
— Gen. Hull proposes to invade Canada — issues a proclamation — Its effects — Recon- 
noitering expedition under Perry — Teeumseh joins the British — Hull retreats from 
Canada, and reaches Detroit again — His surrender to the British — Bitter feelings 
against Hull at this result — The British plan an expedition against Port Wayne_ — 
Surrender of Mackinaw---Delay in notifying the Forts---Situation of Fort Dearborn 
(Chicago)---Maj. Stickney, Indian agent at Fort Wayne, sends an express to Chica- 
go---Relief proposed for Capt. lieald, at Fort Dearborn---Capt. Wells chosen to carry 
out the designs of Maj. Stickuey---Wells selects 30 Miami Indians, and leaves Ft. 
Wayne for Chicago---His arrival there---Situation of affairs---WelIs sees danger 
ahead---The fort abandoned---With blackened face, Wells takes the lead---The 
Pottawattamios in ambu<h---An attaek---Bravery of the troops---Death of Wells--- 
Tho Miamies fly---The Indians demand a surrender, which is complied with — Their 
treachery---Bravery of Mrs. Heald---Divis;on of the prisoners---Wells' heart cut 
out and eaten by the Indians---Escape of the prisoners and safe arrival within the 
U. S. lines. 



SOME DAYS after the battle of Tippecanoe, (on the 22nd of Nov.,) 
the period for the annual meeting of the Indians to receive their 
w^ annuities, having arrived, thej began to assemble in great num- 
\|k) bers to receive their allotted portions, John Johnson, Esq., was 
^ then Indian agent here. 
Many of the chiefs in attendance were fresh from the scene of the 
recent hostilities at Tippecanoe, claiming their respective portions of the 
annuity equal with the most peaceful of the tribes — representing that 
the Prophet's followers had him in confinement, and purposed taking 
his life; that he was chargeable with all their troubles; together with 
many other stories of a similar character, all, more or less, in the main, 
untrue, especially as regarded the Prophet's confinement, for, at that 



200 HisToiiY OF Fort "Wayne. 

time, he was at full liberty on the Mississinnewa. But the stories pre- 
sented to Col. Johnson had the desired effect and he was induced there- 
by to inform the Government that the Indians were all favorable to 
peace, and " that no further hostilities should be committed against 
them ; " and, " yet says M'Afee," in most of the nations here assembled, 
a British faction was boiling to the brim, and ready to flow on our 
devoted frontiers, wherever the British agents might think proper to 
increase the fire of their hostility.'-* 

The old council-house was located about the spot now occupied by 
Michael Hedekin, Esq. It was a two-story log building, about sixty 
feet long, by about twenty wide: and stood but a short distance to the 
south-west of the fort. It was in this building the agent lived. And 
it was often an interesting as well as a painful sight to witness the 
tall red men, with their painted faces, gaily plumed with feathers and 
trinkets ; their skins in some instances barely covering their loins, in 
others measurably dressed in skins, or with a blanket wrapped about 
them, sitting in groups here and there, or standing at some point re- 
counting their adventures or misfortunes ; or, having drank freely of 
" fire-wator," Avere venting their savage ferocity upon each other in hard 
words or death-blows with the tomahawk or scalping-knife ; the squaws 
wandering about with their pappooses to their backs, or sitting about 
with their Indian husbands, all awaiting their turns to receive their an- 
nuity, or in some way obtain some little favor, if only a pipe or loaf of 
wheat bread, at the hands of some pale face or friend. Such was life 
in the vicinity of the council-house and fort here during portions of 
many years subsequent to the treaty of Greenville. 

The assemblage of the Indians, to receive their annuity at th:^ hands 
of Col. Johnson, after the battle of Tippecanoe, consisted principally 
of chiefs and head men of the Miamies, the Delawares, the Pottawat- 
amies, and Shawanoes. Col. Johnson, on this occasion, delivered 
them a speech, presenting the importance of an adherence to peaceable 
relations on the part_of the tribes and the United States — telling them 
that the President wsis desirous of living in peace and friendship with 
them ; and that pardon should be granted to any of the hostile tribes 
who would put away their arms and be peaceable. To which Black- 
Hoof, a Shawanoe chief, responded in behalf of ail the tribes present, 
assuring the Col. that they airprofessedtbe strongest desire to lay hold 
of the chain of peace and friendship with the United States. It waa be- 
lieved that this expression was sincere on the part of the Shawanoes 
and a large number of the Delawares ; but that the Miamies and Pot- 
tawattamies had little or no intention of being peaceable after receiv- 
ing their annuities.f Says M'Afee, in his "History of the late war(18l2) 
in the Western Country," page 40, " The Little Turtle of the Miamies, 
noAV in the decline of life and influence, was the strenuous advocate of 

*Prinr to the battle of Tippecanoe, the Governor-General of Canada had informed our 
Govcvniiient that the Indians were hostile to the United States ; but itwa.'^ supposed tliat 
he ha<l done s<i with a view only to remove siispieions as to the courise of the British, and 
to render their intriguee with the Iniaus the more successful. ^M'Afee. 




h 

h 

h 



i^^-Z 







J^**. 



Sketch ok Littls Tuktle — His Death. 201 

peace, but tlio majority of his people followed the counsels of Te- 
cum seh."* 

The Indians now made many pretentions to peace. Stone-Eater, 
with others,^ visited Fort Harrison, and delivered a talk to Capt. Snell- 
ing, who, with a small detachment, had taken possession of that post 
after the battle of Tippecanoe. After professing much friendship, 
they visited Vincennes, and he told the Governor of their contrition at 
what had happened, and professed a strong desire for friendship, prom- 
ising to punish the Prophet, or deliver him up to the United' States, 
as soon as they could get hold of him ; and soon after returned to their 
homes. Visits were now frequent to see the Governor at Vincennes ; 

*It was on the 14th of July of this year (1812) that the famous Little Turtle died in his 
1 odge at the old orchard, a short distance north of the confluence of the St. Mary and 
St. Joseph, in the yard fronting the house of his brother-in-law, Capt. Wm. Wells. Tur- 
tle had surTered for many months previous with the gout, and came hero from his place 
of residence, at Little Turtle village, on Eel river, about 20 miles north-west of Fort 
Wayne, to be treated by the U. S. Surgeon at the fort. 

It was a solemn and interesting occasion. After the treaty of Greenville, Turtle had 
remained the true and faithful friend of the Americans and the U. S. Government, and 
was much beloved and respected by all who knew him. Tecumseh strove hard to gain 
his confidence and aid, but without effect, for nothing could move him from his purposes 
of peace and good-will towards the Americans. 

In the language of one who was present at his burial: "His body was borne to the 
grave with the highest honors, by his great enemy, the white man. The muffled drum, 
the solemn march, the funeral salute, announced that a great soldier had fallen, and 
even enemies paid tribute to his memorj-." 

His remains were interred about the center of the old orchard, with all his adornments, 
implements of war, a sword, presented to him by General Washington, together with a 
medal, with the likeness of V/ashingtou thereon,-— all laid by the side of the body, and 
hidden beneath the sod in one common grave. The exact spot of his grave is still known 
to some of the early settlers of Fort Wayne, who still survive among us, Mr. J. P. 
Hedges among the number. 

Turtle had a somewhat remarkable mind. Was, for many years, the leading spirit 
here,— unsurpassed for bravery and intelligence, perhaps, by none of his race. Of a 
very inquiring turn of mind, he never lost an opportunity to gain some valuable infor- 
mation, upon almost every subject or object that attracted his attention; and sought by 
every means in his power, during the latter days of his life, to relieve his people from ev- 
ery debasing habit— encouraging them only in the more peaceful, sober, and indus- 
trial relations of life. 

In 1797, accompanied by Captain Well^, lie visited Philadelphia, where he enjoyed 
the society of the distinguished Count Volney, and the Polish patriot, Kosciusko, and 
others. While in Philadelphia, at this period, he had his portrait taken, by order of 
the President. Stopping at the same house with Turtle, in Philadelpha, was an Irish 
gi^ntlem an, somewhat remarkable as a wit, who made it a point to " pok- fun " at the 
Turtle whenever an occasion offered. The Irish gentleman and Turtle liaj)pening to 
meet one morning in the studio of Stewart, the artist engaged in painting each of tlieir 
portraits, the Irishman,observing Turtle in a rather unusually thoughtful mood, began to 
rally him upon his sober demeanor, and suggested, through Captain Wells, that it was 
because of his inability to cope with him in the jocular contest. At this the Turtle 
brightened u}). " He mistakes," said the Turtle, to Captain Wells, in reply; "I was 
just thinking of proposing to this man (the jjainte'') to paint us both on one Doard, and 
here I would stand, face to face with hira, and confound Iiim to all eternity." 

Little Turtle was of mixed origin — half Mohican and half Miami — and the son of a 
chief ; born at his village, on Eel River, about the year 1747, and very early became the 
war-chief t)f the Miamics. In stature, he was short, well built, with s^^mmetical form 
— pri>minent forehead, lieavy eye brows, keen, black eyes, and a large chin. 

Such was Little Turtle, (Me-che-kan-nah-quah) — the bravest among the brave, and 
■wisest among the wise of the Indians of the JNorthwest of his day — leading an army of 
braves to sure victory oue hour — cutting and slashing, as with the ferocity of a tiger, at 
one moment, — and us passive and gentle as a child the next. Ever may his gentler and 
better deeds be perpetuated by the American people. 



203 HisTOKY OF Fort Waykk. 

but Tecumseh and the Prophet, who were known to be still hostile, 
kept away, and this readily led to the conclusion that but little reli- 
ance was to be placed upon what was said by many visiting the Gov- 
ernor, and others in authority, as agents and commandants. 

Tecumseh made his appearance at Fort Wayne sometime during 
the month of December, soon after his return from the south. The 
result of his brother's efforts had effected him deeply. He seemed 
to know not which way to turn. His scheme Avas broken, but his 
great will still bore him aloft over the impediments that had accu- 
mulated in his path-way ; and yet he was for war — for freedom — for 
the extermination of the white race that occupied the ancient hunt- 
ing ground of his fathers. His air was haughty ; and, says McAfee, 
he was still " obstinate in the opinions he had embraced. He made 
bitter reproaches against Harrison ; and, at the same time, had the 
presumption to demand ammunition from the commandant (here), 
which was refused him. He then said he would go to his British 
father, who would not deny him. He appeared thoughtful a while, 
then gave the war-whoop, and went off." 

Such was the spirit in which Tecumseh left Fort Wayne on this 
memorable occasion; and "early in the spring of I8l2, he and his 
party began to put their threats into execution. Small parties be- 
gan to commit depredations on the frontiers of the Indiana and Il- 
linois Territories, and part of Ohio. Twenty scalps were taken in 
the Indiana Territory alone before the first of June ; and the people 
were thus compelled to protect themselves by going into forts along 
the frontiers. Volunteej- companies of militia were organized, and 
the Indians were frequently pursued, but generally without success, 
as they lied at once after committing their depredations. Governor 
Harrison asked permission of the war department to raise a mounted 
force to penetrate to their towns, with a view of chastising them. 
But this was refused, the government hesitating to disturb them in 
that way at that time, fearing least they would take a more active 
part Avith the British. Tippecanoe was again occupied, and there 
the Indians were again planting their corn. B}' vigorous meas- 
ures," says M'Afee, " w-e might have beaten them into peaceable 
deportment and respect. Mr. Secretary Eustis, of the war depart- 
ment, thought differently ; and while he was attempting to soothe 
them with good words, they were laughing at his credulity. To 
maintain peace with an Indian," continues the same waiter, " it is nec- 
essary to adopt his own principles, and punish every aggression 
promptly, and thus convince him that you are a laan^ and not a 
squaioP 

Thus stood affairs in the early part of June, 1812; and by the 
18th of that month, matters had so far approached a war basis be- 
tween Great Britain and the United States — an issue that had for 
some months prior been anticipated — that the American Govern- 
ment had announced a declaration of war against the English gov- 
ernment. As early as the month of April an embargo was levied 



Movement of the Army undkkIIull. 208 

by CongTess on all the shipping in ports of the U. S., and " an act 
authorizing the President to detach one hundred thousand militia 
for six months," was adopted and put into force ; while several other 
acts, authorizing the recruiting of a regular array, were likewise 
passsd, and the masses were all astir with the feeling and anticipa- 
tion of war. 

During this month the President made a requisition on the State 
of Ohio for twelve hundred militia, and the famous 4th regiment, 
under command of Col. Miller, which had sometime before been 
ordered to the relief of Vincennes, was now ordered to Cincinnati, 
to join the militia. The Ohio militia had been soon raised, and 
were ordered by Governor Meigs, of that State, to rendezvous on 
the 29th of April, at Dayton, at the mouth of Mad river, on the Big 
Miami. As previously directed by the Secretary of War, on the 
25th of May following. Gov. Meigs surrendered the command of the 
army to General Hull, for sometime previously Governor of Michi- 
gan Territory, but who, a short time previous to this period, had 
been appointed a Brigadier-general in the United States army. 
From Dayton the army under Hull took up its line of march for 
Staunton on the first of June. From Staunton they marched to 
Urbana. Here, on the 8th, says M'Afee, they were informed that 
they would be met that day on parade, by the governor, accompa- 
nied by many distinguished citizens and some Indian chiefs. On 
the following day, governor Meigs and general Hull held a council 
with twelve chiefs, of the Shawanoe, Mingoe, and Wyandot nations, 
to obtain leave from them to march the army through their terri- 
tory, and to erect such forts as might be deemed necessary ; which 
was promptly granted by them, and every assistance which they 
cold give the army in the wilderness was promised. Gov. Meigs 
had held a council with these Indians on the 6th, in which it was 
agreed to adhere to the treaty of Greenville. 

On the 10th of June, the 4th regiment, under Col. Miller, made 
its appearance at Urbana, and were escorted into camp through a 
triumphal arch, adorned with an eagle, and inscribed with the 
words, " Tippecanoe — Glory."* 

From Urbana the army, on the 16th, moved as far as King's 
Creek, and from this point opened a road as far as the Sciota, wliere 
they built two block-houses, which they called Fort M'Arthur, in 
honor of the officer whose regiment had opened the road. To this 
fort the whole army came on the 19th, and on the 21st Col. Findley 
was ordered to open the road as far as Blanchard's fork, on the Au- 
glaize, whither the army, excepting a guard left at Fort M'Arthur, 
again followed on the 22d. Here, amid rain and mud, another 
block-house was erected, which was called Fort Necessity, From 
Fort Necessity the army soon after moved to Blanchard's fork, 
where Col. Findley had built a block-house, which was called in 
honor of that officer. A road was shortly after, under command of 

*M'Afee. 



204 llisToiiy OF FoKT Waykk. 

Col. Cass, cut to the rapids, and the main army soon encamped on 
the banks oi the Maiimee, opposite the old battle ground of Gen. 
Wajne, in sight of the village then at the foot of the Rapids, wliich 
had the effect to greatly revive the feelings of the soldiers after 
their tedious march through the wilderness. From this point, after 
a day or two's I'est, tlie armj^ moved down just below the old British 
fort Miami, from which the Indians had been so long supplied with 
ammunition, etc., before their defeat in that quarter, in 1794. 

From here, about the last of June, a small schooner was dis- 
pacthed to Detroit, with about thirty officers and privates, with the 
muster-rolls of the diiferent companies, accompanied by an open 
boat, in which were a number of sick soldiers. Fears had previ- 
ously been entertained that the boat would be captured, but Gen- 
eral Hull insisted on its departure. In the meantime, the army 
bad again taken up its march, and was to halt again at the river 
Raisin, whither, upon its arrival there, the army soon learned that 
the schooner, in attempting to pass Maiden, had been captured by 
the British. The declaration of war was now generally known. 
From the river Raisin, the arm}^ proceeded to the River Huron, 
fifteen miles, over which narrow stream, on the 4th of July, they 
built a bridge. From this point, on the 5th, the army proceeded 
towards Detroit, and soon formed an encampment within view of 
the place. The northwestern posts were now informed of the dec- 
laration of war ; and the commanding officers of Fort Wayne, De- 
troit, Michillimackinaw, and Chicago, were ordered by Gen. Hull 
to place their garrisons "in the best possible state of defence," with- 
out delay, and to " make a return to Brigade Major Jessup, at De- 
troit, of the quantity of provisions the contractor had on hand at 
their respective posts, the number of officers and men, ordnance, 
and military stores of every kind, and the public property of all 
kinds."* 

On the 6th, Col. Cass was sent with a Hag of truce to Maiden to 
demand the prisoners and baggage of the captured schooner; but 
his demands M'ere not respected, and, being blindfolded, soon after 
returned to camp with a British officer. The army now, with a view 
to safety, should the English commence a bombardment, removed 
to the rear of Detroit. 

General Hull now conceived the plan of an invasion of Canada, 
and on the morning of the 12th of July, the British having moved 
from their former position towards Maiden, in fear of loosing that 
point, the regiments of Cols. Miller and Cass, at a point about a mile 
above Detroit, successfuilj^ gained the Canadian shore, and soon 
after, followed by General Hull and others, the stars and stripes were 
run up from a brick dwelling on the farm of a British officer, by 
the name of Bainbee, and on the same day. General Hull issued his 
noted proclamation to tlie inhabitants of Canada, in which he re- 
quested the Canadians to remain t|uiet; to pursue tlieii- usual voca- 

* Older of General Hull. 



Surrender of Detroit. 205 

tions, etc.; assuring them that he " came to find enemies, not to make 
them. I come to protect, not to injure you. Separated by an im- 
mense ocean and an extensive wilderness from groat Britain." said 
he, " you have no participation in her councils, no interest in her 
conduct. You have felt her tyranny; you have seen her injustice; 
but I do not ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other." 

The effect of the proclamation was most salutary for the time 
— many of the inhabitants of Sandwich returning to their dwellings 
again from the v/oods, whither they had fled on the approach of the 
American forces, having been told by the British officers, much 
like the inhabitants of Kaskaskia, at the time of Clark's movements 
in the west, that the Americans were an army of cannibals, — worse 
than savages. 

With about forty men, on the 13th, Capt. Ulry was sent on a re- 
connoitering expedition in the direction of Maiden, and, upon ap- 
proaching a partially destroyed bridge extending over Turkey Greek, 
some nine miles from camp, he discovered a party of some two hun- 
dred Indians lying in ambush, intending, if possible, to cut off an}'- 
detachment that might approach. A Canadian had informed 
Capt. Ulry that a great number of Indians were in the region, and 
being fearful that he might be encountered by a superior number, 
he at once returned -to camp. 

From the time of his abrupt departure from Fort Wayne, up to 
the breaking out of the war of 1812, Teeumseh had been most ac- 
tive against the Americans, spiriting up the Indians at various 
points; and, from the first hostile movements of the British, had 
allied himself to their cause, and begun to take a most active part 
with the enemy, who soon made him a brigadier-general in their 
arm5\ In August, at the head of a party of Shawanoes, accompa- 
nied by a number of British soldiers, he made an attack upon a 
company of Ohio militia sent by General Hull to escort some vol- 
unteers engaged in bringing supplies for the army, which occurred 
at BroM'nstown, and was the first action that took place after the 
declaration of war had been made. Teeumseh and his party had 
succeeded in drawing the company in ambush, and the loss sus- 
tained by the company was considerable, and were resolutel}' fol- 
lowed by Teeumseh in their retreat towards the river De Corce. 
And it was about this time that General Hull retreated from Cana- 
da, and again took up his headquarters at Detroit. On the I6tli of 
August, this post was surrendered by General Hull to a British 
force, consisting of some seven hundred troops, and about six hun- 
dred Indians, under command of General Brock, which placed not 
only the garrison at Detroit, but the whole territory, including all 
its forts and garrisons, in the hands of the British, which was a mat- 
ter of as great astonishment to the British as the Americans. Said 
General Brock, in writing to his superior officer, after this event, 
" When I detail my good foi-tune, you will be astonished." 

The feeling among the officers and privates at this result wm 



'206 History of Fort Wayne. 

very great, and brought down upon the head of Gen. Hull a shower 
of hard words from many directions ; although General Hull, while 
Governor of Michigan, previous to his military appointment, had 
suggested to the war department the importance of having a supe- 
rior naval force on Lake Erie, as an auxiliary in the capture of Up- 
per Canada, stating that the object could not be effected without it, 
besides pointing out many obstacles that would necessarily attend a 
different course of action. And at another time advised, strongly, 
the erection of a navy on the lakes. At the time of the surrender, 
however, Hull's force was superior to that of the British. 

Soon after the conclusion of the capitulation at Detroit, an expe- 
dition was planned by the British against Fort Wayne. 

The garrison at Mackinaw not having received the order of Gen. 
Hull, as written about the 5th of July, relating to the declaration of 
war, putting the several forts mentioned in the best defence, etc., 
this post was surrendered on the 17th of that month, which had the 
effect to cut off all offensive operations in Upper Canada, and caused 
General Hull to feel much alarm, saying that "the whole northern 
hordes of Indians would be let loose upon tliem." The loss of 
Mackinaw was at once considered a great impediment to the Ameri- 
can cause, for the surrender of which General Hull was greatly 
censured, because of his delay in forwarding the general order 
made out about the 5th of July. And Fort Dearborn, at Chicago, 
had suffered a similar neglect, and was in an equally hazzardous 
position to that of Mackinaw before its capture. Towards the last 
of July, General Hull began to ihink seriously of the situation of 
the Cliicago Fort, and the relief of the garrison. Capt. Heald, its 
commandant, with his family, were now being surrounded by a 
furious party of Indians in communication with Tecumseh, who, 
though not yet attempting any acts of violence upon the inmates, 
were yet only awaiting the necessary encouragement from the 
enemy. 

With this feeling upon him, General Hull, towards the latter part 
of July, sent an express to Fort Wayne with a view to the imme- 
diate relief of Captain Heald and his command at Chicago. 

Major B. F. Stickney was then Indian agent at Fort Wayne, and 
the express sent here for the purpose of relief to the Chicago fort, 
brought a request from Gen. Hull that Major Stickney at once ex- 
tend to Captain Heald all the information, assistance, and advice 
within his power, inclosing in his letter to Major Stickney " an or- 
der to Captain Heald to accept of such aid, and to conform to such 
instructions as he might receive from the Indian agent" at Fort 
Wayne. 

Instructions were accordingly prepared by Major Stickney to ac- 
company the order of General Hull, and an Indian agent dispatched 
to Chicago. Among the contents of the letter forwarded to Cap- 
tain Heald, he was promised military aid as soon as it was possible 
to render it. 



Capt, Wells Sent to the Relief of Fort Dearborn. 207 

Captain William Wells, the brother-in-law of Little Turtle, was 
at this time sub-Indian agent here. He had lived among the In- 
diana from his youth to an advanced age; was then, as before, a 
great favorite with the Miamies, and accounted a "perfect master 
of every thing pertaining to Indian life, both in peace and war, and 
withal a stranger to personal fear;" — v/as replete with a knowl- 
edge of Indian strategy; and, says Major Stickney, "if General 
Wayne desired a prisoner, to obtain information, Captain Wells 
could always furnish one." 

Wells was the man for the work, and Major Stickney readily hit 
upon him to lead a party to the aid of Captain Heald. Having 
proposed the matter to Captain Wells, Major Stickney at once sug- 
gested the raising of thirty warriors to accompany him. With 
Wells, the Miamies were his favorites, and from among their tribe 
he selected the number required. The Pottavrattamies were now 
known to be in the vicinity of Chicago, and the fact of Wells being 
a favorite with the Miamies, made the former tribe unfriendly to- 
wards him, there having long existed an unfriendly feeling between 
the Miamies and the Pottawattamies. So that Wells' position was 
at best, — should trouble arise upon their arrival at Fort Dearborn, — 
a most precarious one, a fact that he, was by no means unacquaint- 
ed with, but his fearless nature readily throw him into the opposite 
scale of undaunted determination, and on the 3d of August, with his 
braves well equipped by the agent, all in readiness, he set out, full 
of hope and courage, for the relief of the garrison at Chicago, 
whither they arrived on the I2th of the month. 

Wells and his party had not been long at the fort before he dis- 
covered unmistakable evidences of coming trouble. For some days 
a large number of Pottawattamies and Winnebagoes, professing 
friendship, had been encamped about the fort; and for some time 
Tecumseh and the British, through their runners, had kept up a 
regular correspondence with the Indians in the locality, who had 
only been awaiting the result at Maiden in order to join one side or 
the other. On the ni^^ht of the 14th, a runner having arrived among 
the liidians there with the news from Tecumseh that Major Van- 
horn had been defeated at Brownstown ; that the army under Hull 
had returned to Detroit; and that there was every hope and pros- 
pect of success, the Indians about the region were at once decided 
to join the British, and resolved to remain no longer inactive.* 

Wells was warmly attached to Captain Heald. The latter had 
married his niece, and she was with her husband, to share alike the 
dangers and vicissitudes that surrounded them. 

On the arrival of Wells and his warriors at the fort, Capt. Heald 
told Wells that he had received the dispatch from the agent at Fort 
Wayne, with the order of General Hull; that, on its receipt he had 
called together all the Indian warriors in his neighborhood, and 
had entered into a tieaty with them The leading terms were, that 

* M'Afee. 



208 HisTOKY OF Fort Wayne. 

lie was to deliver up to the Indians, the Fort with all its contents, 
except arms, ammunition and provisions necessary for their march 
to Fort "Wayne. The Indians on their part were to permit him to 
pass unmolested. Wells at once protested against the terms of the 
treaty. There was a large quantity of ammunition and whisky in 
the Fort. These, he declared, they should not have. He urged, 
that if the Indians had the whisky they would get drunk, and pay 
no regard to the treaty ; and he was for throwing the ammunition 
and whisky into the Lake. The Indians learned what was going 
on in the Fort, and determined to attack Heald and his party, at 
the first convenient point, after they should leave the Fort. Wells 
undeistood Indian character so perfectly that he was aware of their 
intentions at a glance. 

As soon as it was daybreak, W^olls saw that the tomahawk was 
sharpening for them, and told Heald they must be off as quick as 
possible, hoping to move before the Indians were ready for them. 
No time was to be lost. To-pee-nee-bee, a chief of the St. Joseph's 
band, had, early in the morning, informed a Mr. Xinzie of the mis- 
chief that was intended by the Pottawattamies, who had engaged 
to escort the detachment ; and urged him to relinquish his design 
of accompanying the troops by land, promising him that the boat 
containing himself and family should be permitted to pass in safety 
to the St. Joseph's, which was declined by Mr. K., on the ground 
that his presence might operate as a restraint upon the fury of the 
savages, so warmly were the greater part them attached to himself 
and family.* 

As the troops marched out, on the morning of the 15th, the band 
struck up the Dead March, as if some invisible force had im- 
pressed upon them the inevitable fate many of them were soon to 
meet ; and on they moved, solemn and thoughtful, in military array, 
Captain Wells taking the lead, at the head of his litde band of Mi- 
ami warriors, his face blackened, " in token of his impending fate." 
Taking their route along the lake shore, as they gained a range of 
sand-hills lying between the prairie and the beach, the escort of 
Pottawattamies, some five hundred in number, instead of continuing 
along the beach with the Americans and Miamies, kept the level of 
the prairie, and had marched perhaps about a mile and a half, 
when Capt. Wells, who had rode a little in advance with the Miam- 
ies, suddenly came galloping back, exclaiming: "They are about 
to attack us ; form instantly, and charge upon them," telling his 
niece not to be alarmed ; that " they would not hurt her, but that 
he would be killed."t And no sooner had he ceased to speak, than 
a volley was fired from among the sand-hills. The troops being 
now hastily brought into line, they charged rapidly up the bank. A 
veteran, of some seventy years, was tKe first to fall. Capt. Wells 
soon fell, " pierced with many balls ;" and in the words of one of 
the party, (Mrs. Kinzie), " Pee-so-tum * * held dangling in his 

*" Wan-Bun, ot- Early day in the IN'orthwest." f Maj. B. F. Stickney. 



Brayeey and Wisdom of Mrs. Heald. 209 

hand a scalp, which, by tlie black ribbon around the queue, I re- 
cognized as that of Capt. Wells." Their leader now being killed, 
the Miamies fled ; one of their chiefs, however, before leavino- the 
scene of disaster, riding up to the I'ottawattamies, and exclaiming 
to them in pretty strong terms : "You have deceived the Ameri- 
cans and us. You have done a bad action, and (brandishing his 
tomahawk), I will be the the first to head a party of Americans to 
return and punish your treachery;" and then galloped away over 
the prairie in pursuit ot his companions, who were rapidly making 
their way back towards Fort Wayne. 

"The troops," says Mrs. Kinzie,* "behaved most gallantly. They 
were but a handful ; but they seemed resolved to sell their lives as 
dearly as posssible. Our horses pranced and bounded, and could 
hardly be restrained, as the balls whistled among them." 

The Indians made several desperate attempts to rush upon and 
tomahawk the soldiers, but every such efibrt was bravely repulsed 
by them. Several women and children were killed ; and the ranks 
at length became so reduced as not to exceed twenty effective men; 
yet they were undaunted and resolute, and remained united while 
able to fire. Having now withdrawn some distance from their for- 
mer position, the Indians sent a small French boy to demand a 
surrender. The boy was Gapt. Heald's interpreter, who had de- 
serted to the side of the Indians in the early part of the engage- 
ment. Advancing very cautiously towards the Americans, a Mr. 
Grifiith advanced to meet him, intending to kill Jiim for his con- 
duct in deserting ; but tlie boy declaring that it was the only way he 
could save himself, and at the same time appearing quite sorry lor 
having been obliged to act as he did, he was permitted to come for- 
ward. He said the Indians proposed to spare the lives of the 
Americans, if they would surrender. But the surviving soldiers all 
rejected it. Conveying their determination to the Indians, he soon 
returned, saying the Indians were ver}^ numerous, and strongly 
urged Mr. Griffith to use his endeavors to bring about a sur- 
render, which was at length consented to, and the men having laid 
down their arms, the Indians at once came forward to receive them ; 
when, in the face of their promise, they tomahawked three or four 
of the men ; and one Indian, it is stated, with the fury of a demon, 
approached Mrs. Heald, with his tomahawk raised to strike her. 
Much accustomed to danger, and being well acquainted with In- 
dian character, with remarkable presence of mind, she looked him 
earnestly in the face, and, smiling, said; "Surely you Avill not kill 
a sfjuaw." Her " action, suited to the word," had the desired effect. 
The Indian's arm fell ; his savage resolution was broken ; and a 
moment more saw the heroic and thoughtful Mrs. Heald under the 
protection of the barbarous hand that was about to rob her of life. 
Mrs. Heald was the daughter of General Samuel Wells, of Ken- 
tucky, who fought most valliantly at the battle of Tippecanoe asiainst 

*" Efti'l}' Day in the Northwest," pnges 224 and I'iSS. (14; 



2lO HiSTOKY OF Fort Wayne. 

the followers of the Prophet. Captain Wells' head was cut off and 
his heart taken out and eaten by the Indians."* 

In accordance with their ancient custom, the Indians now de- 
vided the prisoners. Captain Heald, Mrs. Heald, and Mr. Griffith 
being selected by the Ottawas, were taken by this band on the 
lake, beyond the mouth of the river St. Joseph. Having been se- 
verely wounded, they considered their fate as inevitably sealed ; 
but some angelic arm seem to have been stretched forth to aid them 
when least expected ; and one day, Griffith's eye accidently fell 
upon a canoe, at a convenient point, sufficiently large to hold them 
all ; and one night, soon after, they succeeded in making their es- 
cape, traversing the lake in this frail bark some two hundred miles 
to Mackinaw, where the British commandant enabled them to reach 
the United States in safety. 

* As tlie cliaracter of "Wells was unequalled for bravery, after his death the Indians 
took his heart from his hody, cooked it, and divided it amon^ themselves in very small 
pieces. Tliey religiously belived, that each one who ate of it, would thereby l)ecomt' 
as Vjvdve as he from whom it was taken. — Stickney. 




CHAPTER XVII. 

What heroism ! what perils then ! 

How true of heart and strong of hand ; 
How earnest, resolute those pioneer mex ! 



Tlie Indians greatly emboldened by their success at Chicago — The followers of Teeum- 
seh threaten to exterminate tlie tribes refusing to aid their cause — Tecumseh's use- 
fulness to the British — Tecumseh's scheme of the siege and massacre of Forts Wayne 
and Harrison — Renewal of the war — Ohio and Kentucky aroused — Col. John Al- 
len — The Pottawattamios after the evacuation of Fort Dearborn — Preparations for 
the siege of Forts Waj-ne and Harrison — Antonie Bondie — The secret of the in- 
tended siege and massacre of Fort Wayne disclosed — Doubts as to its correctness — 
Major Stickne\? dispatches a messenger to Gov. Harrison — Active preparation for 
defense — Illness of Major Stickney — Indians prowling about the fort — Death of 
Stephen Johnston — A period of great peril — Tlie siege bejiun — A stratagem — The 
Indians desire to gain an entrance into the fort — Tliey ask for a signal — Thirteen 
oftliem admitted — Their plot frustrated — Winnemac and Captain Rhea — Two 
soldiers shot by the Indians — Perilous adventure of Wm. Oliver and some In- 
dian guides — The garrison learns of the movements of Gov. Harrison— The army 
on its march for the relief of Fort Wayne — Gov. Harrison elected a Major-general 
— Ducking a soldier — The army at St. Mary's — Richard M. John.son leads a corps 
of mounted volunteers to the relief of Fort Wayne — Logan, the half-breed, accepted 
as a spy — Incidents on the route of the army down the St. Mary — A court-martial 
— The halloos of the Indians taken as a signal of the approach of the army — Great 
rejoicing in the Fort — The " Ke}' of the West" again imlocks the door of success. 



HE SUCCESS of the Indians at Chicago, gave them great 
I courage, and emboldened them for still greater efforts for the 
)overthrow of the whites, or driving them beyond the Ohio. 
Witli few exceptions, the tribes were now, from the disasters at 
Detroit, in the capture there of the large army under Hull, and 
the previous surrender of Mackinaw, determined in their course, 
and were every where more or less inclined to the British interest. 
The few tribes continuing friendly to the United States, were soon 
threatened by the followers of Tecumseh with extermination, who 
was now fast bringing his great scheme to an issue, by the aid of 
the English. Possessing a most excellent memory, and being well 
acquainted with every important position in the northwest, he was 
readily enabled to point out to the British many important advan- 
tages,' Before crossing to Detroit, at the time of Hull's surrender 



212 HisTOEY OF FoET Wayne. 

General Brock took occasion to enquire of Tecumseh wliat sort of 
a country he sliould have to pass over, should he conclude to go 
beyond. Taking a roll of elm hark, and extending it on the ground 
by means of four stones, Tecumseh drew his scalping-knife, and at 
once began to etch upon the bark the position of the country, em- 
bracing its hills, roads, rivers, morasses, and vroods, which, being a 
demonstration of talent quite unexpected in Tecumseh, had the. ef- 
fect to please General Brock very much, and readily Avon for him 
the conlidence of the commanding-general. His position and in- 
fluence — strengthened by the Britislj., and joined by a numerous 
ally of his own blood — were nov^r formidable, and he was de- 
termined to render them as potent as his strength and advantages 
would permit, destined, however, at last to fall. 

His great plan was now the siege and massacre of Forts Wayne 
and Harrison. The Pottawattamies and Ottawas, as at Chicago, 
aided by the British, under Major Muir, w^ere to be the leading- 
spirits in the movement upon Fort Wayne, while the Winneba- 
goes, and a portion of the Miamies, who had been persuaded to 
join the Tecumseh party, were to surprise and capture Fort Harri- 
son ; and had appointed the first of September as the earliest pe- 
riod of attack. 

The government, in the meantime, had begun most active 
measures for the renewal and prosecution of the war. From the 
first, the President had disapproved the armistice at Detroit, and 
the thought of an invasion of Canada, by the strait of Niagara, was 
soon upon the breeze of public expectation, and the British com- 
mander, General Brock, had early heard the rumor. 

Ohio and Kentucky, upon the receipt of tJie news of Hull's sit- 
uation at Detroit, were soon aroused to the highest sense of patri- 
otic determination. The governor of Ohio at once ordered the re- 
maining portion of the detached militia of his State, numbering 
some twelve hundred men, to be formed and marched to Urbana, 
under command of brigadier-general Tapper; while the Secretary 
of War had previously called on Governor Scott, of Kentucky, for 
a body of fifteen hundred men, embracing also the regulars previ- 
ously enlisted in that State. In the early part of May, the governor 
of Kentucky, in accordance with instructions Irom the war depart- 
ment, had organized ten regiments, of some five thousand five hun- 
dred men, as the quota of that State. Among the many patriotic 
men who so eagerly joined the standard of their country, in Ken- 
tucky, was Colonel John Allen, who took command of a rifie regi- 
ment. He was a lawyer of much distinction at the Kentucky bar, 
and combined many eminent and endearing qualities as a private 
citizen of that State. Allen county was so- named atter him. 

After the massacre of Chicago, those Pottawattamies engaged in 
it spent some weeks about Fort Dearborn, and divided the spoils 
whicl) jiad been given them at the time it was forsaken. They then 
retired to their villages on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, where 



The Scheme foe the Massacre of Fort Wayne. 213 

they were assembled in council by British emissaries, and at their 
instigation determined upon a simultaneous movement, to lay siege 
to Forts Wayne and Harrison. The British agents promised, that in 
case the Indians would besiege those forts, and prevent their evac- 
uation by the garrisons, they should be joined, in one moon, by a 
large British force from Maiden and Detroit, with artilery, who 
would be able to demolish the stockades, and would give up the 
garrison to massacre and spoil. Their success in these enterprises, 
it was but too evident, would have exposed the whole frontier to 
devastation, and the plans of Tecumseh were all looking to the 
consummation of this end. The siege was to be commenced in 
twenty days after the council adjourned. 

At this time, there was an Indian trader residing near Fort Wayne, 
of French extraction, by the name of Antonie Bondie. He was 
about lifty years of age, and had lived among the Indians from the 
time he was twelve years old. He was an extraordinary character. 
At one time he would appear to '^e brave and generous, at another 
meanly selfish. He was recognized by the Miamies as one of their 
tribe — married one of their squaws, and conformed to their habits 
and mode of life. The hostile Pottawattamies, desirous of saving 
him from the destruction which they contemplated for the garrison, 
sent Metea, chief of their tribe, to inform him of their intentions 
and his danger. Metea Avent to his cabin in the night, and under an 
injunction of great secrecy, informed him of all that had transpired 
in relation to the contemplated siege of the two forts. He oifered 
to come for Bondie and his family, before the siege was com- 
menced, with a suiiicient number of pack horses to remove them 
and their moveal)le property to a place of safety. Bondie did not 
decline the offer. 

The morning after Metea had made this revelation, Bondie, ac- 
companied by Charles Peltier, a French interpreter, went to the 
agent (iStickney) very early, and with many injunctions of secrecy, 
informed him of it all. The agent was thankful for their informa- 
tion ; but doubtful whether to credit or reject it, as any mistake in 
a matter of so much importance, either way, would prove ruinous to 
his character, and cause his disgraceful ejection from the import- 
ant office which he held. He had been but three months in olHce 
or in the country, and was acquainted with but few persons. The 
character of Bondie was not known to him, and the nature of his 
communication such as to require great secrecy, and if true, imme- 
diate preparation for the defence of the fort. Stickney sent a note 
to Rhea, the commanding officer of the garrison, desiring a meet- 
ing with him in the open esplanade of the fort, where there could be 
no one to overhear wJiat might be said. This officer having been 
long in the country, had every opportunity of knowing Bondie. He 
met the agent, heard his communication, and dismissed it, by ob- 
serving that Bondie was a trilling fellow, and no reliance could be 
placed upon what he said. This increased the perplexity of the 



314 History of Fort Wayne. 

agent. He sent for Bondie and his interpreter, to hare a cross ex- 
amination. This being completed, it remained for the agent either 
to pass the matter Avithont notice, and incur the chances of the 
siege of the Indians against the two posts, to be followed by a reg- 
nla'r force of British troops, with artillery, without any preparation 
for defence or relief from abroad, or to report the information, 
without attaching to it liis official belief in its correctness, which 
would have no elect. In weighing and comparing chances and 
consequences, he determined that it was better that he sliould be 
ruined in his reputation, and the government suffer all sacrifices, 
consequent upon the falsity of the report, than that they should 
both suffer if it proved true. He, therefore, sent a second time to 
Capt. Ehea, and declared his intention to make the report, and give 
it the sanction of liis belief in its correctness. He informed him 
that he had just received a dispatch from Governor Harrison, from 
Vincennes, saying that he was going to Cincinnati, where he must 
be addressed, if necessary, and that he should send^an expresSjto 
him, directed to that city, and another to Captain Taylor, the com- 
mandino; officer at Fort Harrison. He then returned to his office 

o ... . . • 

and commenced making immediate preparations for acquamtmg 
Gov. Harrison with the information he had received regarding the 
contemplated siege of the fort. When nearly ready to dispatch 
his messenger, Capt. Rhea sent a note to him requesting that he 
would delay liis express to Cincinnati, until he could write a letter 
to the governor of Oliio, informing him of the report. Stickney 
complied with this request, and the express was sent with letters to 
Governor Harrison and Governor Meigs. Active preparations 
were now commenced for defence. Such men as could be spared 
with teams were employed to send off hidies who were there, with 
children, to the frontier; and it was subsequently ascertained that 
within a few hours after the messengers had started, the Indians 
drew their lines of guard around the fort. 

On the 5th of August, Major Stickney, the Indian agent, was 
prostrated by severe illness, from which he only became convales- 
cent, after twelve days. He was then conveyed from the agency 
house to the fort for safety. It was now very plain that the state- 
ment of Bondie was no fiction. He, with his Indian family, moved 
into the fort. The Indian warriors, to the number of some five 
hundred, as then supposed, began to assemble in the neighborhood 
of the fort ; and it was now evident that they had hopes of getting 
possession of it by stratagem. They would lie in wait near the fort, 
day after day, — a few near and in sight, but the majority of them 
would be scattered about, as much out of sight as possible. Those 
near were Avatching an opportunity to force the sentries. The sen- 
tinels were so faithful to their duty, that no chance was presented. 

Stephen Johnston, who was a clerk in the United States factory 
store,* feeling very solicitous about the safety of his wife, who had 

^Wliich had been erected neai' the fort, sometime sul^equent to the erection of Fort 
Wayne, in 1794, for the pin-pose of supplying the Indians with agricultural implement:*. 



Indians admitted into the Fokt. 215 

been sent to the frontier in a delicate situation, accompanied by 
Peter Oliver, and a discharged militiaman, attempted to elude the 
vigilenceof the Indians, and visit the place of her abode. They 
left at 10 o'clock at nig-ht. Johnston was fixed upon by six Indians 
and killed instantly. Before the Indians could reload their pieces, 
the remaining two men made good their retreat to the fort ; and for 
a reward of twenty dollars, an Indian was induced to bring in the 
body of Mr. Johnston. 

The Indians now began to disclose their hostility and real pur- 
poses by violent and premature acts, showing most conclusively 
their full designs. On one occasion two soldiers were sent out on 
horseback, three or four miles, to drive in some cattle. One of them 
was taken prisoner, the other made his escape. The Indians ob- 
tained possession of both horses. Tliey killed cattle and hogs near 
the fort, stole horses, and committed many other minor depreda- 
tions. 

Both parties wished to delay the final conflict — Major Stickney, 
to give time for Gen. Harrison to send the fort the necessary re- 
lief, in compliance with his dispatch ; and the Indians, from a hope 
and expectation of the daily arrival of the British force, which had 
been promised them. The Indians, however, did not cease to em- 
ploy many devices and stratagems, to accomplish their object, be- 
fore the arrival of the Pritish. An Indian Avould occasionally come 
near the fort, and hold conversation with an interpreter, who would 
be sent out for the purpose. The interpreter would be informed 
that the depredations had been committed by the young men, con- 
trary to the wishes of the chiefs — that the chiefs wished for peace. 
At length the Indians expressed a desire to be admitted to see the 
commandant of the post, that they might agree upon some terms 
for a cessation of hostilities ; and asked for a signal by which they 
might approach the fort and be permitted to talk with their white 
father. A white cloth was accordingly sent to them to be used as 
a flag of truce. For several days they delayed making use of the 
flag, and continued their depredations. The agent finally sent a 
message to them, by an Indian, that they had dirtied his flag, and 
he could not suffer them to retain it any longer ; that they must re- 
turn it immediately. The next day, the whole body of Indians 
moved up to the fort, bearing the white flag in front. The gates 
of the fort had been kept closed for a number of days. They were 
in hopes of obtaining the admission of a large number of their war- 
riors. But the agent, who was still quite weak from his recent at- 
tack, was too well acquainted with Indian character to be deceived. 
Havino-, with difficulty, walked to the gate, he designated by name 
the chiefs to be admitted, who, upon their entrance into the fort, 
one by one, were disarmed by the guard, and examined very close- 
ly. Thirteen only were admitted, who at once followed the agent 
to his sleeping apartment. The officers in the garrison remained 
in their quarters. The agent now addressed a note to Capt. Rhea, 



21() IlisToKV OF FoiiT AVayjsie. 

desiring' that the guard should be paraded and kept under arms 
during the continuance of tlie council. In accordance with tlie 
customs of such occasions, tobacco was presented to the chiefs that 
they might smoke.* 

When the pipes began to go out, Y/innemac, a Pottawattamie 
chief, rose and commenced a speech, which he addressed to the 
agent; the substance of which was, that tlie Pottawattamies had no 
hand in killing Johnston, and that the (diiefs could not control their 
young men. The soldiers and horses had been taken^ without the 
knowledge or consent of the chiefs, in opposition to whose wishes 
the young men had committed all their depredations. '' ^^t,''^ con- 
tinued Winnemac, " if my father wishes for war, I am a man.'-f At 
this expression the chief struck his hand upon his knife, which he 
had concealed under his blanket. The agent at this time did not 
understand tlie language, but saw there was something serious. 
Bondie, who was present and understood the whole force of what 
was said, jumped upon his feet as quick as lightning, and striking 
his knife in a very emphatic manner, shouted in Pottawattamie, 
" I am a man too." At the same instant the interpreter turned quite 
pale, and Winnemac cast his eyes towards the principal chief pres- 
ent, whose name was An-ouk-sa, who Avas sitting at a window 
where he could see the guard under arms. He returned a look of 
disappointment, and the stratagem was brought to an abrupt term- 
ination ; while the interpreter, having sufficiently recovered from his 
confusion, readily explained what had been said. Winnemac now 
finished his speech, and the agent retui-ned for an answer, that in all 
that had been said, there appeared to be something concealed ; and 
that if it was for war, he was ready for it. The Indians having been 
admitted under a tiag of truce, were now permitted to depart. Win- 
nemac, however, who was the last to leave the room, was invited 
by Cayjt. Rhea to his quarters, who soon sent to the agent lor an in- 
terpreter, and remainc^d in conversation with Winnemac, half or 
three quarters of an hour. The agent subsequently learned, from 
the interpreter, that Khea professed great friendship for the chief, 
and invited him to take breakfast with him the next morning. 
Upon learning this, and with a view of dissuading him from such 
intimacy and want of discretion, at such a time, the agent with 
difficulty walked to the quarters of Capt. iihea, whom he found in 
such a state of intoxication that it was useless to expostulate wdth 
him. Returning to his quarters again, he now sent for tlie two liei - 
tenants, Ustrander and Curtis, and told them what had taken place, 

* III tlie account of tliis siege the writer lias mainly followed the statement of Major 
Stickney, the Indian agent here at the time of its occurrence. 

t The whole plan of the Indians on this occasion wa* subsequently divulged. They 
Avere to obtain an entrance into the fort, for as manj- as possible. Winnemac was to be 
the speaker. When he should come to the expression, " I am a man," lie was to dis- 
patch the agent. Other chiefs were to rush to each of the otHcers' (piarters.to mas.sacre 
them, and others were to open the gates of the fort, to the force without. The wurk 
was then to be tiuished, by butchering every soul iu the fort. 



Pekiluus Advejs'tuke of Wm. Olivek. 217 

giving- it as his opinion that an attack would be made the next 
morning ; and urged upon them the necessity of all possible prep- 
aration. 

The next morning, aroused by tlie firing of rifles, the agent step- 
ped out upon a galler}^ that projected from the second story of his 
(juarters, and saw two soldiers iall, mortally wounded, about fifty 
yards from the fort. It was now ascertained that no preparations 
had been made in anticipation of ah attack. All Avas confusion in 
the garrison. The two men were taken into the fort, and died 
about one o'clock, that day. 

About the first of September, a most interesting occurrence took 
place. A white man and four Indians arrived at the fort, on horse- 
back, " in full yell." It was the Indian yell of triumph. The white 
man, who was foremost, proved to be William Oliver. He was ac- 
companied by four friendly Shawanoe Indians, the brave Logan 
among the number. The garrison had been for more than a fort- 
night in a state of suspense; not knowing whether the express to 
Gov. Harrison had gotten through, or not, and every day, in ex- 
pectation that the British force would arrive. All were on tiptoe 
to hear the news — William Oliver had arrived in defiance of five 
hundred Indians — had broken through their ranks and reached the 
fort in safety. 

He reported that about two thousand volunteers had assembled 
in Kentucky for the relief of General Hull at Detroit, and had 
marched to Cincinnati. There they heard that Hull had surren- 
dered, and deemed it unnecessary to march any further in that di- 
rection. Harrison having received the dispatch from the agent at 
Fort Wayne, had determined to march to its relief. Ohio was 
raising volunteers. Eight hundred were then assembled at St. 
Mary's, sixty miles south of Fort AVayne. They intended to march 
to the relief of the fort, in three or four days. At Cincinnati great 
' fears were entertained that the fort had been captured, and its in- 
mates massacred. When the question arose, as to how tho condi- 
tion of Fort Wayne was to be ascertained, the stoutest hearts in the 
army quailed. 

William Oliver was then a young man of about twenty-three 
years of age. He possessed tlie true spirit ; was at the time sutler 
to Fort Wayne. Previous to any knowledge of the hostile inten- 
tions of the Indians, Oliver had gone to Cincinnati on business. He 
went to Governor Harrison and made an ofier of his services, indi- 
vidually, to obtain the necessary information. Harrison thought 
the danger too great, and endeavored to dissuade him from making 
the attempt ; but he had determined to accomplish it, or loose his 
life in the effort. When Governor Harrison shook hands with him, 
lie observed that he " should not see him again." 

A man by the name of Worthington, an Indian commissioner of 
the time, embarked with Oliver in' this adventurous undertaking, 
placing themselves at the head of about eighty whites, forty of 



218 History of Fort Wayne. 

M'liom, so perilous seemed the task before them, after a march of 
about three days, returned home. Tlie balance, however, pursued 
their way to the Indian village of AVaupaukonetta, where Oliver 
found friends and acquaintances among- some friendly Sha-vyanoes, 
and selected four of the bravest to accompany them through to Fort 
Wayne, Logan among the number. 

Having pursued their course, with much care, until within some 
twenty-four miles of the fort, a council was called to consider the 
expediency of a further advance, when it was concluded best for 
all to remain behind except Oliver, Logan, and the other Indian at- 
tendants. On the following morning, with their horses, they con- 
tinued their way " with the common wariness of Indians, and without 
any remarkable occurrence until tliey came within some four miles 
of the fort. Oliver had determined to enter the fort in broad day- 
light." They now began an examination of the ground with great 
precaution, determining to ascertain, if possible, what movement 
had taken place, and the exact locality of the Indians. 

The keen eye of Logan now soon discovered that the enemy was 
concealed along the road, with a view to cut off any reinforcements 
that might attempt to reach the garrison. 

Leaving the main road, they now moved cautiously across to the 
Maumee river, whither, leaving their horses in a thicket, they ad- 
vanced on foot towards the fort, in order to get a view of it, and to 
ascertain, if possible, whether it still held out against the besiegers. 
Being fully satisfied on this point, they again repaired to the thicket 
where they had left their horses, remounted, and soon struck the 
main road again. 

The moment of greatest peril and determination had now come. 
The fort was to be gained at the risk of life itself; and putting whip 
to their horses, Oliver and his faithful Shawanoe companions 
started in full speed for the fort. 

AVhat was most remarkable, the moment the scouts gained the 
fort proved to be the only safe one that had for some days presented 
itself, as though a kind providence had opened the way for the safe 
arrival of the' party to cheer the inmates of the perilous garrison. 

First reaching the gate of the esplanade, and finding it inacces- 
sible, they descended the river bank, and were soon admitted by 
the northern gate. 

Said one of the lieutenants of the fort: " The safe arrival of Oliver 
at that particular juncture may be considered miraculous. One 
hour sooner or one hour later, would no doubt have been inevitable 
destruction both to himself and his escort. It is generally believed 
by those acquainted with the circumstances, that not one hour, for 
eight days and nights preceding or following the hour which Mr. 
Oliver arrived, would have afibrded an opportunity of any safety." 

So close was tlieir contact with the Indians, in this fearful ride, 
that they even saw the beds upon which they lay as they main- 
tained tlieir nightly guard. 



Oliver's Arrival at Fort Wayne. 219 

Entering the general gateway, which was located about where now 
stands the residences of the late Jas. B. Hanna, or Martin Knoll, on 
AVayne street — the fort then, witli several acres of ground, being 
enclosed by a substantial fence — a few moments more, and all was 
safety. The fort was gained, the north gate opened, and Oliver 
and his companions rode quickly in, to the great astonishment and 
joy of the little ga.rrison, who eagerly gathered about the heroic 
riders to learn the news. 

Oliver's story was soon told. When the volunteers of Ohio, as- 
sembled at St. Mary's, learned the extent of the Indian force about 
Fort Wayne, they deemed it imprudent to advance with so small a. 
force, and concluded to await the arrival of the Kentuckians, thus 
subjecting the garrison to a still longer state of suspense. The anx- 
iety was intense ; and it was through extreme good fortune, and 
mere accident, that the fort was enabled to hold out, with so little 
good management — " the commanding officer had been drunk 
nearly all the time, and the two lieutenants inefficient men ; entirely 
unfit to hold commissions of any grade." The non-commissioned 
officers and privates, eighty in number, behaved very well. The 
Indian agent was feeble and incapable of much exertion. Oliver, 
though a private citizen, was now the most efficient man in the fort. 

Having prepared a letter, announcing to General Harrison his 
safe arrival at the fort, and its beleaguered situation, Oliver imme- 
diately started his Shawanoe companions back with the letter to 
Worthington, while he determined to take his chances with the oc- 
cupants of the fort. 

Seeking an opportune moment, Logan and his companions left 
the fort safely, but were soon observed, and pursued. Their exul- 
tant shouts, however, soon revealed to the inmates of the garrison 
that they had outstripped their pursuers and passed the lines un- 
harmed. 

The Indians now again begun a furious attack upon the fort, but 
the little garrison bravely met the assault, and were, in a few days 
more, enabled to hail the approach of the army. 

The name of Oliver deserves to be enshrined in every heart. 
Such heroism is seldom met with, and who among us to-day can 
fail to cherish a kindly memory and regard for so valiant and self- 
devotional a spirit as the brave, determined William Oliver ? 

At Cincinnati, the Kentucky volunteers elected Gov. Harrison to 
command them as a majorrgeneral. When he received the infor- 
mation from Oliver that Fort Wayne was in existence, he took up 
the line of march for the scene of the beleagured garrison. 

The faithful Shawanoes met the advancing army at Piqua, Ohio, 
where the message of Oliver was readily delivered to Gen. Harri- 
son, who at once drew his men together, and made them a speech. 
Said he, in part : ••' If there is a man under my command who lacks 
the patriotism to rush to the rescue, he, by paying back the money 
received from the government, shall receive a discharge, as I do not 



220 History of Fort Wayne. 

wish to command such." But one man responded to the proposi- 
tion. His name was Miller, of the Kentucky militia; and having 
obtained his discharge, on the morning of the 6th, his comrades 
not willing to let him return without some special manifestion of 
their appreciation of his course, put him on a rail, carried him 
around the lines to the music of the Rogue's March, and down to 
the Miami, Mdiere they took him off the rail and let him into tlm 
water and baptized him in the name of " King George, Aaron Burr, 
and the Devil." As he came out of the water the men stood on the 
bank and threw handsful of mud on him, then, forming into two 
lines in an adjacent lane, made him run the gauntlet, each one 
throwing a handful of dirt on him, and then let him go. 

Soon after this event, on the morning of the 6th, the army began 
its march for Fort Wayne, encamping that evening in the woods, 
some twelve miles from Piqua. Early on the morning of the 7th, 
(Monday) the army resumed its march. This day, says one of their 
number,* " we made fifteen miles, and encamped on a branch, 
three and a lialf miles this side of St. Marj-'s river. Next morning 
a melancholy accident happened. In the act of receiving the 
guard a young man by the name of Thomas Polly, a sergeant in 
Captain Megowan's company, was shot by the accidental discharge 
of a gun in the hands of a sentinel by the name of Thos. Hamilton. 
The ball entered the left side, below the nipple, and passed out 
near the backbone, perforating the lungs. We carried him on a 
litter to St. Mary's, where he lingered till the next day. This was 
the first death that had occurred during our march. This day, Sept. 
Sth, we only marched to St. Mary's,t where we lay till next day. 
On this evening we were joined by two hundred mounted volun- 
teers, under Col. Pichard M. Johnson, who had volunteered for 
thirty da3's, on hearing that Fort Wayne was besieged. Wednes- 
day, Sept. 9th, we marched eighteen miles, to what was called 
Shane's' Crossing of St. Mary's. Here we overtook a regiment of 
eight hundred men from Ohio, under Cols. Adams and HaM'kins, 
who had started on to the relief of Fort Wayne. On arriving at 
this place, an Indian, of the Shawanoe tribe, a half blood, by the 
name of Logan, (who had been taken Vvdien a small boy by Gen. 
Benjamin Logan, of Lincoln county, Kentucky, and raised by him, 
but who, after arriving at maturity, had gone back and joined his 
tribe) with four others, offered his services to Gen. Harrison as spies, 
which he accepted." 

Logan was a remarkable Indian, and had early merited the es- 
teem and confidence of the whites. Was some six feet in height, 
with robust form, broad shoulders, and prominent forehead. Was 
greatly attached to General Harrison, and a warm friend to the 

* John T). White, of La-wrencebxirgh, Ind. 

t At this point some Itlock-housfs ■were huilt for the security of provisions and pro- 
tection of tlie ?ick. This point liad previously been known us Girty Town, doubtless 
after the famous Simon Girtj'. 



Incidents of the Akmy in its March to Foet Wayne. 231 

American cause, for which he did much valuable service as a guide 
aud spy. 

Continues White : " Previous to our arrival, Logan had gone on 
in disguise, and passing through the camp of the besieging party, 
had ascertained their number to be about fifteen hundred. Logan 
also went to the fort, and encouraged the soldiers to hold on, as re- 
lief was at hand. On this night, (the 9th) the sentinels fired at what 
they imagined to be Lidians, but, on examination, next morning, an 
old horse was found shut, having strayed outside the camp. Thurs- 
day morning we marched early. Cols. Adams and Hawkins hav- 
ing waited several days to come up, (after ascertaining the superi- 
ority of the enemy's forces) joined our army, and we all marched 
together. We now had about three thousand five hundred >men. 
We marched' ten miles and encamped. Nothing occurred of any 
interest. Friday morning we were under marching orders after 
early breakfast. It had rained, and the guns were damp. We 
were ordered to discharge them, and re-load, as we were then get- 
ting into the vicinity of the enemy, and knew not how soon we might 
be attacked. A strong detachment of spies under Captain James 
Sugget, of Scott county, marched considerably ahead of the army. 
Indications of the enemj^ having advanced from their position at 
Fort Wayne, for the purpose of watching the movements of our 
army, were manifest, and Captain Sugget came upon the trail of a 
large party, which he immediately pursued. After following the 
trail some distance he was fired on by an Indian, who had secreted 
himself in a clump of bushes, so near to Sugget that the powder 
burnt his clothes, but the ball missed him. The Indian jumped 
from his covert and attempted to escape, but Andrew Johnson, of 
Scott, shot him. At the crack of the gun, the Indian's gun and 
blanket fell. Supposing that he had killed him, and being eager 
in pursuit of the trail, they made no halt ; but before they could 
overtake the Indians, they had to give up the pursuit, on ac- 
count of the lateness of the hour and the distance they were ahead 
of the army. On returning to where the Indian was shot, they 
found the gun and blanket, but lie had escaped. They followed 
the blood for some distance and found pieces of his handkerchief, 
which he had cut into plugs to stop the blood, but he had bleed so 
profusely that it had forced them out of the wound. On abandon- 
ing the pursuit of the •wounded Indian, the party returned to the 
camp. We had marched about fifteen miles, and encamped an 
hour before Sugget's party arrived. Logan held up the bloody 
blanket and exhibited it as he rode along the line. Having repaired 
to Gen. Harrison's marque, orders were immediately issued for the 
troops to turn out and make a breastwork around the encampment, 
which order was promptly obeyed, and before dark the same Avas 
fortified by a breastvv^ork, made by cutting down trees and piling 
them on each other. A strong picket guard was detailed and posted 
at a considerable distance from the line. After tattoo, at 9 o'clock, 



222 History oi^ Fort Wayne. 

we lay down. After which tlie officer of the nioht came round to 
s;ive ns the watchword, whicli was ' fight on.' (The watchword is 
given to the sentinel as well as to the army, in order, that, in case 
of a nici'lit attack, and the sentinels having to run into camp, may be 
distinguished from the enemy by it.) Orders were given, that in 
case of two guns being fired in quick succession, the soldiers were 
to repair to the breastwork. From every indication we had strong 
reasons for believing that we would be attacked before day. We 
lay with our guns in our arms and cartridge boxes under our heads. 
About 10 o'clock, just as the soldiers were in the enjoyment of 
' tired nature's sweet restorer,' they were aroused by the firing of 
two guns by the sentinels, and the drums beat the alarm. In a mo- 
ment all were at the breastwork, ready to receive tlie enemy. Just 
about this time some fifty guns were fired by the sentinels, and 
some came running in hallooing at the top of their voices,' fight on ;' 
and, notwithstanding we had orders not to speak the watchword, 
the cry of ' fight on ' went entirely around the lines. If there had 
been an attack, and the enemy had understood English, it would 
have afibrded them the advantage of getting into the lines by giv- 
ing the watchword. 

" The Indians were around us, and we were in momentary ex- 
pectation of an onset. At last all was calm again, and we were 
permitted to rest. But just as we were in the sweet embraces of 
sleep, we were again aroused by the firing of a number of guns, 
and again we were as prompt in repairing to our posts. We now 
stood a considerable time, and all became quiet again, when we 
were ordered to count ofl" one, two, three, and every third man was 
made to stand at the breastwork, and the rest were permitted to re- 
tire to their tents. At length day dawned, and the guards were 
relieved. We ascertained afterward, from Indians taken prisoners, 
that they came from their encampment with the design of making 
a night attack on us, but on finding us so well prepared to receive 
them, they declined prosecuting their designs. 

" Without being able to get round the entire encampment before 
daylight of the morning of the 9th, the Indians returned to their 
own lines with the word that ' Kentuck was coming as numerous 
as the trees.' 

" Lieut. Munday, of Kuley's company, of Madison county, Ky., 
and Ensign Herring, of Hart's company, of Lexington, being ofii- 
cers of the guard, both left their guard fires and ran in when the 
firing commenced.* 

"Saturday, September 10th, we expected to reach Fort Wayne, 
but thought, in all probability, we should have to fight our way, 
for the Indians lay at what was called the Black Swamp, five miles 
on this side of the fort, immediately on our road. We started after 

* Charges of cowardice having been preferred against these two officers, after the ar- 
rival of the army at Fort Wayne, a court martial was ordered for their trial. Munday 
resigned and went home. Herring proved that he stood liis ground till the whole guarH 
had left him, and was therefore acquitted. 



Aerival of the Akmy at Fort Wayne. 223 

early breakfast (if a few bare bones, boiled in water, could be 
called a breakfast) and marched with much caution. From St. 
Mary's we had moved in two lines, one on the right, and the other 
on the left of tke f oad, at a distance of about one hundred yards 
therefrom, while the wagons kept ihe road. Sugget's spies went 
ahead, and on coming to Avhere they had left the trail of the 
wounded Indian, they again took it, and after following it a short 
distance, found his dead body. "When he found he could not survive, 
he broke bushes and covered himself over, and resigned to die. The 
Indians believe that if they lose their scalp, they will not be per- 
mitted to enter the favorite hunting ground which their tradition 
teaches them they are to inhabit after death. Hence they use every 
efibrt to prevent their enemies from getting the scalps of those slain 
in battle ; and during an engagement a number are always em- 
ployed in carrying ofi' the dead. A short distance in advance of 
then- camp, at the swamp, the spies returned with information that 
they were there, prepared to give us battle, A halt was made, 
and the line of battle formed. Col. Hawkins, of the Ohio mounted 
volunteers, had left the lines and gone some distance from the road. 
Being partly concealed by a clump of bushes, one of his men 
taking hiui for an Indian fired at him and shot him through. The 
ball entered between the shoulders and came out at the breast — 
which, however, did not prove mortal. We again took up the line 
of march, and in a short time came in sight of the smoke of the 
camp of the enemy." 

At the first grey of the morning of the 10th of September, the 
distant halloos of the disappointed savages revealed to the anxious 
inmates of the fort the glorious news of the approach of the army. 
Great clouds of dust could be seen from the fort, rolling up in the 
distance, as the valiant soldiery, under General Harrison, moved 
forward to the rescue of the garrison ; and soon after daybreak, the 
army stood before the fort. The Indians had beat a retreat to the 
northward and eastward, and the air about the old fort resounded 
with the glad shouts of welcome to Gen. Harrison and the brave 
boys of Ohio and Kentucky ! 

And again, as on former occasions, " the Key of the northwest " 
had unlocked the great door of success; and the country, though 
not yet through with its trials and conflicts with a wily and relent- 
less foe, was safe, and destined soon to triumph over every obstacle. 
The prophetic words of Washinston, years before, were again 
most fully realized; and the scene of the Miami village, more surely 
than ever, pointed to "a most important post for the Union." 



CHAPTER XVIIL 



All was fiiglit, and for miles around, 
No red man was to hi- found. 



Kliglit of tlie Indians on the aiiproacli of tlie army— Tlie Fort besioginl ten or t-ffel/c 
days — "Wooden cannon made by the Indians— Tlie little village around the foit 
destroyed— The occupants of the houses about the fort seek safety in the fort— The 
fort able to hold out against the Indians still longer — The old well of the fort— 
Cajitain M'Afee's account — His prophecy and that of Captain Wells as to tjie fu- 
ture of Fort Wayne — Loss in the fort during the siege — Shooting an Indian in the 
St. Mary— Charges against Captain Rhen — Rhea permitted to resign — The army 
formed into two detachments to destroy the villages in the region of Fort Wayne — ■ 
Destruction of corn and vegetables — The tomb of a chief — The village of Five 
Medals, near where Goshen, Ind., now siands — Tlie tomb of an Indian sorceress- 
Evidences of British aid— Return of the divisions to the fort — Arrival of new re- 
cruits at Fort Wayne — A f(n-ce sent to destroy Little Turtle Town— The ground 
now occupied by the city of Fort Wayne mainly cleared by order (pf Ganeral Har- 
rison— An imposing scene— All approach cut off — Gen. Harrison's report — Arrival 
of Gen. Winchester at Fort Wayne — Po|)nlarity of Gen. Harrison — Winchester to 
take command of the army — dissatisfaction among the soldiers at the j>ro|)03ed 
change of generals— A reconciliation — Gen. Harrison's return to Piqna — Au expe- 
dition against Detroit — Movements of Gen. Winchester — Indians di.<covered— A 
party surprised, captured, and five killed. 



HE INDIANS had mainly fled the evenino; before the arrival 
I of the army. Some, however, Avere rourao-eous enoiifrh to re- 
jmain until within a few moments before the arm}^ reached the 
fort, who " were pursued by the Ohio horsemen, but without 
success." The fort had now been closely besieged for ten or 
twelve days ; and the Indians, in their efforts to capture it, had made 
several pieces of wooden cannon, which they streno-thened with 
iron hoops. Previous to the commencement of the sieg-e, there 
were several dwellings uear the. fort, " forming," says M'Afee, "a 
handsome little village ; but it was now (on the arrival of the army), 
in ruins, having been burnt down by the Indians, together with the 
United States' factory," 

The occupants of the dwellings surrounding the fort, as the siege 
began, sought refnge within the garrison, where they remained in 
safety till the army arrived. 

The fort, during the siege, was well supplied Avith provisions. 



Early PsopnECY Cokcekking Fort Wayke. 225 

Th("ve v;nB a good well* of water witliin the enclosure; and they 
had aiso^lbur small lield pieces. With these advanta_£;es, unless at- 
tacked by a formidable British force,-they were well prepared to 
oppose the efforts of the Indians for several days longer. 

Of the fort, at this period, whicli was the same built by order of 
Gen.WaYnp,in 1794, in connection with other relations of this point, 
Captain M'Afeet said : " It is delightfully situated,, on an eminence 
on the south bank of the Miaiiii of the lakes, immediately below 
the formation of that river by the junction of the St. Mary's froiii 
the southwest with the St. Joseph's from the north. It is well con- 
structed of block houses and picketing, but could not resist a British 
force, as there are several eniinenccs on the south-side, froju which 
it could be commanded l^y a six or nine pouni'ter. 

" Tliis is the' place Avhere the Miami Indians formerly had tlieir 
principal town ; and here many an unfortunate prisoner suffered 
death by burning at the stake. It was here also, that Gen.Harmar 
suffered his army to be cut up and defeated in detachments after 
lie had burnt the town in the fall of the year 1700. For more than 
a century before that time, it had lieen the principal place of ren- 
dezvous between the Indians of the lakes, and those of the ''iVabawsh 
and Illinois, and had been much resorted to about the year '50 and 
previously, by French traders from Canada. The Maumee is navi- 
gable for boats from this place to the lake, and the portage to the 
nearest navigable branch of'the Wabash, is but seven or eight 
miles, through a level, marshy prairie, from which the water runs 
botli to the Wabash and St. Marys. A canal at some future day 
wiU' itnitetJiese rivers^ and thus render a toion at Fort JVai/ne, as 
formerly^ the most consider ahle 'place in that country. 

" The corn which had been cultivated in the fields, by the vil- 
lagers, V;'as nearly all destroyed by the Indians; the remains served 
as forage for the mounted corps. Captain Wells, who was massa- 
cred at Chicago, had a handsome farm in the torks of the river, 
with some good buildings, which v/ero all destroyed in the general 
devastation.'' . - 

During the siege, the garrison lost but three men. From subse- 
quent information, if was believed that tlie Indian loss was about 
twenty-five. Eight were seen to fall. One Indian was killed at a 
distance of three hundred yards, while standing in the St. Mary's 
river. A soldier by the name of King, with a long heavy rille, fired, 

* The traces of this -well are yet plainly to be seen. It was near the nortiiwest end of 
the fort, now to be seen just at the edge of the south si<i'? of the canal. 

+ Author of the " History of the Late War in the Western Comitrj-," publisliod \\\ 
Jf-ilG. M'Afee was here in 181 3. It is from this old volume that the writer has l)een 
enabled to draw many valuable and interesting facts relating to the early History oi 
Fort Vi'^ayne. M'Afee's words in reference to the constrnction of a canal by this point 
and the sul^sequent growth of a " town at Fort Wayne," liave been most conclusively 
realized. Tlie writer also learned from early settlers that the unfortunate Oaj)t. Wells, 
(killeil at Chicago) some years before the v,'ar of 1812, had often told persons here that 
" a big ditch " would one day be dug from the lake to this locality, in wliich boats 
would run — and that there would also be a lari?e town here some daj- — but !ie v."as not 
believed, in fact, thought very immoderate in his calculations. (li'>) 



226 HisTOET OF Fort Wayne. 

and the ball took effect in the back of the savage, between his 
shoulders, and he fell into the water. This feat was witnessed by 
the whole garrison. 

Immediately after the arrival of Gen. Harrison, Lieutenants 
Ostrander and Curtis, preferred charges against Capt, Khea, and 
called upon Major Stickney, the agent, as a witness. The General 
assembled his principal officers as a Board of Inquiry, and upon the 
testimony of the agent, that Rhea was drunk six days during the 
siege, the Board thought he ought no longer to hold a commission. 
Gen. Harrison, mainly because of his advanced age, granted Capt. 
Rhea the alternative of a resignation, (which he complied with,) 
to take effect the hrst day of January following. 

The second day following the arrival of the army here, General 
Harrison formed his army into two detachments, with a view of de- 
stroying the Indian villages in the region of country lying some 
miles around Fort Wa3'ne, the first division being composed of the 
regiments under Cols. Lewis and Allen, and Captain Garrard's 
troop of horse, under Gen. Payne, accompanied by Gen. Harrison. 
The second division, under Col. Wells, accompanied by a battalion 
of his own regiment, under Major Davenport, (Scott's regiment,) 
the mounted battalion under Johnson, and the mounted Ohio men 
under Adams. 

In order that their means of subsistence might also be cut off, it 
was determined, while destroying the Indian villages in the region, 
to cut up and destroy their corn and other products. 

After a march of a few miles, the troops under Payne came to 
the Miami villages, at the forks of the Wabash, where, finding the 
villages abandoned, the troops were ordered to cut up the corn and 
destroy the vegetables in the field adjacent. At this point, says 
M'Afee's account of the expedition, was observed " the tomb of a 
chief, built of logs, and bedaubed with clay." This chief " was laid 
on hfs blanket, with his gun and his pipe by his side, a small tin 
pan on his breast, containing a wooden spoon, and a number of ear- 
rings and brooches — all deemed necessary, no doubt, on his jour- 
ney to the other world." 

On the 16th of September, the body under Col. Wells had ad- 
vanced to the Pottawattamie village, known as Five Medals, on the 
Elkhart river, in what is now Elkhart county, near the town of 
Goshen. Having crossed the river, about three miles above the 
village, and formed in order of battle, " in a plain, thinly timbered," 
the division advanced to the right and left of the village, and then 
surrounded it ; but, to the regret of all, the place was found de- 
sorted, the Indians having abandoned it two days before, leaving 
behind considerable quantities of " corn, gathered and laid on scaf- 
folds to dry, witli abundance of beans, potatoes, and other vegeta- 
bles, which furnished an ample store of provisions for the men and 
forage for the horses. This village was called Five Medals, from a 
chief of that name, who made it his residence. On a pole, before " 



Destruction of the village of Five Medals. 22T 

the door of that chief, a red flag was hung, with a broom tied above 
it ; and on another pole at the tomb of an old women, a white flag- 
was flying'. The body of the old woman was entire, sitting upright, 
with her face towards the east, and a basket beside her, containing 
trinkets, such as owl and hawk bills and claws, a variety of bones, 
and bunches of roots tied together ; all of which indicated that she 
had been revered as a sorceress. In one of the huts was found a 
morning report of one of Hull's Captains, also a Liberty Hall 
newspaper, printed at Cincinnati, containing an account of General 
Harrison's army. Several coarse bags, which appeared to have 
contained shot, and pieces of boxes with London and Maiden printed 
on them, were also picked up in the cabin ; which proved that these 
Indians M^ere intimately connected with the British, and had been 
furnished with information by some one, perhaps, in our own coun- 
ixy. This village, with some seventy acres of corn, was destroyed, 
and the same evening the army, on its return march, reached the 
Elkhart river ; and after a most fatiguing march, tor those on foot, 
and from the effects of which one man died soon after the return of 
the division, the army arrived again at the fort on the l8th, a few 
hours after the body under Payne had returned."* 

On the day previous to the return of these divisions, (ITth), Col. 
Simrall, with a regiment of dragoons, armed with muskets, and 
numbering some three hundred and twenty men ; also a company 
of mounted riflemen, under Col. Farrow, from Montgomery county, 
Ky., had arrived at the fort ; and on the same evening of the return 
of the divisions under Payne and Wells, Gen. Harrison sent them 
to destroy Little Turtle Town, some twenty miles northwest of the 
fort, with orders not to molest the buildings formerly erected by 
the United States, for the benefit of Little Turtle, whose friendship 
for the Americans had ever been firm after the treaty of Greenville. 

Colonel Simrall most faithfully performed the task assigned him, 
and on the evening of the 19th, returned to the fort. 

In addition to these movements, General Harrison took the pre- 
caution to remove all the undergrowth in the locality surrounding 
the fort, extending towards the confluence of the St. Joseph and St. 
Mary, to where now stands BudisilPs mill, and westward as far as 
St. Mary, to the point where now stands the Fort Wayne College, 
thence south-east to about the point of the residence of the late 
Allen Hamilton, and to the east down the Maumee a short distance. 
And so well cleared was the ground, including a very large part 
of the entire limits of the present site of the city of Fort Wayne, 
that it was said by those who were here at that early day and to a 
later period, a sentinel " on the bastions of the fort, looking west- 
ward, could see a rabbitt running across the grounds as far as so 
small an object was discernable to the naked eye." 

The seclusive points were thus cut ofl', and the Indians now had 
no longer any means of concealing their approach upon the fort; 

*M'Afee. 



228 HisTOKY OF FoET Watjte. ' 

and the scene thus presented by the destruction of the underbrush, 
including' many trees, of some growth, was said to have been quite 
imposing indeed. Some thirty or forty acres, of wnat is now the Cole 
farm, extending to the junction of the rivers, and just opposite the 
Maumee, was then known as the Public Meadow, which, of course, 
was then, as it had long before been, a considerable open space. 

The soldiers were thus readily enabled to observe the approach 
of any hostile movement against the fort, and to open the batteries, 
with "^formidable effect, upon any advance that might be made 
against the garrison, from any direction. 

General Harrison now made an olhcial report of transactions here 
to the War Department ; and about the llHh of September, Briga- 
dier-general James Winchester arrived at the Fort, with a view of 
taking command of the first division ot Kentucky troops, which had 
early marched to reinforce the northwestern army. 

General Winchester had seen service in the revolutionary strug- 
gle, as an officer of distinction, and at this period was somewhat 
advanced in years. Was a man. of some wealth, and resided in the 
State of Tennessee, where he is said to have " lived many years in 
a degree oi' elegant luxury and ea-se, M'hich was not calculated to 
season him for a northern campaign in the forest." 

General Harrison was ever a favorite with the soldiers, and there 
was proba[)ly no man in the country at this period who could com- 
mand a greater amount of esteem from the masses, or who could 
move at the head of an army with greater confidence and regard 
from the soldiers under him, both ofiicers and privates, than he 
could ; and when General Winchester arrived, it was soon un- 
derstood that he was to take command of the forces. This pro- 
duced much uneasiness among the troops, not that \Vin(;hester was 
by any means an infei'ior oiiicer, but that Harrison was thej-avorite ; 
and the boys wantetl him to lead them. Indeed, so great was the 
aversion to the change, that many of the militia were disposed not 
to be Under his oomniand ; and it was with much difficulty that 
General Harrison"*^ and the field officers succeeded in reconciling 
them to the change of ofiicers. 

As it is a matter most essential that all raw troops should 
have the largest confidence in their commander, so the militia, at 
this particular juncture of aifairs, needed the greatest confidence in 
their commanding-general, and much of this was unfortunately lost 
to the men by a change of general officers. 

The men being at length, prevailed on to march under General 
Winchester, with the confident belief that Gen. Harrison woitld 
.sooner or later be reinstated, and again assume couimand of them, 

* Siiys M'Afee : " The troops liad eonfidfr.tly expected, thnt General Harrison would 
be confirmed in the command ; and by this time he had completely secured the coiifi- 
denpe of every soldier in ti.e army. He was affable and couiteoun 'in his manners, and 
iudeftitigabU- in \m attention to ever^' branch of business. Hissoldien; seem to antici- 
pate the wishes oi thv general; it was only nec(":=sary to be known tiiathe wished some- 
j;hinff done, .-s ad all we're uuxioua to risk their livefi'ln it5 fiecomolishiDent." 



Movements of the Akmy under Gen. Winchestek. 220 

on the I9th of September, the command of the troops, by ;i g-en- 
eral order, at the fort, were transferred to General Winchester, 
phicing " any part of the infantry which he might deem necessary 
to the extension of his plans, at his disposal." 

The same evening, after the issuance of this order, Gen. Harri- 
son started on his return, towards Piqua, to take command of the 
forces collecting in the rear; and to arrange tor a mounted expedi- 
tion against Detroit — intending thus to make a coup de main on 
that point, marching by way of a route but little known, from Fort 
Wayne, up the St. Joseph, from thence to the head waters of the 
river Raisin. These troops consisted of three regiments from Ken- 
tucky, under Barbee, Payne, and Jennings ; three companies of 
mounted riflemen from the same State, under Captains Roper, Ba- 
con, and Clarke ; also a corps of mounted men from Ohio, who had 
rendezvoused at Dayton on the 15th, in obedience to a prior call 
by Governors Meigs and Harrison, which they had made early in 
September, intending to employ them against some Indian towns, 
the corps being commanded by Col. Findley, who had again en- 
tered the service since the surrender of GenerallluU at Detroit. 

On the 20th General Harrison met the mounted men and the 
regiment of Jennings at St. Mary's (Girty Town), the remainder of 
txie infantry being still further in the rear. The General having 
left word at the fort here for Johnson's battalion and Col. Simrall's 
dragoons, which were not included in General Winchester's com- 
mand, to return to St. Mary's as early as possible. Major Johnson, 
on the morning of the 20th, in accordance therewith, took up his 
line of march, and after an advance of some twenty miles, was met 
by orders from General Harrison to return to F'ort Wayne again, 
and there' await further orders, with his dragoons, which was 
promptly complied with, excepting ensign Wm. Holton,with about 
twenty-live men of Captain Ward's company, who, refusing to obey 
orders, started to return home, to Kentucky. The next evening, 
the remainder of the corps under Johnson reached Fort Wayne 
again. ^ 

General Winchester had now removed his camp to the forks of 
the Maumee ; and early on the 22d of September, he moved down 
the north side of that stream, over very nearly the sa.iie route as 
that bv which General Wayne's army had reached the Miami vil- 
lao-es in 171>4, intending to go as far as Fort Defiance, at the mouth 
ofT:he Auglaize, with a view of forming a junction there with the 
infantry in°the rear, who were to come from the St. Marys, by way 
of the Auglaize, 

Before leaving the forks of the Maumee, Winchester issued the 
following order : 

" The front "■narrl in three lines, two deep in the road, and in Indian files on the 
flanks at distanets of fifty and one hundred yards, as the ground will admit. A fatigue 
party to consist of one captain, one ensign, two sergeants, and two corporals, with fifvy 
men, will follow the front guard for the purpose of o; ening The road. T!ie reniainder 
of the infantry to march on tlie flanks lu the following order : coluuek Wells and Al- 



230 PIlSTOKY OF FOET WaYNE. 

len's ivgiments ou tho'right, aud Lewis and Scott's on the left. The general and brig- 
ade baggage, commissaries and quartermasters' stores, immediately in the rear of the 
fatigue party. The cavalry in the following order: captain Garrard and twenty of his 
men to precede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of each line ; a 
lieutenant and eighteen men in the rear of the Avhole army and baggage; the balance of 
the cavahy equally divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental baggage 
wagons will fall according to the respective ranks of their commanding officers. The 
ofhcers commanding corps previous to their marching will examine carefully the arms 
and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they are in good order. They 
will also be particularly careful, that the men do not waste their cartridges. No loaded 
niuskets are to be put in the wagons. One half of the fatigue party is to work at a 
time, and tlie others will carry their arms. The wagon master will attend to loading 
the wagons, and see that tlie various articles are put in, in good order, and that each 
wagon and team carry a reasonable load. The hour of march will be 9 o'clock this 
morning. The officer of the day is charged with this order. The line of battle will be 
the same as that of General Harrison in his last march to Fort Wa3'ne." 

The March down the Maumee was continued with great precau- 
tion, and the camp strongly fortified every night, advancing only 
about five and six miles each day. Not many miles had been 
gained before a party of Indians were discovered, and the signs 
were strong that there were many more in the region. A volunteer 
company of spies having previously been organized, under Captain 
Ballard, Lieutenant Harrison Munday, of the rifie regiment, and 
Ensign Liggett, of the 17th U. S. Infantry, they were usually ke])t 
in advance to recounoiter the country. On the 2r)th, Ensign Lig- 
gett having obtained permission to proceed as far as Fort Defiance, 
he was accompanied by four men of McCracken's company, from 
Woodford, Kentucky. Late that evening, while preparing some 
food, they were discovered by a Frenchman and eight Indians, who 
surprised them, with a demand to surrender, being postively as- 
sured that they would not be hurt, and also be permitted to wear 
their arms till they entered the British camp. With these condi- 
tions, says M'Afee's account,* they surrendered ; but the Indians 
and Frencliman, as they walked on, concocted, in their own lan- 
guage, and executed the followmg plan for their destruction : Five 
of the Indians, each having marked his victim, walked behind and 
on one side of the men, and, at a given signal, fired upon them. 
Four ot them fell dead — Liggett only escaped the first fire— he 
sprung to a tree, but was shot also while raising his gun to his 
face. Next day, Captain Ballard, with a part of his company, be- 
ing in advance, discovered the dead bodies, and a party of Indians 
watching near them. He formed his men for action, with the Mau- 
mee on his right; but not liking his position, and perceiving that 
the Indians were too strong for him, he fell back two hundred 
yards, and formed in a stronger position. The enemy supposing 
he had fied, filed ofi" from their riglit flank, intending to surround 
him on his left, and cut ofi' his retreat. He heard thou pass by on 
his left without discovering him, aud then filed oft' by the left in 
their rear, and by a, circuitous route arrived safe at the camp. 

Lieutenant Munday, with another part of the spies, presently hap- 
pened at the same place, and discovering some Indians, who still 

*" • flis. Late War in Western Country," page 135 to page 152. 



Defeat of plan to Massacre Foets "Wayne and" Harrison. 231 

remained there, formed his men and charged upon them, at the 
same time saluting them with their own yell. They fled precipi- 
tately, and Munday, on discovering their superior numbers, took 
advantage of their panic to retreat himself. Next'morning, the 
27th, Captain Ballard, with the spies and Captain Garrard's troop 
of horse, aoeompanied by Major Woolfork, aid to the general, and 
some other volunteers, went forward to bury the dead.- The In- 
dians were still in ambush; but Captain Ballard expecting it, ap- 
proached them in a different direction, so as to disconcert their 
plans. He attacked them with a brisk fire, and Captain Garrard 
immediately ordered a charge, on which they fled in every direc- 
tion, leaving trails of blood from their killed and wounded. 

These Indians were the advance of an army destined to attack 
Fort Wayne, consisting of 200 regulars under Major Muir, with 
four pieces of artillery, and about 1000 Indians, commanded hy 
Elliott. They had brought their baggage and artillery by water 
to old Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, where they 
had left their boats and were advancing up the south side <Ms 
the Maumee towards Fort Wayne. 

Upon the approach of Winchester, they threw their cannon into 
the river, together with their fixed ammunition, and retreated in 
great haste. Gen. Winchester did not pursue them. 

And thus the original plan of the British authorities, at Detroit 
and Maiden, to take the posts of Forts Wayne and Harrison, then 
to give them up to massacre, and to turn about 1500 Indians loose 
upon the frontier, to kill and lay waste, had now come to defeat. 




CHAPTEU XIX. 

Again upon the nnarcli, 'mid scenes of renown — 
On, with heroic valor, to Moody Frenehtowii, 

* * * * # " * *■ 

Vi'he'-e brave Allen feii. 



Sitviution of Fort Harrison — Thestratagijm for its ca])ti)r>i — ^Tlie liulians, men, women, 
and children, gathered therein large n;nn!)ers — They ask for food, and desire to 
. be admitted into the fort — One of the block-houses fired — The Indians 0]>en lire 
upon the fort — Ji. eritieal moment — Two men, of the fort, scale the picktiting — One 
of tliem killed, the other wounded — Retreat of tiie Indian.s — The garrison repaired 
— Captain Taylor prepares for a siege — Scarcity of Ibod — A nie?Renger succeeds ia 
passing the Indian lines at hight — Capt. Taylor brevet'^d for his bravery — His 
force but 50 men — Force of the Indians large — The Indians exasperated at tiieir 
defeat— They leave the locality of Fort Harrison for the " Pigeon Roost settle- 
ment " — Two men killed when witiiin two miles of the settlement — Tlia settlement 
surprised — The massacre — ^23 inon, women, and children killed in a few minutes 
— A few only make their escape — The alarm given by those making their escape — 
A jiartj' reaches the scene of the massacre — Tne buildings burned, and the bodies 
mainly consumed by tlie llamts — Burial, in one grave, of thercniains — Trail of the 
Indians — Dangers and suiferings of the pioneers — Zebidun Collings' account — 
R-giments of Kentucky — Recruits of the regular army ordered to the frontier — 
Transportation of su]>plies — report of General Harrison — A movement against tlie. 
British — Logan, tlie Shawanoe iialf-breed, sent to take observations-^H o and his 
{>arty overpowered — Their retreat to the eami> of Gen. Winchester — Logan sus- 
pecteji of being in com])lictity with the enemy — Logan's feelings greatly wound- 
ed — He resolves to prove himself true — Logan and liis attendants move again — 
" A prisoner or a scalp " — They meet a su|)erio!' l)arty — Stratagem of Logan — A 
detachmrnt sent against the Indians ontiie Mississiniwa — A sharp encounter — Lot-6 
and flight of the Indians — Tecumseh in the region — Return of the detachment- 
Privations of tlie army — Tiie government and peo]ile restless — Advance of Gen. 
^y^inehester — Movement of troo]).« under Lewis and Alien upon Frenchtown — The' 
British prej^are for an attack — Their advance and attack — Tlie AmerieaHS over- 
powered — Ten-ible slaughter —Ferocity and barbarity of the Indians — Ouiiture of 
Gen. Winchester — Bravery and death of Col. John Allen — Great valor of Majors 
Graves and Madison — Their refusal to surrender to Gen. Proctor — Horrible 
slaughter of the wounded by th<5 ludian.'i — Many burned alive — Movements of 
General Kai-rison for the relief of the sufferers at Frenchtown — (Confinement of Gen. 
"Winchester, Col. Lewis, and Major Madison at Quebec — Sad feeling of the country 
at the disaster of Frenchtov,!! — Rciiewd efforts, and heavy reinforceiuents to tlie 
army of Harrison. c 

(^fji^lIILE the garrison iiero is on the look-out for tiie wily 

^ill^j foe that had iio\y begun to prowl about again, occasionally 

^^'>£f ^'isitir.g tlic fort in the guise of friendsliip, and the nortii- 

(tp wcsiL'rn troops are engaged in active preparations for an 

•^ advance on Detroit, the attention of the reader i;^ turned again 



Defense of Fort Hakkison. 233 

iti the direction of the Wabash and Fort Harrison, Capt. Zacliary 
Taylor was in command of this fort at this period. Sratagem, to 
the time of the siege here, had well-nigh assumed an epidemical 
form with the difierent tribes. It was an ancient artifice. It had 
often been resorted to as a means of success, and seldom failed in 
its operations, if cautiously engineered. Occasionally, however, a 
Gladwyn, a Harrison, or a Johnson was met by the Indians, in their 
purposes and plans, and then, after a desperate effort, they usually 
came to defeat. 

On the '3d of September, a body of AVinnebagoes and Kickapoos, 
men, women, and children, had gathered about Fort Harrison, "and 
desired, as on many similar occasions, at other points, to be admit- 
ted into the fort, with the pretense of holding a council — insisting, 
also, that they were greatly in need of food. 

Two men liaving been killed on the 2d, Capt. Taylor at once sus- 
pected their designs, and giving them something to eat, refused to 
admit them. But this did not suffice. They continued to loiter 
about the fort, still insisting upon their friendship. On the night of 
the 4th, their dpsigns were made uilly manifest. Setting nre to one 
of the block-houses, a large number of warriors, v/ho had been cout 
cealed near by, now opened a brisk fire upon the fort, which was 
readil}'- returned by the garrison. Several desperate charges were 
made by the Indians, in which an effort . was made to fire the fort 
in several places, and then to enter by the breach ; but they were 
l)ravely repulsed and entirely defeated at every side. "So critical 
and alarming was the situation of the garrison," says M'Afee, " that 
two of the men jumped ov^er the picketing, preferring the chance 
of escape through the ranks of the enemy, to the pros])ect of being- 
burnt or massacred in the fort ; one of whom vvas killed, and th(> 
other retreated back to the walls of the fort after being wounded, 
and concealed himself behind some old barrels till the next morn- 
ing, Avhon the Indians retreated, though still hovering about within 
view of the fort for seven or eight days afterwards." 

The garrison was now repaired and strengthened, and Captain 
Tiiylor prepared himself for a regular siege. Tiie destruction of 
the block-house, in which were scored the provisions of the fort, 
was severely felt, as it exposed the men to the rigors of hunger in 
the lack of food. During the siege but three men had been killed, 
and about that number wounded. A small amount of corn, raised 
near the fort, was their only reliance for food for several days ; 
while an efibrt to dispatch a messenger to Vincennes seemed out' 
of the cjuestion, until, at length, a messenger succeeded in passing 
the Indian encampment at night. 

For his valiant conduct in defending the fort, Captain Taylor re- 
ceived much praise, and was therefor soon after brevetejl a major. 
His force in the garrison did not exceed fifty men, many of vvdioni 
were sick. The force of the enemy was cjuite large, comprising 



234 History of Fort Wayne. 

about all the Indians that could, at that time, be collected in that 
part of the country. 

Greatly perplexed and exasperated at their failure, a large part 
of the Indians engaged against Fort Harrison, now soon started for 
a little settlement, known as " the Pigeon Roost settlement," at the 
fork of White river, in what is now Scott county, in this State. This 
settlement was founded in 1809 ; embraced an opening of about one 
square mile, and was about five miles distant from any other set- 
tlement. When within about two miles of the settlement, the In- 
dians discovered two men of the same, who were hunting bee trees. 
These were killed, and then moving forward to the settlement, they 
surprised and massacred, in a few moments, twenty-three men, wo- 
men, and children, a few only succeeding in making their escape. 
" The children," says M'Afee, " had their brains knocked out against 
trees," etc. 

A large party now soon collected, and repaired to the scene of 
the massacre, where the bodies, many of them partially consumed 
in the flames of the ruined buildings, were collected together, and 
buried in one grave. 

Many of the Indians engaged in this massacre, were Shawanoes, 
and their trail was followed for several miles, in the direction of the 
Delaware towns, at the head of White river, but without success. 

A Mr. Zebulun Collings, who resided about six miles from the 
Pigeon-Roost settlement, thus relates the dangers and vicissitudes 
under which he presented his farm labors, and lived from day to 
day during much of those early times, which will doubtless also 
serve as an example of the hardships and dangers of most of the 
pioneers of those early days. Says he : " The manner in which I 
used to work, in those perilous tinips, was as follows: On all oc- 
casioDS I carried my rifle, tomahawk, and butcher-knife, with a 
loaded pistol in my belt. When I went to plow, 1 laid my gun on 
the plowed ground, and stuck up a stick by it, for a mark, so that I 
could get it quick in case it was wanted. I had two good dogs. I 
took one into the house, leaving the other out. The one outside 
was expected to give the alarm, which would cause the one inside 
to bark, by which I would be awakened, having my arms always 
loaded. I kept my horses in a stable, close to the house, having a 
port-hole, so that I could shoot to the stable door. During two years 
I never went trom home with any certainty of returning — not know- 
ing the minute I might receive a ball from an unknown hand; but 
in the midst of all these dangers, that God who never sleeps nor 
slumbers, has kept me." 
^ The regiments of Colonels Wilcox, Miller, and Barbour, of the 
Kentucky militia, were now on their march to Vincennes, but they 
did not arrive in time to meet the Indians at Fort Harrison. Col. 
Russell being advised of its critical situation, collected some com- 
panies of rangers and Indiana militia, and, by forced marches, ar- 
rived there on the 13th, to the great joy of the garrison, who were 



Transportation of Supplies. 235 

in a starving condition. Several wagons with provisions were now 
ordered up to the fort, under an escort of 13 men, commanded by 
lieutenant Fairbanks, of the regulars. After Colonel Russell had 
met and passed this party on his return, they were surprised and 
literally cut to pieces by the Indians, two or three only escaping. 
Major M'Gary, with a battalion of Colonel Barbour's regiment, was 
at the same time on his way with provisions for the garrison ; and 
being reinforced with some companies of Russell's rangers, they 
arrived in safety at the fort, having buried the mangled remains of 
the regulars on their way. In the Illinois and Missouri Territories, 
depredations had also been committed by the Indians. Governor 
Edwards, of the Illinois Territory, had been very attentive to these 
matters. He had sent spies into the Indian country, by whom he 
had ascertained, that they were greatly elated with their success 
and the prospect of driving the white people over the Ohio river, 
and were determined to carry on a desperate war against the fron- 
tiers in the month of September. To meet the emergency, he had 
called, under authority from the war department, on the governor 
of Kentucky for a regiment of men ; and Colonel Barbour's regi- 
ment had been ordered by Governor Shelby to march to Kaskas- 
kia; but General Gibson, the acting governor of Indiana, ordered it 
to Vincennes when Fort Harrison was in danger, conceiving that he 
was authorized to take such a step, as the lieutenant of Governor 
Harrison, who was commander-in-chief of all the forces in those 
Territories. Governor Edwards, though deprived of this aid, made 
vigorous exertions to defend his settlement. He embodied a portion 
of the militia, which he held in readiness to act whenever danger 
might present. Several companies of rangers were also encamped 
on the Mississippi, above St. Louis, and on the Illinois river. These 
troops served to keep the savages in check in those regions.* 

General Harrison continued his headquarters at Franklinton and 
Delaware, for the most part employing himself in the superintend- 
ence of supplies, and early in October he ordered " all the recruits 
of the regular army in the western States to be marched to the 
frontiers. 

For several months the array was now chiefly engaged in the 
transportation of supplies over the different routes they had, or 
were sooner or later to, march. In this relation many difliculties. 
arose, which were most fully set forth by General Plarrison at the 
time, in his report to the President and war department. On the 
22d of October, he said: " I am not able to fix any period for the 
advance of the troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident, that it can- 
not be done, on proper principle, until the frost shall become so se- 
vere as to enable us to use the rivers and the margin of the lake, 
for the transportation of the baggage on the ice. To get supplies 
forw'^ard, through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles, 
in wagons or on packhorses, which are to carry their own provis- 

* M'Afee. 



236 HiSTOKY OF FoET Wayne. 

ioDs, M ahsohdely impossiUeP The object, said lie, " can be ac- 
complished by using the margin oi the lake as above mentioned, if 
the troops are provided with warm clothing, and the winter is such 
as it commonly is in this climate." " No species of supplies are 
calculated on being found in the Michigan Territory. The farms 
upon the river Eaisin, which might have afforded a quantity of 
forage, are nearly all broken up and destroyed. This arficle, then, 
as well as the provisions for the men, is to be taken from this State 
— a circumstance which must at once put to rest every idea for a 
land conveyance at this season — since it would require at least two 
wagons with forage, for each one that is loaded wirji provisions and 
other articles." 

The most important events, of a military character, that had 
transpired, up to the ::i2d of November, were a somewhat success- 
ful, though perilous movement upon a party of British and Indians 
at the Rapids, by a small body of troops under General Tapper, 
wherein the former were mainly put to liight, but after the retreat 
of the British and many of the Indians, — a few of Tupper's men 
having unthoughtedly given chase to- a number of hogs for a dis- 
tance of half a mile from th(3 main body, — four of them were killed 
by the Indians. The British and Indians now fell back upon the 
river Raisin. 

Soon after this movement, Capt. James Logan, the faithful Shaw- 
anoe chief, mentioned in a previous chapter, in connection with 
the array in its efforts to succor the fort here, in the early part of 
September, by orders from General Harrison, had proceeded with 
a small number of his tribe, to make observations in the direction 
of the Rapids. Having met and been closely pursued by a supe- 
rior force, when near that point, he and his men were obliged to 
disperse and retreat ; and Logan, with but two of his comrades — 
Capt. John q,nd Bright-Horn — succeeded in reaching the camp of 
Gen. Winchester, where he faithfully recounted -what had occurred. 
There were some persons in the camp, however, who suspected him 
oi having been in complicity with the enemy, and so intimated, 
greatly to the displeasure and mortification of Logan, who at once 
<letermJned to refute the charge by a still further manifestation of 
his fidelity to the American cause. 

Accordingly, on the 22d of November, accompanied by Capt. 
John and Bright-Horn, he started a second time in the direction of 
the Rapids, resolved to bring in a prisoner or a scalp. Having 
proceeded down tlie north side of the Maumee, about ten miles, . 
thpy met with a British officer, the eldest son of Col. Elliott, and five 
Indians. Four of them being on horseback, and too strong for 
them, and having no chance of escape, Logan at once determined 
to pass them under the pretense of friendship and a desire to com- 
municate to the British certain information. AVith this determina- 
tion, they confidently advanced to the party, one of whom proved 
to be Vvinnemac, the Pottawattamie chief, with whom the reader 



Death of Logan, the Shawanoe Guide and Spy. 237 

is already familiar, who unfortunately knew Logan well, and was 
fully aware ot his regard for and adherance to the American c;iuse. 
Bat, nevertheless, Logan persisted in his first course, telling them 
he was on his way to communicate with the British. After a con- 
versation of some time v/ith them, they moved toward the Britisli 
lines, whereupon Winnemac and his companions turned and fol- 
lowed them, desiring to accompany them thither. As they trav- 
eled on together, says M'Afee, Winnemac and his party closely 
watched the others, and when they had proceeded about eight 
miles, he proposed to the British officer to seize and tie them. The 
officer replied that they were completely in his power ; that if they 
attempted to run, they could be shot; or failing in that, the horses 
could easily run them down. This consultation was overheard by 
Logan ; he had previously intended to go on peaceably till night, 
and then make his escape ; but he now formed the bold design of 
extricating himself by a combat with double liis number. 

Having signified Jiis resolution to his men, he commenced the at- 
tack by shooting down Winnemac himself. The action lasted till 
they had fired three rounds apiece, during which time, Logan and 
his brave companions drove the enem}^ some distance, and separa- 
ted them from their horses. By the first fire, both Winnemac and 
Elliott fell ; by the second a young Ottawa chief lost his life ; and 
another of the enemy was mortalfy wounded about the conclusion 
of the combat, at which time Logan hinl'self, as he was stooping- 
down, received a ball just below the breast bone; it ranged down- 
wards and lodged under the skin on his back. In the mean time, 
Bright- iiorn was also wounded, by a ball which passed through his 
thigh. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat ; himself 
and Bright-Horn, wounded as they were, jumped on the horses of 
the enemy and rode to Winchester's camp, a distance of twenty 
miles in live hours. Captain John, after taking the scalp of the 
Ottawa chief, also retreated in safety and arrived at the camp next 
morning. 

Logan had now rescued his character, as a brave and faithful 
soldier, from the obloquy wdiich had unjustly been thrown upon 
him. But he preserved his honor at the expense of the next best 
gift of Heaven — his life. His wound proved mortal. He lived 
two days in agony, which he bore with uncommon fortitude, and 
died with the utmost composure and resignation. '' More firmness 
and consummate bravery has seldom appeared on the military 
theatre," said Winchester, in his letter to the commanding general. 
"He was buried with all the honors due to his rank, and w;ith sor- 
row as sincerely and generally displayed, as I ever witnessed," 
said Major Hardin, in a letter to Governor Shelby. His physiog- 
nomy was formed on the best model, and exhibited the strongest 
marks of courage, intelligence, good humor and sincerity. It was 
snid by the Indians, that the British had offered one hundred and 
fifty dollars for his scalp. He had been very serviceable to our 



g38 History of Fort Wayne. 

cause by actino- as a guide and spy. He had gone with General 
Hull to Detroit, and Mdth the first Kentucky troops, who marched 
to the relief of Fort Wayne. 

Captain Logan, it will be remembered, had been taken prisoner 
by General Logan, of Kentucky, in the year 1786, when he wa» a 
youth. Before the treaty of Greenville, he had distinguished him- 
self as a warrior, though still very young. His mother was a sister 
to the celebrated Tecumseh and the Prophet, He stated, that, in 
the summer preceding his death, he had talked one whole night 
with Tecumseh, and endeavored to persuade him to remain at peace, 
while Tecumseh, on the contrary, endeavored to engage him in the 
war on the side of the British. His wife, when she was young, had 
also been taken prisoner by Colonel Hardin, in 1789, and had re- 
mained in the family till the treaty of Greenville. In the army he 
had formed an attachment for Major Hardin, the son of the colonel, 
and son-in-law of General Logan, and now requested him to see 
that the money due for his services was faithfully paid to his family. 
He also requested, that his family might be removed immediately 
to Kentucky, and his children educated and brought up in the man- 
ner of the white people. He observed that he had killed a great 
chief; that the hostile Indians knew where his family lived, and 
that when he was gone, a few base fellows might creep up and de- 
stroy them. 

Major Hardin having promised to do everything in his power 
to have the wishes of his friend fulfilled, immediately obtained per- 
mission from the general to proceed with Logan's little corps of In- 
dians to the village of Wapoghconata, where his family resided. 
When they came near the village, the scalp of the Ottawa chief 
was tied to a pole, to be carried in triumph to the council house ; and 
Captain John, when they came in sight of the town, ordered the 
guns of the party to be fired in quick succession, on account of the 
death of Logan. A council of the chiefs were presently held, in 
which, after consulting two or three days, they decided against send- 
ing the family of their departed hero to Kentucky. They appeared 
however to be fully sensible of the loss they had sustained, and 
were sincerely grieved for his death. 

About the time that Tupper's expedition to the Kapids was in exe- 
cution, General Harrison determined to send an expedition of 
horsemen against the Miamies, assembled in the towns on the Mis- 
sissiniwa river, a branch of the Wabash. .A deputation of chiefs 
from those Indians met General Harrison at St. Mary's, early in 
October, and sued for peace — they agreed to abide by the decision 
of the President, and in the meantime to send in five chiefs to be 
held as hostages. The President replied to the communication of 
the general on this subject, that, as the disposition of the several 
tribes would be known best by himself, he must treat them as their 
conduct and the public interest might, in his judgment, require. The 
hostages were never sent in, and further information of their in- 



Movements on 'the Mississiniwa. 239 

tended hostility was obtained. At the time of their peace mission, 
they were alarmed by the successful movements which had been 
made against other tribes trom Fort Wayne, and by the formidable 
expedition which was penetrating their country under General 
Hopkins. But the failure of that expedition was soon afterwards 
known to them, and they determined to continue hostile. A white 
man by the name of William Connor, who had resided many years 
with the Delawares, and had a wife among them, but who was 
firmly attached to ithe Americari cause in this war, w^as sent to the 
towns to watch the movements of the Miamies. He visited the vil- 
lages on the Mississiniwa river, and was present at several of their 
councils. The question of war with the United States and union 
with the British was warmly debated, and there was much division 
among the chiefs, but the war party at last prevailed. The pres- 
ence and intrigues of Tecumseh, and afterwards the retreat of Gen- 
eral Hopkins, rendered them nearly unanimous for war. 

To avert the evils of their hostility, was the object of the expedi- 
tion against Mississiniwa. Said Harrison : " The situation of this 
town, as it regards one line of operations, even if the hostility of 
the inhabitants was less equivocal, would rendei^ a measure of this 
kind highly proper ; but from the circumstance of General Hop- 
kin's failure, it becomes indispensable. Relieved from the fears 
excited by the invasion of their country, the Indians from the upper 
part of the Illinois river, and to the south of Lake Michigan, will 
direct all their efforts against Fort Wayne and the convoys which 
are to follow the left wing of the army. Mississiniwa will be their 
rendezvous, where they will receive provisions and every assistance 
they may require for any hostile enterprise. From that place they 
can, by their runners, ascertain the period at which every convoy 
may set out from St. Mary's, and with certainty intercept it on its 
way to the Miami (Maumee) Rapids. But that place being broken 
up, and the provisions destroyed, there will be nothing to subsist 
any body of Indians, nearer than the Potawatamie towns on the 
waters of the St. Josephs of the Lake.'-' 

- This detachment numbered about six hundred mounted men, 
armed with rifles. They left Franklinton on the 25th of November, 
by way of Dayton and Greenville ; and reached the Indian towns 
on the Mississiniwa towards the middle of December, suffering- 
much with the cold. In a rapid charge upon the first village, eight 
warriors were killed, and forty-two taken prisoners, consisting- of 
men, women and children. About half an hour before day, the 
morning following this charge, the detachment was attacked by the 
Indians, and after a sharp but short encounter, with a loss of eight 
killed, and forty-eight wounded, several of whom afterwards died, 
tlie enemy, despairing of success, fled precipitately, with a heavy 
loss. 

Learning from a prisoner that Tecumseh was within eighteen 
miles of them, with a body of six hundred warriors, with the num- 



24-0 HisTOKY OF FoKT Watke. 

l^er of wounded then to be cared for, it was deemed advisable to 
return, and the detachment, hayin<2: previously destroyed the towns 
they had approached, together with all the property therein, started 
upon their return march, ai^d reached payton.dming the early part 
of January. 

"The good effect of the expedition v/as soon felt," says :&IAl'oe. 
" It let us distinctly know v^dio were oiu- friends and who were our 
enemies among the Indians." 

The winter being severe, apd unfavorable ^ to transportatiop, the 
army suffered many privations for the v^^ant of a siifficienc^y Q±Lpi:o- 
visions and clothing. <!"-*'.. 

Though General Harrison had repeatedly presented the nrnny 
diiiiculties attendant upon a movement, at this period, against De- 
troit and other points, the government and people were yet restless, 
and a continued anxiety was manifest lV>r a forv/ard march against 
the British. ■ ..^ ■. -^ v,i.:',i -.- 

On the lOth of January, 1S13, General Winchester, having previ- 
ously received orders to advance towards the British lines, rea^ched 
the liapids; preceded by a detachment of six hundred and seventy 
meiT, under General Payne, who had been ordered to attack a party 
of Indians gathered in an old fortiiicaiion at Swan Creek. 

A large stone house was now built within the encampment, at 
the Rapids, to secure the provisions and baggage. A consider- 
able quantity of corn was also gathered in the holds, and apparatus 
for pounding and sifting it being made, it suppplied the troops 
with very wholesome bread.* 

It now soon became apparent that an attack was meditated by 
the British upon the forces under Winchester, they having heard, 
through some Indians, of the ad.vanceof the army. 

On the morning of the l7th, General "Winchester detached Col. 
Lewis, with five hundred and fifty men, for the river Raisin; and a 
few hours later, Levris' detachment wf.s followed by one hundred 
and ten more under Col. Allen. On the morning of tliis day Gen. 
Winchester also sent a message to General Harrison, acquainting 
him with the movements made, and, desiring ,a reinforcement, in 
case of opposition in an effort to possess and hold Frenchtown.f 
With this express was also sent word that four hundred Indians 
were at the I'iver Raisin, and that Elliott was expected from I\lal- 
den, with a detachment destined to actack the camp at the Rapids. 

Early on the morning of the IDth, the messenger reached and 
acquainted General Harrison with the word sent by General Win- 
<'}iester ; upon which he ordered another detachment to proceed at 
tjiice to the Rapids, with which he also proceeded, whither he ar- 
rived on the morning of the 20th. 

In the meantime, on the l8th, the troops under Lewis and Allen, 
who had proceeded towards the river Raisin, vvitli a view of occu- 

« M'Afee. 

i-Wliicli w«s situated betw-oen Piesque'Mo and Maiden. 



Engagement at Frenchtown, and Death of Col. Allen. 241 

pying Frenchtown, had been attacked by the enemy, who were 
driven back with considerable loss, leaving the town in the posses- 
sion of Allen and Lewis' troops. 

This movement was soon communicated to Gen. Winchester, at 
the Rapids, who at once set out, with a small body of men, for the 
relief of the forces at Frenchtown, and arrived at the river Raisin 
on the 20th. The British, from Maiden, were now preparino- to re- 
new the attack of the l8th, and, on the night of the 21st, had ad- 
vanced, unobserved, to a point very near the lines of Lewis and 
Allen's forces, who had, since the former engagement, been joined 
by Gen. Winchester, Avith two hundred and fifty men. 

Early on the morning of the 22d, the British, with a large body 
of Indians, having approached within about three hundred yards 
of the American lines, began to open a heavy charge of cannon 
and musketry upon them, and soon succeeded in nearly surround- 
ing them. 

The Americans fought bravely, but were soon overpowered, and 
an indiscriminate slaughter was begun by the Indians. " In their 
confusion and dismay," the Americans " attempted to pass a long 
narrow lane, through which the road passed from the village. The 
Indians were on both sides, and shot them down in every direction. 
A large party, which had gained the wood, on the right, were sur- 
rounded and massacred without distinction, nearly one hundred 
men being tomahawked within the distance of one hundred yards. 
Tlie most horrible destruction overwhelmed the fugitives in every 
direction. 

" Captain Simpson was shot and tomahawked at the edge of the 
woods, near the mouth of the lane. Colonel Allen,* though wound- 
ed in his thigh, attempted to rally his men several times, entreating 
them to halt and sell their lives as dearly as possible. He had 
escaped about two miles, when, at length, wearied and exhausted, 
snd disdaining perhaps to survive the defeat, he sat down on a log, 
determined to meet his fate. An Indian chief, observing him to be 
an officer of distinction, was anxious to take him prisoner. As 
soon as he came near the Colonel, he threw his gun across his lap, 
and told him in the Indian language to surrender, and he should be 
safe. Another savage having, at the same time, advanced with a 
hostile appearance, Colonel Allen, by one stroke with his sword, 
laid him dead at his feet. A third Indian, who was near him, had 
then the honor of shooting one of tlie first and greatest citizens of 
Kentucky. Captain Mead, of the regular army, who had fought by 
the side of Colonel Daveiss, when he fell in the battle of Tippecanoe, 
was killed where the action commenced. Finding that the situation 
of the corps was rendered desperate by the approach of the enemy, 
he gave orders to his men — " My brave fallows," (cried he,) " charge 
upon them ; " and a moment afterwards he was no more. 

*Mentioned in a preceding chapter as the persoH after whom Allen County wa$ 
named. (16) 



242 History of Fokt Wayne. 

" A party with Lieutenant Garrett, consisting of fifteen or twenty 
men, after retreating about a mile and a half, were compelled to 
surrender, and were then all massacred, but the lieutenant himself. 
Another party of about thirty men had escaped near three miles, 
when they were overtaken by the savages, and having surrendered, 
about one-half of them were shot and tomahawked. In short, the 
greater part of those who were in the retreat, fell a sacrifice to the 
fury of the Indians. The snow was so deep, and the cold so intense, 
that they were soon exhausted, and unable to elude their pursuers. 
Gen. Winchester and Colonel Lewis, with a few more, were captur- 
ed at a bridge, about three-quarters of a mile from the village. 
Their coats being taken from them, they were carried back to the 
British lines, where Colonel Proctor commanded."* 

A small party, under Majors Graves and Madison, having placed 
themselves behind some picketing, where they maintained theii- 
position and fought bravely, until an order, reported as coming from 
General Winchester, was brought by Proctor, who was accompanied 
by one of his aids, desiring them to surrender. Major Madison re^ 
marked " that it had been customary for the Indians to massacre 
the wounded and prisoners after a surrender, and that he would not 
agree to any capitulation, which General Winchester might direct, 
unless the safety and protection of his men were stipulated." To 
which Proctor replied : " Sir, do you mean to dictate to me ? " " No," 
said Madison ; " i mean to dictate for myself, and we prefer selling 
our lives as dearly as possible, rather than be massacred in cold 
blood." 

Terms, embodying positive protection to all, having at length 
been agreed upon, Madison surrendered, and his party reached 
Maiden in safety. But the Indians soon returned to the scene of 
disaster, and began an unmerciful slaughter of the wounded, strip--- 
ping them, and even setting fire to the houses in which many of 
them were sheltered, burning them with the buildings. About '300 
Americans were in this way and in the struggle that preceded the 
burning of the bodies, killed, and 547 taken prisoners. 

Such was the sad fate of this expedition. Suoh was the merci* 
less spirit of British warfare at this period of our history. And the 
unwillingness of the troops to advance from Fort Wayne at the 
announcement of a change of general commanders, after the rescue 
of the garrison here from the wily eflbrts of the besiegers, would 
have seemed to have foreshadowed the terrible result of the engage- 
ment of Frenchtown, 

General Harrison, on the morning of the 22d, (the news of Win- 
chester's attack having reached him at the Eapids,) ordered Per- 
kin's brigade to proceed to his relief, and soon followed himself, in 
the rear of some reinforcements under Payne, which he is said to 
have soon overtaken. But they had not proceeded far, when they 
were met by some men from the scene of defeat, who readily told 

*M'Afee. 



Ej^fects of the Defeat of Feenchtown. 243 

the sad story of the fate that had befallen their comrades in arms. 
But General Harrison was only nerved to push on with greater 
speed. Soon again', however, after proceeding* some distance to- 
wards the scene of disaster, another party was met, and, after a 
council as to the wisdom and safety of proceeding further, it was 
deemed proper to venture no nearer the scene of conflict and disas- 
ter, feeling assured that no succor could be rendered the victims of 
the furious red men and merciless British opponents — that a fur- 
ther advancement would only tend to furnish more material for 
massacre and defeat ; and so the main body returned to the Rapids. 

General Winchester, Colonel Lewis, and Major Madison, were 
finally sent to Quebec, where, and at Beaufort, they wQre confined 
till the spring of 1814. 

The gloom that had spread over the country at the receipt of the 
news of the sad disaster to the flower of the Kentucky troops at 
Frenchtown, was indeed great; but the peoj)le soon rallied again ; 
and it was not long till large reinforcements began to sv/ell the 
ranks of the regular army for a determined and vigorous effort 
for the overthrow of British rule and future safety from Indian 
atrocities. 







CHAPTER XX. 

" Upward, onward, in the battle, 

Never resting, never weary. 
Till victory' crowns tlie fight." 



Situation of affairs after the slaiighter of Frenchtown— Heavy draft on Kentncky— 
Efforts of the British — Tlie importance of placing the Kentucky militia at Fort 
"VVavne — The British commander determines to uiarcli the American arm^- to Mon- 
treal — Advance of the British and Indians on Fort Meigs — The British again 
occupy old Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids — Indians invest tlie American 
oain]i— Gen. Harrison'.s address — Bombardment of Fort Meigs by the British — 
Efforts of Tecumseh and the Prophet — Further movements of the British — Their 
batteries silenced by the Americans — Reinforcements under Gen. Green Clay — Or- 
der to Gen. Clay, and its execution — Capture of Fort Miami — The Americans 
overpowered, and many captured and killed — Orders not obeyed, and disaster 
the result — Removal of American prisoners — Success of Gen, Dearborn at Fort 
George, and evacuation of old Fort Miami by the British — Indians di.'^satislied. 



FTER the terrible slaughter of Frenchtown, but little of great 
importance occurred until the latter part of April, 1813. On 
Sl'o-^the iGth of February, of this year, the Governor of Kentucky, 

f' in compliance Avith a law that had been recently passed in that 
State, had ordered a draft of three thousand men, to be organ- 
ized into four regiments, under Colonels Dudley, Boswell, Cox, and 
Caldwell, under the command of General Green Clay. As the sea- 
son advanced, it became evident that the British would soon make 
an attack on the American lines at Fort Meiss ; and this was made 
the more certain from the fact that the enemy had recently learned 
the situation of afihirs in the American army from a prisoner they 
had taken. 

This condition of affairs being communicated to the war depart- 
ment, " the propriety of calling out the balance of the Kentucky 
draft, to be placed at Fort Wayne to keep the Indians in check, was 
pressed on the attention of the government."* 

Both the American and British armies now soon became active 
in their movements against each other; and the British commander 
made bold to assert that he would march the northwestern army, 
under Gen. Harrison, to Montreal by the lirst of June. 
*M'Afee. 



Investment of Fokt Meigs by the British and Indians. 145 

During the latter part of the month of April, the British had often 
been seen, in small bodies, near Fort Meigs, by scouts sent out by 
the commanding-general; and on the 26th ol April, the enemy's 
advance was observed at the mouth of the bay, within a few miles 
of Fort Meigs. On the 28th of April, as Captain Hamilton was 
descending the Maumee, with a small reconnoitering party, he be- 
held the whole force of the British and Indians approaching w'ithin 
a few miles of the fort. 

The British now soon drew up at old Fort Miami, just below the 
scene of Wayne's engagement with the Indians, in 1794, on the 
opposite side of the river, nearly fronting Fort Meigs, and began 
at once to land and mount their guns, the Indians being at once 
removed to the south-west side of the river, where they readily be- 
gan to invest the American camp — yelling and firing their muskets. 

General Harrison was now most attentive and energetic in his 
efforts ; and on the following morning, he addressed the troops in 
language and feeling which had the etiect to inspire all under him 
with the largest courage and determination. Said he : " Can the 
citizens of a free country, who have taken arms to defend its rights, 
think of submitting to an army composed of mercenary soldiers, 
reluctant Canadians, goaded to the field by the bayonet, and of 
wretched, naked savages ? Can the breast of an American soldier, 
when he casts his eyes to the opposite shore, tlie scene of his coun- 
try's triumphs over the same foe, be influenced by any other feel- 
ings than the hope of glory? Is not this army composed of the 
same materials with that which fought and conquered under the 
immortal Wayne? Yes, fellow-soldiers, your general sees your 
countenances beam with the same fire that he witnessed on that 
glorious occasion ; and although it would be the height of presump- 
tion to compare himself to that hero, he boasts of being that hero's 
pupil. To your posts, then, fellow-citizens, and remember that the 
eyes of your country are upon you." 

About the first of May, the British having completed their batter- 
teries, they commenced a heavy cannonading against fort Meigs, 
which was continued for five days, with but little effect. The 
American batteries returned the fire with good effect, but with no 
great amount of energy, not wishing to waste their balls and amu- 
nition. 

Tecumseh and the Prophet, with a body of some six hundred In- 
dians, since the fatal affair of Frenchtown, (Tecumseh not having 
been present at that engagement) had joined the British, and were 
now most active in their efforts against the Americans. 

About the time of the opening of the British batteries. General 
Harrison had expected a reinforcement under General Green Clay ; 
and when the movements of the British became fully apparent. Cap- 
tain Oliver, accompanied by a white man and an Indian, was sent 
as a messenger to General Clay, with letters also for the Gover- 
nors of Ohio and Kentucky. 



246 HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayne. 

Fears had been entertained that the enemy wonld at length make 
an elibrt to gain a nearer approach to the fort, from the opposite 
side of the river, and there erect a battery ; which soon beeam.e 
evident, and on the 3d, three field pieces and a howitzer were open- 
ed upon the American camp from a clump of bashes on the left, 
but were soon hushed by a few eighteen pounders from the Ameri- 
can batteries. Changing their position, their batteries were again 
opened upon the American camp, but with an air of mistrust and 
witli but little effect. Says Colonel Wood, of the American forces: 
" With a plenty of ammunition, we should have been able to have 
blown John Bull almost from the Miami (Maumee ,) * * * -Xt 
was extremely diverting to see with what pleasure and delight the 
Indians would yell, whenever in tJieir opinion considerable damage 
was done in camp by the bursting of a shelL Their hanging about 
the camp, and occasionally coming pretty near, kept our lines al- 
most constantly in a blaze of fire; for nothing can please a Ken- 
tuckiau better than to get a shot at an Indian — and he must be in- 
dulged." 

With a reinforcement of some twelve hundred Kentuckians, Gen- 
eral Clay soon drew near. Captain Oliver had met him at 
Fort Winchester. General Harrison immediately sent an order to 
General Clay, which was delivered by Captain Hamilton, request- 
ing him to detach " about SCO men from his brigade, and to land 
them at a point he would direct, about a mile, or a mile and a half 
above camp Meigs. I will then conduct the detachment," con- 
tinues General Harrison, in this order, " to the British batteries on 
the left bank of tlie river. The batteries must be taken, the cannon 
spiked, and carriages cut down ; and the troops must then return 
to their boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of your men," 
said he, " must land on the fort side of the river, opposite the first 
landing, and fight their way into the fort (Miami) through the In- 
dians." 

This order was readily complied with. >' Colonel Dudley being 
the oldest Colonel, led the van. As soon as Captain Hamilton had 
delivered the orders. General Clay, who was in the thirteenth boat 
from the front, directed him to go to Colonel Dudley, with orders 
to take the twelve front boats and execute the plans of General 
Harrison on the left bank, and to post the subaltern with the canoe 
on the right bank, as a beacon for his landing."* 

Though somewhat " marred in the execution," yet the plans of 
General Harrison proved a success; and after some effort, with 
skillful manceuvering, the point of attack Avas gained, and the 
British flag cut down, to the infinite delight of the troops in the 
American garrison above. 

General Harrison, who had been watching, with great concern, 
through his spy-glass, from a battery next to the river, the move- 
ments of the troops in the execution of this order, had discovered 
the enemy approaching the fort below (Miami) by a route that 
*M'Afeo. 



Re-captuke of Fort Miami, by the British. 247 

would enable them to surprise the men under Dudley ; and at once 
began to make signs for them to retreat to their boats, but without 
success. The General finally sent a messenger to warn them of 
their danger. Lieutenant Campbell undertook the mission ; but he 
could Hot reach them in time. A party of Indians had fired upon 
the spies sent out, who were soon reinforced, by command of Colo- 
nel Dudley. Many of the men rushed rapidly forward in pursuit 
of the Indians. The left column still holding their position, were 
now soon encountered by the British artillerists, largely reinforced, 
who overpowered the Americans, capturing some at the battery, 
while others fled to the boats. The Indians had also been reinforc- 
ed, and began their usual w^ork of tomahawking, etc. 

The greater part of the men were captured by the Indians or sur- 
rendered to the British. Colonel Dudley had received a wound, 
and was finally tomahawked by the savages. The number that 
escaped and regained the fort was less than two hundred. Had or- 
ders been strictly obeyed, which was not the case, says M'Afee, 
" the day would certainly have been an important one for the 
countr}'." 

'• The prisoners," says Colonel Wood, " w^ere taken down to head- 
quarters, put into fort Miami, and the Indians permitted to garnish 
the surrounding rampart, and to amuse themselves by loading and 
firing at the crowd, or at any particular individual. Those who 
preferred to inflict a still more cruel and savage death, selected their 
victims, led them to the gateway, and there under the eye of- gener- 
al ProGtor^ and in the presence of the whole British a,rm'ij^ toraa- 
hawhed and scalped them ! " 

For about two hours these acts of unmitigated ferocity and bar- 
barity to prisoners of war was permitted and continued ; " during 
which time, upwards of twenty prisoners, defenseless and confined, 
were massacred in the presence of the magnanimous Britons, to 
whom they had surrendered, and by the allies, too, with whom 
those Britons had voluntarily associated themselves, knowing and 
encouraging their mode of warfare. The chiefs, at the same time, 
were' holding a council on the fate of the prisoners, in which the 
Pottawattamies, who were painted black, were for killing the whole, 
and by their warriors the murders were perpetrated. The Miamies 
and Wyandotts were on the side of humanity, and opposed the 
wishes of the others. The dispute between them had become seri- 
ous, when Colonel Elliott and Tecumseh came down from the bat- 
teries to the scene of carnage. As soon as Tecumseh beheld it, he 
flourished his sword, and in a loud voice ordered them ^ for shame 
to desist. It is a disgrace,' said he, ' to kill a defenseless prisoner.' 
His orders were obeyed, to the great joy of the prisoners, who had 
by this time lost all hopes of being preserved. In this single act, 
Tecumseh displayed more humanity, magnanimity, and civilization 
than Proctor, with all his British associates in command, displayed 
through the "VYhole war on the Rorthwestern frontiers."* 
*M'Afee. 



248 History of Fort Wayne. 

Kctaininf? the prisoners in this place till night, many of the 
M-uiinded for hours experiencing " the most excruciating torments," 
they were placed in " the British boats and carried down the river 
to the brig Hunter, and a schooner, where several hundred ot them 
were stowed away in the hold of the brig, and kept there for two 
days and nights. Their sufferings in this situation," says Colonel 
M'Afee,"" are not to be described by me : I leave them to be imagin- 
ed by those who can feel for the wrongs of their country." Being 
iinally liberated on parole, however, these prisoners were " landed 
at the mouth of Huron river, below the Sandusky bay." 

At the conclusion of the disasterous movement at Fort Miami, 
but little of interest occurred while the British continued the siege ; 
and having soon learned of the capture of Fort George, by General 
Dearborn, the British commander, on the 9th of May, evacuated 
the old Fort at the foot of the Kapids. Alarm had not only taken 
sudden possession of the British on receipt of the capture of Fort 
George, but the Indians, too, had snuffed the air of defeat, and 
had become much disaffected by the movements and success of 
the Americans against their British father ; and before the evacua- 
tion of Fort Miami had been fully consummated, it was thought 
by many in the American army that they had measurably left the 
British standard. 

The Prophet and his followers had been promised the Michigan 
Territory, and General Harrison was to be delivered up to Tecum- 
seh. But all was now disaster to them, and their former hope 
of one day being able, by the aid of their British father, to drive 
the Americans beyond the Ohio, had vanished forever from their 
hearts. 




CHAPTER XXL 



" And has the West no story 

Of deathless deeds sublime 1 
Go ask yoa shining river." 



Movements at Fort Wajme — Plan of Richard M. Johnson — Communication of the 
Secretary of War to Gen. Harrison — Mounted volnnteers under Col. Johnson — His 
address — Ordered to proceed to Fort Wayne, and to scour the northwestern frontier 
— Demand for more troops — Johnson's regiment — Indian guides — A.nthony Shane 
— Johnson's march to Fort Wayne — Boat fired upon by the Indians, near the Fot-'t 
— Pursuit of the Indians — An expedition — Anticipated attack from the British — 
•Harrison's intervie?v with the Indians — Movements towards Lower Sandusky — Re- 
investment of Fort Meigs by the British and Indians — Surprise of a picket-guard 
— Depredations by the Indians — Movements of Tecumseh — Heavy firing on the 
Sanduskjr road — Movements of the British-^Council of war — Fort Stephenson — 
Bravery of the American troops — Valor of Mftjor Croghan, and high appreciation 
of his course — A Wyandolt scout. 

URING much of the time since the transfer of the theatre of 
[strife and siege from Fort Wayne to points below, along the 
^Maumee and elsewhere, but little had occurred here of marked 
'interest. The garrison had been watchful ; the Indians had 
been active in the region, but their attention had mainly been 
called away by the action and command of their British father be- 
low and about the Rapids of the Maumee. 

The principal object of the expeditions against the Indians, from 
Fort Wayne and other points, as the reader will remember, was to 
destroy their provisions and means of subsistence, thereby effectu- 
ally disabling them for renewed efforts in the following spring 
(1813); and Richard M. Johnson, who had witnessed the effect of 
these movements and the efficiency of the mounted riflemen, onhis 
return to Congress, had laid before the war department a plan for 
a mounted expedition against the tribes, as already referred to, dur- 
ing the winter of 1812-'13. 

The good effects of the expeditions were stated by him to be : 
" Security to the northwestern frontiers from Fort Wayne to the 
Mississippi — to the convoys of provisions for the northwestern 
army, when its force was diminished in the spring, and the neutral- 



250 History of Fort Wayne. 

ity of the savages in future, from the powerful impression that 
would be made on their fears ; that the winter season would be 
most favorable for the movement— enabling the horsemen, while 
snow was on the ground, and the leaves off the bushes, to hunt out 
and destroy the Indians prowling about." 

With this view, two regiments, consisting of about 1280 men, were 
proposed to be employed, which were then considered sufficient to 
traverse the entire Indian country, from Fort Wayne to the lower 
end of, and beyond. Lake Michigan, by way of the Illinois river, 
back to the river Ohio, near Louisville, Ky. ; and " to disperse and 
destroy all the tribes of Indians and their resources to be found 
within that compass." Colonel Johnson also presented this subject 
to the Governor of Kentucky ; and the same was finally submitted, 
by the Secretary of war, to General Harrison, on the 26th of De- 
cember, 1812. Said the Secretary, in this communication: "The 
President has it in contemplation to set on foot an expedition from 
Kentucky of about 1000 mounted men, to pass by Fort Wayne, the 
lower end of lake Michigan, and round by the Illinois back to the 
Ohio near Louisville, for the purpose of scouring that country, des- 
troying the provisions collected in the Indian villages, scourging 
the Indians themselves, and disabling them from interfering with' 
your operations. It is expected that this expedition will commence 
in February (1813) ; and it will terminate in a few weeks. I give 
you the information, that you may take it into consideration in the 
estimate of those arrangements, you may find it necessary to make, 
for carrying into effect the objects of the government. I send you 
a copy of the proposed plan, on which I wish to hear from you 
without delay. You will particularly state, whether you can effect 
these objects in the manner which is suggested, by adequate por- 
tions of the force now in the field ; and in that case, whether it will 
be better to suspend the movement of this force until the spring." 

In the expedition under Colonel Campbell, in the middle of the 
winter, to the towns on the Mississinewa, as the reader^will remem- 
ber, General Harrison had already anticipated the plan of Colonel 
Johnson. 

After having further considered the proposition of Colonel John- 
son, General Harrison made the following response : 

" I am sorry not to be able to agree \yith my friend, Colonel John- 
son, upon the propriety of the contemplated mounted expedition. 
An -expedition of this kind directed against a particular town Avill 
probably succeed. The Indian towns cannot be surprised in suc- 
cession, as they give the alarm from one to the other with more 
rapidity than our troops can move. In the months of February, 
March, and April, the towns are all abandoned. The men are hunt- 
ing, and the women and children, particularl}'- to the north of the 
Wabash, are scattered about making sugar. The corn is in that 
season universally hid in small parcels in the earth, and could not 
be found. There are no considerable villages in that direction. 



Response of Gen. Hakkison to the Seceetaey of Wak. 251 

Those that are there are composed of bark huts, which the Indians 
do not caj-.e for, and which during- the winter are entirely empty. 
The detachment might pass through the whole extent of country 
to be scoured, without seeing an Indian, except at the lirst town 
they struck, and it is more than probable, that they would find it 
empty. But the expedition is impracticable to the extent proposed. 
The horses, if not the men, would perish. The horses that are now 
to be found, are not like those of the early settlers, and such as the 
Indians and traders now have. They have been accustomed to 
corn, and must have it. Colonel Campbell went but 70 or 80 miles 
from the frontiers, and the greater part of his horses could scarcely 
be brought in. Such an expedition in the summer and fall would 
be highly advantageous, because the Indians are then at their 
towns, and their corn can be destroyed. An attack upon a particu- 
lar town in the winter, when the inhabitants are at it, as we know 
they are at Mississiniway, and which is so near as to enable the 
detachment to reach it without killing their horses, is not only prac- 
ticable, but if there is snow on the ground is perhaps the most 
favorable." 

These practical suggestions of the General were sufficient. The 
plan was abandoned, and " the attention of government was direc- 
ted to the organization of a mounted corps for the spring ; " g,nd 
Colonel Johnson was " authorized to organize, and hold in readi- 
ness, a regiment of mounted volunteers — which he readily complied 
with, on his return to Kentucky, at rhe close of the session of Con- 
gress, and soon moved towards the scene of action. 

Addressing his men, he said : " The regiment of mounted volun- 
teers was organized under the authority of the war department, to 
await its call, or to meet any crisis which might involve the honor, 
the rights and the safety ot the country. That crisis has arrived. 
Fort Meigs is attacked. The northwestern army is surrounded by 
the enem}'-, and under the command of general Harrison is nobly 
defending the cause of the country against a combined enemy, the 
British and Indians. They will maintain their ground till relieved. 
The intermediate garrisons are also in imminent danger, and may 
fall a bleeding sacrifice to savage cruelty, unless timely reinforced. 
The frontiers va^j be deluged in blood. The 'mounted regiment 
will present a shield to the defenseless ; and united with the forces 
now marching, and the Ohio volunteers for the same purpose, will 
drive the enemy from our soil. Therefore on Thursday, the 20th 
of May, the regiment will rendezvous at the Great Crossings in 
Scott county, except the companies, &c., which will rendezvous on 
the 22d at Newport ; at which place, the whole corps will draw 
arms, ammunition, &c." 

Calling upon General Harrison, who, at this time, was at Cincin- 
nati visiting his family, who then lived there, Colonel Johnson's 
regiment was accepted, and he was ordered by General Harrison to 
proceed immediately to Fort Wayne, to take command here and of 



1 52 History of Fort Watne. 

the posts on the Aughxize ; also " to make incursions into the conn- 
try of the Indians ; to scour the northwestern frontiers ; and, if 
possible, to cut oft" small parties who might infest the forts, or be 
marching from the Illinois and Wabash towards Maiden and Detroit 
— never to remain at one place more than three days." 

An officer from each regiment was at once sent back to raise 
another body of men. The regiment under Johnson was com- 
posed as follows : 

R. M. Johnson, Colonel; James Johnson, Lieutenant-colonel. 
First battalion— Duval Payne, Major; Robt. B. M'Afee,* Richard 
Matison, Jacob Elliston, Benjamin Warlield, John Payne, (cavalry) 
Elijah Craig, Captains. 

Second battalion — David Thompson, Major ; Jacob Stucker, Jas. 
Davidson, S. R. Combs, W. M. Price, James Coleman, captains. 

Staff— Jeremiah Kertly, Adjutant; B. S. Chambers, Quartermas- 
ter; Samuel Theobalds, Judge-advocate ; L.Dickinson, Sargeant- 
major. 

James Sugget, Chaplain and Major of the spies; L. Sandford, 
Quartermaster-sargeant ; subsequently added, Dr. Ewing, Surgeon, 
and Drs. Coburn and Richardson, surgeon's mates. 

The regiment arrived at Fort Meigs on the first of June, 1813. 
From this point Colonel Johnson proceeded alone to the Indian 
village of Wapoghconata, on the Auglaize, " to procure some 
Shawanoe Indians to act as guides and spies ; " and after a few 
days returned with thirteen Indians, among whom was the half- 
bred, Anthony Shane, whose father was a Frenchman, and in whom 
the largest confidence was placed by those who knew him in the 
northwestern army. Shane had been an active opponent of Wayne, 
in 1794, but after the treaty of Greenville, had been a most faithtul 
friend of the United States. 

On the 5th of June, the regiment under Johnson agiain took up 
its line of march for Fort Wayne. When the troops reached Shane's 
crossing of the St. Mary, about forty miles from Fort Wayne, they 
were halted and drilled for some time, and here remained over 
night. Heavy rains having but recently fallen, the St. Mary w^as 
found impassible ; and on the following morning a rude bridge was 
formed over this stream by felling trees across it, upon wdiich the 
army crossed with their baggage and guns, while their horses were 
gotten over by swimming them by the side of the fallen timber. 

The remainder of the route to Fovt Wayne proved very difficult ; 
" all the flats and marshes being covered with water, and the roads 
very miry."t 

Reaching the Fort on the evening of the 7th of June, it was 
found that the boats had all gained the common landing place, at 
the base of the hill, just below the garrison, in safety, but one, 
which had stranded on a sand-bar a short distance above, in sight 
of the fort ; and while attempting to get the boat off, the boatmen 
*Author of " History of the Late "War in the Western Country." fM'Afee. 



An Expedition from Fort Wayne. 253 

were fired upon by some Indians lurking near, and two of the men 
killed, while the third, in attempting to swim to the shore, was 
drowned. 

Arriving a little in advance of the regiment, Colonel Johnson 
and staff, as soon as it was possible to get ready, mounted their 
horses and crossed to the boat. The Indians at once fired upon 
their advance, and then retreated. 

The spies having now suggested that the Indians were consider- 
ably stronger than the party under Colonel Johnson, a pursuit was 
deferred until the arrival of t^ie regiment, when a chase was 
immediately commenced and continued for some ten miles ; but rain 
beginning to fall heavily, the party was compelled to return to the 
fort again, without having gained sight of the Indians. 

But a further pursuit was at once determined upon ; and the next 
day, (the 8th) after a council of ofiicers, and some necessary pre- 
paration, an expedition was formed to proceed in the direction of 
the southeast end of Lake Michigan. With this view, the regi- 
ment, towards evening, deposited their heavy baggage in the fort ; 
supplied themselves with ten days' provisions, and soon crossed the 
St. Mary, to encamp for the night in the forks, opposite the garrison, 
where the river had now just begun to rise ; " though," says M'Afee, 
" on the evening of the 5th, it had been at the top of its banks at 
Shane's crossing, but forty miles from its mouth by land. Hence," 
continues he, " if we suppose the current to run three miles an hour, 
(which is near the truth), the distance by water would be two hun- 
dred miles, so extremely crooked is the course of the river." 

Early on the following day, the regiment took the Indian trail 
again, leading towards the old Pottawattamie village of Five Med- 
als, which had been destroyed, as the reader will remember, the 
previous year, but which was now thought to have been rebuilt. The 
regiment marched forty miles this day, before night. Stopping 
now to rest and permit the horses to graze, with a view to an attack 
upon the Indian village at daylight the next morning, a heavy rain 
came up, preventing the execution of the plan ; but " after encoun- 
tering many obstacles in crossing high waters and marshes, they 
arrived at the Elkhart river before it had risen so as to be impassa- 
ble, and in half an hour afterwards the village of Five Medals was 
gained and surrounded ; " but found unoccupied. 

Determining now to visit a village on the other side of the St. 
Joseph of the Lake, known as Paravash, on the morning of the 
11th, the regiment began its march for that point, but, upon arriv- 
ing at the St. Joseph, and finding it impassable, further movement 
upon this village was abandoned. A rapid advance was now made 
upon the White Pigeon's town, arriving there in the afternoon of 
that day, meeting a lew Indians on the way, who made their escape 
in a canoe across a stream on the route, which was also found im- 
passable. The village of AVhite Pigeon had long been the most 
extensive Indian town in that region : and the main trace of the 



254 HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayne. 

Indians, from Cluca2:o and the Illinois country to Detroit^ passed 
directly through this town, but appeared to have been but kittle 
traversed that'spring. Here, near this village, the regiment en- 
camped till the following day, when, having fulfilled his instructions 
to visit this trace, with a view to intercepting any movements 
of the enemy that might be making by this route,- and finding also 
that the provisions of the troops had been considerably damaged 
by the rains encountered, Colonel Johnson determined to return to 
Fort Wayne ; and, as there w^as an Indian path at that time leading 
direct from the White Pigeon town to Fort Wayne, the regiment 
now began its return march over this trail for the Fort, whither, after 
a march, in all, with heavy rains every day, of some two hundred 
miles, on the 14th, the troops again drew up at the Fort here, con- 
siderably fatigued, though as determined and earnest as ever in 
their patriotic efibrts. 

Though not encountering the Indians in his route, or finding 
them at either of the villages visited, yet the movements of the ex- 
pedition under Colonel Johnson greatly increased his knowledge 
of the country ; and it was now soon ascertained that all the In- 
dians in the British service, and who had principally been engaged 
in the siege of Fort Meigs, were still mainly held and maintained 
in the vicinity of Maiden. 

After a few^ days' stay at Fort Wayne, and finding themselves 
much rested from their late fatiguing and most disagreeable march, 
the regiment under Johnson proceeded down the Maumee, with an 
escort of provisions, to Fort Winchester. The provisions w^ere 
placed in boats, wdth a number of men to man them, while the 
troops continued their way along the road opened by General Win- 
chester, on the north side of the Maumee, encamping every night 
Vv'ith the boats. Arriving at Fort Winchester, Colonel Johnson re- 
ceived a dispatch from General Harrison, recommending him to 
make an attack on the enemy at Raisin and Browntown. To this 
suggestion, though by no means explicit. Colonel Johnson at once 
began to give his attention, feeling, from his high sense of patriot- 
ism and regard for General Harrison and any suggestion emanating 
from him, that the plan should be executed, if possible. 

Having, just before this suggestion to Colonel Johnson, heard of 
the success of the American arms below Fort Meigs, and " that 
General Proctor was ordered in that direction to assist in repelling 
the invaders ; and believing that Proctor had left Maiden with a con- 
siderable portion of his force, the General supposed that an excel- 
lent opportunity had ofi'ered to attack his savage allies in the Michi- 
gan Territory, by a coup de main with the mounted regiment." 

But Colonel Johnson, owing to the fact of his horses being muMi 
exhausted from the efiects of their late expedition from Fort Wayne, 
as well as for lack of a sufficient number of men, a detachment of 
his regiment having been engaged in escorting provisions from St. 
Mary's, was unable to carry out immediately the plan proposed by 



Relief of Fort Meigs. • 255 

General Harrison. The execution of the plan proposed was con- 
sidered most hazzardous indeed ; and to have attempted a march 
of a " hundred miles, through swamps and marshes, and over diffi- 
cult rivers, with guides not very well acquainted with the country," 
and witJi horses greatly worn down, " to attack a body of Indians 
who could, in a few hours, raise more than double the force of the 
regiment" of TOO men then under Johnson, required some considera- 
■tion as well as time and preparation. " But fortunately for the regi- 
ment, on the next day an express arrived from General Clay, com- 
manding at JFort Meigs, with information that the British and In- 
dians threatened to invest that place again, and with a request that 
Colonel Johnson would march his regiment there immediately for 
its relief. Orders to march were given without delay ; and such 
was the zeal and promptitude of both officers and men, that in half 
an hour they were all ready to march, and commenced crossing the 
Maumee, opposite the fort. ***** 'jj^e heads of the 
column were then drawn up in close order, and the Colonel, in a 
short and impressive address, instructed them in their duties. If 
an enemy were discovered, the order of march was to be in two 
lines, one parallel to the river, and the other in front, stretching 
across from the head of the former to the river on the right. He 
concluded with saying : ' We must fight our v/ay through any oppos- 
ing force, let what will be the consequences, as no retreat could be 
justifiable. It is no time to flinch — we must reach the fort, or die 
in the attempt.' Every countenance, responsive to the sentiments 
of the speaker, indicated the same desperate determination. The 
ground on which the enemy had gained their barbarous triumph 
over Dudley was again to be traversed* and his allies woulddoubtless 
hope to realize another 5th of May, in another contest with Ken- 
tucky militia. The march was again resumed, and the regiment 
arrived at ten o'clock in the night, opposite Fort Meigs, without 
molestation, and encamped in the open plain between the river and 
the hill on which the British batteries had been erected."* 

Apprehensions of an attack were now strong. Information, gain- 
ed from a Frenchman and an American prisoner, who arrived at 
Fort Meigs on the 20th of June, was to the effect that the British 
were determined to renew the attack on the fort, and were to start 
for that purpose about that period. At this time. General Harri- 
son was at Franklinton, where he was made acquainted with the 
determination of the British. 

Before quitting Franklinton for other points in view, he held an 
important council with some chiefs of the friendly Indians of the 
Delaware, Shawanoe, Wyandott, and Seneca tribes ; informing 
them " that a crisis had arrived, which recjuired all the tribes who 
remained neutral, and who were willing to engage in the war, to 
take a decided stand either for the Americans or against them — that 
the President wanted no false friends — that the proposal of General 
Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the tribes in our friend- 

"M'Afee. 



256 History of Fobt Wayne. • i 

ship indicated that he had received some hint of their willingness to 
to take up the tomahawk aoainst the Americans — and that to give 
the United States a proof of their disposition, they must either re- 
move with their families into the interior, or the warriors must 
accompany him in the ensuing campaign and fight for the United 
States. To the latter condition, the chiefs and warriors unani- 
mously agreed ; and said they had long been anxious for an invita- 
tion to fight for the Americans. Tahe, the oldest Indian in the 
western country, Avho represented all the tribes, professed, in their 
name, the most indissoluable friendship for the United States. Gen- 
eral Harrison then told them he would let them know when they 
would be wanted fn the service — " but," said he, " you must con- 
form to our mode of warfare. You must not kill defenseless 
prisoners, old men, women, or children," By their conduct, he 
also added, he would be able to tell whether the British could re- 
strain their Indians from such horrible cruelty. For if the In- 
dians fighting with him would forbear such conduct, it would 
prove that the British could also restrain theirs if they wished to 
do so — humorously telling them he had been informed that General 
Proctor had promised to deliver him into the hands of Tecumseh, 
if he succeeded against Fort Meigs, to be treated as that warrior 
might think proper. " Now," continued he, " if I can succeed in 
taking Proctor, you shall have him for your prisoner, provided you 
will a^ree to treat him as a squaw^ and only put petticoats upon him ; 
for he must be a coward who would kill a defenseless prisoner." 

The subject being now strongly pressed upon the government, 
the Indians were soon reluctantly employed by the United States 
against the Indians in the etaploy of the British ; and the move- 
ment, says M'Afee, " was perfectly justifiable, as a measure of self- 
detense ; yet," continues he, " there is only one reason which recon- 
ciles me to it — we thus demonstrated that the north-American sav- 
age is not such a cruel and ferocious being that he cannot be re- 
strained by civilized man within the bounds of civilized warfare. 
In several instances," he further remarks, " strong corps of Indians 
fought under the American standard, and were uniformly distin- 
guished for their orderly and humane conduct." 

On the first of July, General Harrison set out from Fort Meigs 
for Lower Sandusky, accompanied by seventy mounted men, under 
command of Captain MAfee. 

Soon after his departure, the Indians hcxd begun again to invest 
the vicinity of Fort Meigs ; and late on the evening of the 20th of 
July, the vessels of the British army were to be seen in the Maumee, 
some distance below the fort. 

Early on the following morning, a picket-guard, of some eleven 
men, having been sent to a point about three hundred yards below 
the fort, were surprised by the Indians, and seven of them 
killed. At this time a large body of British and Indians were seen 
encamped below old Fort Miami, on the north side of the river; 



Sham MovME^sfTS of the British on thb Sakduskt Road. 25T 

and the woods in the rear of the fort was soon after possessed by 
the Indians, who began to commit some depredations, by occasion- 
ally firing into the fort, and capturing some horses and oxen. 

General Harrison was at once apprised of the siege, while all 
in the garrison were attentively engaged in preparing for the move- 
ments against the fort ; and General Clay was most vigilant in all 
his efiorts. 

On the 23d, with a body of some eight hundred Indians, Tecum- 
seh was seen moving up the river, with a view, as was supposed, of 
attacking Fort Winchester. On the 25th, the enemy removed his 
camp to the south side of the river, which superinduced the belief 
that an attempt would be made by the British to take the fort by 
storm. 

General Harrison was still kept advised of the movements of 
the British ; but his force was not sufficient to enable him to reach 
the garrison as he had wished, though he continued to assure Gen- 
eral Clay that all needed aid would reach him from Ohio and 'other 
points in good season. On the evening of the 26th, some hours 
after the arrival at the fort of the express from General Harrison, 
lieavy tiring was commenced on the Sandusk}' road, about the 
distance of a mile from Fort Meigs. The^ discharge of riHes and 
musketry, accompanied by the Indian yell, could be clearly dis- 
tinguished; and by degrees the apparent contest approached to- 
wards the fort, though sometimes it appeared to recede. It lasted 
about an hour, and came in the end near the edge of the woods. 
The general pronounced it a sham battle, intended to draw out the 
garrison to relieve a supposed reinforcement. A few discharges of 
cannon at the fort, and a heavy shower of rain, at length put an end 
to the scheme, no doubt to the great mortification of its projectors. 
The express from General Harrison had providentially arrived in 
time to preserve the garrison from the possibility of being deluded 
b}' this artifice of the enem}'. On the next day the British moved 
over to their old encampment, and on the 28th embarked in their 
vessels: and abandoned the siege. I'he force which Proctor and 
Tecumseh brought against the fort in this instance was about 
oOOO strong. A greater number of Indians were collected by them 
for this expedition than ever were asi^erabled in one body on any 
other occasion during the whole Avar. 

Having raised the siege of Fort Meigs, the Britiih sailed round 
into Sandusky Bslj, while a compet':^.nt number of their Indian 
allies moved across through the swamps of Portage river, to co- 
operate in a combined attack on Lower Sandusky, expecting, no 
doubt, that General Harrison's attention would be chielly directed 
to forts Winchester and Meigs. The General, however, had cal- 
culated on their taking this course, and had been careful to keep 
patrols down the Bay, opposite the mouth of Portage river, where 
he supposed their forces would debark.- 

General Clay now took care, to acquaint General Harrison with 



ijr^ a^'-^ tm; HiSTOTiY of Fort Wayne 

the movement of the British, and on the 29th of Jnly, the messen" 
ger from Fort Meigs having reached him, he immediately called a 
council of war, consisting of M'Arthnr, Cass, Ball, Paul, Wood, 
Hukill, Holmes, and Graham, which resulted in a deteTmination 
to evacuate and destroy Fort Stephenson, if necessary. 

By the 3 1st of July, "the enemy had approached so near this fort 
as to be able to throw their shells about it ; and a Hag was soon 
seen approaching the garrison, which was promptly met by En- 
sign Shipp, by command ot Major Croghan. The bearer ol the 
flag had been instructed by Gen. Proctor, who accompanied the 
fleet, to demand a surrender ot the fort, v\-hich was positively re- 
fused, Shipp replying that it was the determination of tlie com- 
mandant of the garrison to defend it to the last extremity, and to 
disappear amid the conflagration that should destroy it. 

The Indians, as on fornler occasions, were not to be restrained, 
and the bearer of the flag thought it '-'' a great pity that so fine a 
young man should fall into the hands of the savages." 

*' An Indian," says Captain M'Afee, " at this moment came out 
of an adjoining ravine, and advancing to the ensign, took hold of 
his sword and attempted to wrest it from him. Dickson interfer- 
ed, and having restrained the Indian, affected great anxiety to get 
him safe into the fort. 

"The enemy now," continues M'Afee, " opened their fire from 
their G-pounders in the gunboats and the howitzer on shore, which 
they continued through the night with but little intermission, and 
with very little effect. The forces of the enemy consisted of 500 
regulars, and about 800 Indians, commanded by Dickson, the 
whole being commanded by General Proctor in person. Tecum- 
seh was stationed on the road to fort Meigs with a body of 2000 
Indians, expecting to intercept a reinforcement on that route." 

The enemy had directed their fire against the northwestern 
angle of the fort, which induced the commandant to believe that 
an attempt to storm his works would be made at that point. In 
the night Captain Hunter was directed to remove the six-pounder 
to a blockhouse from which it would rake that angle. By gfeat 
industry and personal exertion, Captain Hunter soon accomplished 
this object in secrecy. The embrasure was masked, and the piece 
loaded with a half charge of powder, and double charge of slugs 
and grape shot. 

Early on the morning of the 2d, the enemy opened their fire 
from their howitzer and three six-pounders, which they landed in 
the night and planted, in a point of woods about two hundred and 
fifty yards from the fort. About 4 o'clock, p. m., that day, they 
concentrated the fire of all iheir guns on the northwest'angle, 
which convinced Major Croghan that they would endeavor to 
make a breach and storm the works at that point. 

Late in the evening, when the smoke of the firing had com- 
pletely enveloped the fort, the enemy proceeded to make the 



Attack on Fort Stephenson — Valor of Maj. Croghan. 259 

assault. Two feints were made towards the southern angle, where 
Captain Hunter's lines were formed ; and at the same time a 
column of 350 men were discovered advancing through the smoke 
within twenty paces of the northwestern angle, ik. heavy, galling 
fire of musketry was now opened upon them from the fort, which 
threw them into some confusion. Colonel Short, who headed the 
principal column, soon rallied his men, and led them with great 
bravery to the brink of a ditch near. After a momentary pause, 
he leaped into the ditch, caUing to his men to follow him, and in a 
fevr minutes it was fall. The masked port-hole was now opened, 
and the six-pounder, at the distance of thirty feet, poured such 
destruction among them, that but few who hpd entered the ditch 
were fortunate enough to escape. A precipitate and confused 
retreat was the immedisle consequence, although some of the 
officers attempted to rally their men. The other column, which 
was led by Colonel War burton and Major Chambers, was also 
routed in confusion by a destructive fire from the line commanded 
by Captain Hunter. The whole of them fied into the adjoining 
wood, beyond the reach of the small arms of the fort. During the 
assault, which lasted half an hour, the enemy kept up an inces- 
sant fire from their howitzer and five six^pounders. They left 
Colonel Short, a lieutenant, and twenty -five privates dead in the 
ditch ; and the total number of prisoners taken, was twenty-six, 
mostoi them badly wounded. Major Muir was knocked down in 
the ditch, and lay among the dead till the darkness of the night 
enabled him t® escape in safety. The loss of the garrison was 
one killed and one slightly wounded. The total loss of the enemj' 
was calculated at about one hundred and fifty killed and wounded. 

When night came on, which was soon after the assault, the 
wounded in the ditch vfere found to be in a desperate situation. 
Complete rehef could not be brought to them by either side with 
any degree of safety. Major Croghan, however, relieved them as 
much as possible — conveying tliem v.'ater over the picketing in 
buckets, and a ditch was also opened under the picketing, by means 
of which, those who w"ei"e able and v/iliing, were encouraged to 
crawl into the fort.* 

About 3 o'clock, on the morning of the 3d, the whole British 
and Indian force commenced a disorderly retreat. So great was 
their precipitation, says M'Atee's narration, that they left a sail 
boat behind, containing some clothing and a considerable quantity 
of military stores ; and on the next day seventy stand of arms 
and some braces of pistols were picked up round the fort. Their 
hurry and confusion was caused by the apprehension of an attack 
from General Hai;rison, of whose position and force they had 
Xjrobably received an exagerated account. 

At the council held with M' Arthur, Cass, and others, about the 
1st of August, it was determined that Major Croghan should 
abanidon Fort Stephens:on as* '■untenable against heavy artillerv ;" 

^il'Afp.;. 



260 History op Fort Waynb. 

and as this fort was considered as of but little value as a military 
post, it was also concluded to destroy it at the moment of evacua- 
tion. To this end General Harrison immediately dispatched an 
order to Major Croghan, but which, owing to the messenger and 
his Indian guides having lost their way, failed to reach him in time, 
and deeming it then unsafe, in view of the near approach of the 
enemy, to attempt an evacuation and retreat, after a council with 
his officers, the most of whom readily coincided Avith him, Major 
Croghan at once started the messenger on his return to General 
Harrison with the following note: 

'' Sir, I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock P. M., 
ordering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which 
was received too late to be carried into execution. We have de- 
termined to maintain this place, and by heaevns we can." 

His main reason for writing thus positively was, that he feared 
that the messenger might be captured, and the note fall into the 
hands of the British ; and when received by General Harrison, 
without knowing fully the motive of Croghan in thus replying to 
his order ol evacuation and retreat, presuming it to indicate a 
disobe3^al of orders, on the following morning. Colonel Wells, with 
an escort, was sent to take his place, and Croghan at once order- 
ed to repair to the post of General Harrison. Arriving at the 
headquarters of General Harrison, Major Croghan readily gave a 
satisfactory explanation of iiis course and the meaning of his note, 
which received the ready approval of Harrison, and Croghan was 
at once ordered to return to his post and resume its command, 
"• with written orders similar to those he had received before.-' 

In an official report of Croghan's course in this siege, General 
Harrison said: "It will not be among the least of General Proc- 
tor's mortifications, to find that he has been baffled by a youth, 
who has just passed his twenty-first year. He is, however, a hero 
worthy of his gallant uncle, Geor,oe R Clarke." 

All under his command at this siege were highly praised by Ma- 
jor Croghan. " IS ever was there,'" said General Hanison, " a set 
of finer young fellows, viz : Lieutenants Johnson and Baylor of 
the 17th, Anthony of the 24th, Meehe of the 7th, and ensigns Ship]) 
and Duncan of the l7th." Lieutenant Anderson, of the 24th, was 
also commended for marked good conduct on this memorable 
occasi©n ; and soon alter the siege of Fort Stephenson, Major 
Croghan was breveted a Lieutenant-Colonel by President Madi- 
son, then President of the United States ; while the ladies of Chili- 
cothe, Ohio, presented him with a splendid sword, accompanied 
by an appropriate address. 

A little party of Wyandott Indians, after^ the retreat of the 
British from Fort Stephenson, were sent down the bay, with other 
scouts, f..r the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the enemy. 
Succeeding in cnpturing a few British soldiers, who had been left 
in the general reU'est, the Indians '• brought them to the camp, 



Ihdian Scouts and British Prisonees. 261 

without doing them any injury ; and, conscious," says M'Afee, 
" that they had done their duty, they were frequently seen telling 
the story to their brother warriors, and laughing at the terror 
which had been manifested by the soldiers, who, no doubt, expec- 
ted to be massacred or carried off and destroyed by torture." 




CHAPTER XXII. 

Come thou, old Erie, worthy of thy name, 
Beariug the trojihy of tliv hero's fame— ^ 

-Kf K * ' « f- * * 

Perry the yoang. Perry tiie bold and brave.*' 



Ohio and Kentucky again aroused— Heavy reinforcemeul!s--Operations on the Lake— 
Coniinodore Perry in command of the Lake fleet— Activity of the Britisli— Move- 
ment of troops from Ohio and Kentucky— Heavy engagement on the Lake, and 
victory of Commodore Perry— The British commander sends out a reconnoitering 
party---Evacuation and destruction of Maiden--- Arrival of r-he American forces at 
Maiden— Retreat of the British towards Sandwich— Restless feeling of the In- 
dians---Tecuraseh proposes an abandonment of efforts against the Americans--He 
sees ruin ahead-— His speech. 



OTH Ohio and Kentucky, from which points, at that time, and 
iduring some years previous, was derived' the main support 
'^^ol' the West in a military point of view, "v\ere now again 
Q^ aroused, and a large number of volunteers came forward at 

'^ the call of Governors Meigs and Shelby. 

The general attention of the country was now turned to opera- 
tions on the Lake, of which the British then had the main con- 
trol, with a considerable fleet alio at ; and it became most impor- 
tant that the American government .should begin to exercise the 
largest industry in naval affairs. 

Two brigs and several schooners had been laid at Erie early in 
the month of March of this year, (1813) and Commodore Perry 
had been sent to superintend their construction and equipment. 
Tile enemy had ako beeji most active in this relation, and had 
built a twenty-gun brig <at Maiden. 

About the 2d of August, having completed hh equipments and 
gotten his heaviest vessels over the bar at the mouth of the har- 
bor. Perry "crossed the Lake to Long Point, and then proceeded up 
the British shore some distance without discovering their fleet, 
which had, in fact, returned to Maiden for their new brig and addi- 
tional reinforcements on discovering the force which Perry was 
able to bring against them." . 

About the 9th of September, volunteers began to quit Urbana, 



Perry's Victory on the Lake. 263 

Ohio, where they had assembled from different parts of that State 
and Kentucky, for Upper Sandusky — the Kentucklans headed by 
the venerable Governor Shelby. 

In the meantime, (on the 10th) the vessels on the Lake had 
come to close quarters ; and after an engagement of four hours, 
during which time it was most difficult to determine which would 
succeed, the British vessel at length surrendered, and very soon 
after, much as if the heroic spirit of Wayne had momentarily 
hovered about the mind of Perry, the following laconic note was 
addressed to General Harrison : 

" Dear General — We have met the enemy and they are ours — 
two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and a slooj). 

''Yours, with great respect and esteem, 

" Oliver Hazard Perry." 

Immediately upon the receipt of the news of the loss of the 
British vessels, Proctor had sent spies to reconnoiter the forces of 
General Harrison ; who soon obtained a distant view of the 
Kentuckians while encamped on the plains of Sandusky, at once 
reporting their number to the British commander at from ten to 
fifteen thousand. 

Upon the receipt of "this information, Proctor at once determined 
to burn Maiden, and make good his retreat up the Detroit and 
Thames rivers, then to make his way to the lower parts of the 
pro^'ince. Accordingly, on the 26th, Maiden was evacuated and 
destroyed. 

On the following daj'-, (27th) agreeble to previous orders, the 
American army set sail from the Middle Sister Island for Maiden, 
where the whole arrived in good order about throe o'clock in the 
afteVnoon of that day, only to behold the ruins of the place. 
Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, " under the impression that 
there were at least ten thousand Kentuckians coming against him." 

The Indians in the service of the British had now become very 
restless and uneasy. General Harrison had some time before these 
events sent some friendly Wyandotts among the Indians allied to 
the Biitish with a view to neutrality with them. Tecumseh had 
previously urged an abandonment of the efforts of the Indians 
against th<^ Americans, but without success ; and the efforts ©f the. 
friendly Wyandott?, sent by the General, had met with no better 
success. Some 15,000 rations had been daily issued to the In- 
dians — warriors, women and children — by the British, for some 
time before the retreat of General Proctor, which was quite a 
weight upon the British government — too heavy to be borne long. 

The impressive mind of Tecumseh saw ruin ahead. He did not 
like or approve of the course pursued by General Proctor in the 
destruction and evacuation of Maiden. As early as the 18th of 
September, he had delivered a stirring speech to the British com- 
mander, in the name of all the chiefs and warriors in the emploj- 



204 History of Fort Wayse. 

of the British, which, by order of General Proctor, was written 
down and preserved by him until the defeat of the British at the 
battle of the Thames, when, among other papers left behind by 
the British in their retreat from the scene of the conflict there, it 
was found and brought away by the Americane. As the repre- 
sentative of their British father, the. King of Great Britain, Te- 
cumieh; in this speech, had appealed to General Proctor, who, 
doubtless, in view of the momentary approach upon his quarters 
at Maiden of the American forces, was too much disturbed to hear 
the words of Tecumseh fully explained by the interpreter, or to 
read the speech himself, when written down. Said the Shawanoe 
chieftain : 

" Father, listen to your children ! You have them now all be- 
fore you. 

" The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his 
red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. 
In the war, our father was thrown on his back by the Americans, 
and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge ; and 
we are afraid that our father will do so again at this time. 

" Summer before last, when I came forward with my red breth- 
ren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British 
father, we were told not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet de- 
termined to fight the Americans. 

•' Listen ! When war was declared, our father stood up and gave 
us the tomahawk and told us that he was then ready to strike the 
Americans ; that h© wanted our assistance ; and that he would 
certainly get us our lands back, which the Americans had taken 
from us, 

" Listen ! You told us, at that time, to bring forward our tamilies 
to this place ; and we did so ; and you promised to take care of 
them, and they should want for nothing; while the men would go 
and fight the enemy ; that we need not trouble ourselves about 
the enemy's garrisons ; that we knew nothing about them, and that 
our father would attend to that part of the business. You also 
told your red children that you would take good care of your garri- 
son here, which made our hearts glad. 

" Listen ! When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave 
you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like 
groundhogs, 

" leather, listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know they have 
fought ; we have heard the great guns ; but we know nothing of 
what has happened to our father with that arm. Our ships have 
gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tying 
up every thing and preparing to run away the other, without let- 
ting his red children know what his intentions are. You always 
told us to remain here "and take care of our lands ; it made our 
hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father, the king, 



Speech o» Tecumseh to irb British CoMMA3iDER, 265 

is the head, and you represent him. You always told us that you 
would never draw your foot off British ground ; but now father, 
we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to gee our father 
doing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our fath- 
er's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but 
when afrighted, it drops it between its legs and runs off. » 

" Father, listen ! The Americans have not yet defeated us by 
land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by water ; we 
therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy ^ should they make 
their appearance. If they defeat us, we will the7i retreat with our 
father 

" At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly 
defeated us ; and when we retreated to our father's fort at that 
place the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would 
now be the case ; but instead of that, we now see our British 
father preparing to march out of his garrison. 

^^ Father! You have got the arms and ammunition which our 
great father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of go- 
ing away, give them to us, and you may go and welcome for us. 
Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determin- 
ed to defend our lands, and if it be his will, we' wish to leave our 
bones upon them." 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

'•' The victory's lost and "won " — 
" The battle 's o'er ! the din is past ; 
Night's mantle on the field is cast." 
Lung live those honored names — 
TheValiant conquerors of the Thames. 



Pursuit of the British from Maiden- -Harrison's letter to the War DepaHment— Fright 
and flio-ht ot the Canadians— Gaptui'e of Tecuraseh's chief co\inselor---His account 
to Colonel Johuson--Discovery of the bones of the massacred men of Frenchtown 
--Excited feelings of the Kentuckians --Movement of the array in tlie pureuit of 
the British— Arrival at the mouth of the Thames— Capture of British dragoons— 
An omen of victory— The bird of Liberty hovering over the army of Harrison— A 
sow-shoat follows the army from Kentucky to Bass Island— The army near the 
Moravian Towns"-Oaptur*^ of a British wagoner-Tlie British army near.in order 
of battle, lying in wait---Near approach of Colonel Johnson to the British lines--- 
The great hour of defeat or victory at hand- -Formidable position of the British 
and Iudians---Preparations for an attiick—Daring plan of Colonel Johnson---A 
sudden dash to be made upon the British lines--Advance of the American army 
Distant fire of the British---Intrepid charge of the cavalry under Johnson— Confu- 
sion and flight of the British— Contest with the Indians--Pursuit of Proctor--His 
sword and carriage captured— -Loss sustained---Death of Tecumseh---Who killed 
him '/--Estimates of the forces of the armies---Tlie ciiarge of the mounted infantry 
won the victoiy of the Thames-Order for the return of the troops--Manly and 
cheering address of Governor Shelbj-. 



HE American forces having encamped about the ruins of 
Maiden on the night of the 27th of September, with a view 
of pursuing the retreating army of Proctor the follorvving 
morning, General Harrison, on the evening of the arrival of 
the army, in a letter to the war department, said: "I will 
pursue the enemy to-morrow, although there is no probability of 
overtaking him, as he has upwards of 1000 horses, and we have 
not one in the army.' I shall think myself fortunate to collect a 
sufticiency to mount the general officers. It is supposed here, that 
general Proctor will establish himself upon the river Trench, or 
Thames, 40 miles from Maiden." 

Proctor had preesed into his service all the horses of the inhabi- 
tants, which they had not effectually concealed. One only, and 
that a very indiiferent one, could be procured. On it tke vener- 
able Governor ol Kentucky wa§ mounted, and proceeded with the 



Fl.lGHT OF THE CaNADIAXS. 267 

army towards Sandwich, where they arrived on the 29th, without 
meeting any obstruction from the enemy ; except that the bridge 
over the Aux Canada river had been torn up, but was soon re- 
paired again. There had been considerable expectation among 
the commanding officers that a formidable resistance would be 
made at this bridge, but no enemy was to be seen ; and on arriv- 
ing at Sandwich it was ascertained that General Proctor had re- , 
treated from that place early on the preceding day. The Indians, 
however, were in considerable force in the suburbs of Detroit, the 
iniiabitants of which, who had already been very much plundered, 
were in great apprehension of an immediate massacre ; but a few 
discharges of grape shot from the fleet, vv^hich had come up the 
river, soon compelled them to liy to the woods for safety. General 
M'Arthur went over with his brigade and took possession of the 
town ; and on the same evening General Harrison issued his proc- 
lamation for re-establishing the civil government of the territory. 
Ail persons v/ho had been in office at the time of the capitulation, 
were directed to resume their functions, and administer the laws 
which had then been in force.* 
' The Canadians, like the Kaskaskians, at the time of Clark's 
movement upon Kaskaskia, in 1778, had heard terrible accounts 
of the barbarity and ferocity of the Plentuckians, and on the 
approach of the American forces, hail lied in the wildest conster- 
nation and fear, expecting to be massacred and plundered by the 
Long Knives, (the Kentuckians) but in this, they were destined to 
meet with agreeable disappointment. 

On the 20th of September. Lieutenant Griffith having returned 
with a scouting parly from the river Raisin, brought with him an 
Indian by the name of Misselewetaw, a chief counsellor to Tecum- 
seh, and uncle to the flunous Logan. He had led the Pigeon Roost 
massacre, as detailed in a former chapter. When captured, he was 
asleep m a house at the river Raisin. He told Col. Johnson, says 
M'Afee, that the Lidians had been watching the movements of 
his army; had exa.mined his encampments, and seen him arrive at 
fort Meigs ; and that they estimated his forces to be at least 2400. 
He iurther stated that the Indians about Brownstown, amounting 
to 1750 warriors, had determined to give him battle at the river Hu- 
ron — and that they were still ignorant of the fate of the British Heet. 
He was an Indian of excellent information, and had been the con- 
stant companion and friend of Tecumseh. Being under an impres- 
sion that he would now certainly have to die, he ^ave Col Johnson 
a long and apparently very candid account of past transactions, 
since the treaty of Greenville to that time. He said the British 
had supplied the Prophet's party with arms and amunition before 
the battle of Tippecanoe ; that Tecumseh's plan for a common 
property in their lands had been strongly recommended and praised 
by Col. Elliott ; and that the British had used every means in their 
power, since the year 1809, to secure the friendship and aid of the 

*M'Afee. 



268 History of Fobt Wayi^e. 

Indians, in the event of a war witli the United States— having 
often invited them to Maiden and made them presents for that pur- 
pose; and having also represented to them that they should re- 
ceive British aid to drive the Americans over the Ohio river, after 
which they should live in the houses of the inhabitants and have 
their daughters for wives. He said he was now convinced that 
the British had again deceived them, and that the Great Spirit had 
forsaken him in his old age for his cruelty and wickedness. 

Since the massacre of the river Raisin, the bones of the Ken- 
tuckians had remained exposed until sometime in June, 1813, when 
Colonel R. M. Johnson had collected and buried a large num- 
ber of them, which, after his departure, had again been dug up 
smd scattered over the fields. On the evening of the 25th of Sep- 
tember, orders having been received at Fort Meigs for the regi- 
ment under Colonel Johnson to march again for the river Raisin, 
on the following morning, after due preparation, the regiment mov- 
ed forward, and on the second day after starting, reached the scene 
of massacre, where the bones of the slain were to be seen scatter- 
ed about in every direction. Frenchtown was now generally de- 
serted, and " the fine orchards of peach and apple trees were load- 
ed with excellent fruit." " The sight of the bones," says Captain 
M'Afee, " had a powerful effect on the feelings of the men. The 
wounds inflicted by that barbarous transaction, were again torn 
open. The bleaching bones still appealed to heaven and callsd on 
Kentucky to avenge this outrage on humanity. We had heard 
the scene described before," S4ys he, — " we now witnessed it in 
these impressive memorials. The feelings they excited cannot be 
described by me — but they will never be forgotten — nor while 
there is a recording angel in heaven, or a historian upon earth, 
will the tragedy of the river Raisin be suffered to sink into obliv- 
ion. Future generations will often ponder on this fatal field of 
blood : and the future inhabitants of Frenchtov/n will long point 
out to the curious traveler the garden where the intrepid Madison 
for several hours maintained the unequal contest of four to one, 
and repulsed the bloody Proctor in every charge. Yonder is the 
wood, where the gallant Allen fell ! Here the accomplished Hart 
and Woolfolk were butchered ! There the brave Hickman was 
tomahawked and thrown into the flames ! That is the spot where 
the lofty Simpson breathed his last ! And a little farther doctors 
Montgomery, Davis and M'llvain, amiable in their manners and 
profound in science, fell in youth and left the sick to mourn their 
loss ! The gallant Meade fell on the bank in battle, but his mag- 
nanimous lieutenant, Graves, was reserved for massacre ! " 

At this point an express arrived from the main army, which the 
messenger had left on the Island of the Middle Sister on the morn- 
ing of the 26th. He had been sent, while General Harrison was 
reconnoUering off Maiden, by the attentive and watchful Gover- 
nor of Kentucky, to apprize Colonel Johnson of the progress and 



PDKSUIT OP THE BRITISH AeMY, 269 

prospects of the army, that he might regulate his march accord- 
ingly. Next morning, before the regiment marched, their faithful 
guide, Anthony Shane, the Shawanoe half-breed, observed that he 
knew the spot where Captain Simpson had been killed. The 
Colonels, with Captain M'Afee and Dr. Ewing, went with Shane 
to the place, and found the bones, which they buried. The frame 
of Captain Simpson was easily known from the others, by its length, 
the Captain having been upwards of six feet and a half high.* 

On the 30th of September, the whole regiment under Colonel 
Johnson, had safely reached Detroit, where they soon crossed the 
river to Sandwich. 

It was now concluded, in a council between General Harrison 
and Governor Shelby, that Proctor might be overtaken in three or 
iour days' rapid marching ; and the Governor was accordingly re- 
quested to collect his general officers at headquarters, with a view 
to arrangements for the plan of pursuit. Two courses were sug- 
gested — one, to follow up the Strait by land — the other, to embark 
and sail down Lake Erie to Long Point, then to move rapidly 
across by land, some twelve miles, to the road, and intercept the 
course of the enemy's retreat. Governor Shelby was of the opin- 
ion that the route by land, up the Strait, vvould be the best; which 
was unanimously agreed upon ; and on the morning of the 2d of 
October, at sunrise, the army was in motion, the vessel troops mov- 
ing some hours in advance of the brigade of General Cass, which 
was detained on account of their blankets and knapsacks having 
been left at the Island of the Middle Sister. The mounted regi- 
ments were also detained a short time in drawing provisions. But 
alter a march of some twelve miles, the mounted troops over- 
took the advance cori)s. 

It having been ascertained that the Indian chiefs. Five Medals 
and Mai-pock, v>'ith other chiefs, in connection with the Miamies, 
Pottawattamies, and other tribes, had remained on the west side of 
the Detroit river, General M' Arthur's brigade was left at Detroit 
to hold them in check. 

Upon the arrival of the army at the mouth of the Thames, a 
small body of British dragoons was discovered b}- the spies, under 
Major Sugget, just below that point, v/ho were pursued and 
captured, just after an effort, on their part, to destroy a bridge over 
a small stream near the place of capture. " This little aiiair, the 
first fruits of the pursuit," says Captain M'Afee, '• had a very great- 
effect in animating the pursuers.'' 

As the army drew up at the mouth of the Thames, all eyes were 
turned upward. An omen of victory was hovering over the scene 
in the form of the glorious bird of Liberty — the American eagle ! 
" A presage of success ! " remarked General Harrison ; " as it U 
our turolary bird." A similar event had occurred to the fleet of 
Commodore Perry, before his victory, on the morning of the iOth 
of September. 



270 B iSTORY OP For'*p W a yne . 

And it may be remarked just here that another somewhat singu- 
lar manifestation was presented for the thoughtful consideration 
and amusement of the army jUst prior to the appearanco; of the 
eagle at the mouth of the Thames. A sow-shoat had followed a 
company of mounted volunteers from the interior of Kentucky 
to the point M'-here the army drew up for further orders at Lake Erie. 
Keeping " constantly XA'ith the army, she became generally known 
to the soldiers, who called her the governor's pig, and were care- 
ful to protect her, as they deemed her conduct an auspicious omen. 
At the margin of the lake," runs the account, " she embarked with 
the troops and went as far as Bass island." Being offered a pas- 
sage into Canada from this point, she "obstinately refused to em- 
bark the second time;" and though her conduct was jocosely- 
attributed "to constitutional scruples" — some of the men of the 
armxy humerously suggesting that "■ it was contrary to the consti- 
tution to force a militia pig over the line," yet she could not by 
any means be pursuade'd to cross over to Canada, and was accor- 
dingly permitted to "return to the regiment at Portage." 

Early on the morning of the 5th of October, the army wa.«! again 
in motion, and continued its march, without special interruption, 
until within a short distance of the Moi-avian ToVvnis, some ninety 
miles northeast of Detroit, where, capturing a British wagoner, 
the army received the intelligence that ^' the enemy were lying in 
order of battle about three hundred yards before them," awaiting 
the approach of the American forces. Colonel Johnson, with 
Major Sugget and his spies, now advanced within view of the 
British lines, for the purpose of obtaining as much information as 
possible as to the position, <tc., of the enemy, which was readily 
communicated to General Harrison. 

The great hour that was to decide the triumph of American 
arms in the full establishment and maintenance of political rule 
over the vast territory of the Great West was now at hand ; and 
the forces under General Harrison were halted and formed for the 
conflict ! 

The British commander had selected a formidable position for 
the prosecution of his plan of attack. The ground upon which 
the Brilish forces had halted extended along near the margin of 
the river Thames, the ground being covered principally with 
beech, sugar-tree, and oak timber, with but little underbrush. 
•Running nearly parallel with the river, for about two miles, was 
a somewhat extensive marsh, which grew narrower as one advanc- 
ed up the stream. Where the British forces were stationed, there 
was a narrow swamp, some three hundred yards from the Thames, 
lying between which and the main sv^•amp extending up the river, 
there appeared a spot of solid ground. In two lines, their left 
resting on the river, and their right extending to the lirst svramp, 
the Ih-itish regulars were ranged, with their artillery planted in 
the road, near the bank of the river. The Indians, all ranged a'cng- 



Battlf. op the TuASiES. 2*7 1 

the first swamp, their left at a point where Tecumseh commanded, 
occupying " the isthmus between the swamps, on which the un- 
dergrowth was tolerably thick ; awd their right extending a con- 
siderable distance down the main marsh, the margin of which, at 
this place, receding very fast from the river, formed a very obtuse 
angle with the lines " of the American forces. 

At the out-set, in the order of arrangement for battle, the mount- 
ted regiment under Colonel Johnson occupied the space between 
the river and the first swamp. On approaching this regiment 
and learning of the discovery of the enemy, as well as satisfying 
himself as to the situation of the British forces, by personal obser- 
vation, General Harrison at once directed Colonel Johnson, on the 
approach of the infantry, to assume a position at the left, from 
thence, if possible, to turn the right of the Indians. 

The Bi'itish regulars were drawn up in open order. A daring 
plan Was now readily conceived by Colonel Johnson, and as quick- 
ly agreed upon. It was for the mounted infantry to make a sud- 
den dash ilpon the British lines, confusing and breaking them at 
once ; and the two mounted regiments were accordingly ordered 
to be formed "in two charging columns, in short lines, and, on re- 
ceiving the enemy's fire, to charge through his ranks, form in his 
rear, and act as circumstances might require." 

The rear and flanks being well secured against attacks, the foot 
troops, embracing five brigades, averaging some three hundred 
men each, were well arranged along the rear, the river, the swamp, 
the road, near the river, &c., and Governor Shelby was ordered to 
take his position — a very important one — at the angle between the 
swamps, while General Harrison took his position at the head of 
the front line, in order the better to observie the charge, and ren- 
der ready and efficient support to the horsemen. 

All v/as now readiness for the charge; and '"the whole arnty 
advanced in the order " alread^y presented, " until the front of the 
first battahon received a distant fire from the British lines," which 
" somewhat frightened the horses, and caused a little confusion at 
the heads of the columns ; thus retarding the charge, and giving 
the enemy time to prepare for a secojid fire, which soon followed 
the first.-' But in a moment, the American columns "were com- 
pletely in motion, and rushed upon the British with irresistable 
impetuosity," causing their front line to precipitately break away 
in every direction, and their second, also, some thirty paces in the 
rear of the front line, after a single fire, "was broken and thrown 
into confusion." The grand idea of the onset of the mounted 
troops under Colonel Johnson had now consummated its pur- 
pose ; and sure victory at every point was already perching upon 
the American banner. The bird of Liberty had indeed proved 
"a presage of success ;" and he had not yet ceased to spread 
his glorious pinions over the region of the scene of conflict ! Such 
was the patriotic fervor and heroism of that eventful hour of our 



272 History of Fort Wayne. 

country's historj— such the fierce contest between the reced- 
ing' mouarchial element of the time, seeking dominion and control 
o\^r the northwest, with a view to the overthrow of Republicanism, 
and the supplanting upon the ruins thereof the power and rule of 
of the British crown, on one hand, and the valiant pioneer soldiery 
and patriots of the West, striving to widen the avenues of free 
institutions, free government — to open the broad domain of the 
Great West for the cultivation of a boundles unity of goodness, 
order, truth, industry, and all the conditions and elements then 
and thereafter gerraanly pertaining to the welfare, general well- 
being, progressive education, and safety of a free people — the 
protection and perpetuation of a generous and progressive govern- 
ment, on the other. And the powerful will of the latter, intensi- 
fied and impelled by a broad and glorious spirit and sense of free- 
dom and hope of future governmental unity, charged upon the 
enemy with an undaunted and even reckless determination to 
achieve the end sought to be attained, viz : an unconditional victory 
over a common foe to republican institutions and a free, un- 
trammeled government ! 

At this stage of the conflict, the American columns, having now 
passed through the broken lines of the enemj^, " wheeled to the 
right and left, and began to pour a destructive fire on the rear of 
their disordered ranks ; " but the contest was only momentary — for, 
says the narration of the very truthful and intelligent Captain 
M'Afee, a participant in this eventful struggle, "No sooner had our 
horsemen charged through their lines and gained their rear, than 
they began to surrender as fast as they could throw down their 
arms. And thus, in a moment, the whole British force, upivards 
of eight hundred st.ro?iff-, was totally vanquished, and the greater 
part of it captured by the first battalion of the mounted regiment 
under lieutenant-colonel James Johnson, before the front line of 
our infantry had got fairly in view of them. General Proctor, 
however, made his escape, escorted by a small party of dragoons 
and mounled Indians, who were immediately pursued as far as the 
Moravian town, by a party of the mounted regiment, consisting 
chieliy of officers. 

"The contest with the Indians on the left," continues the narra- 
tion of MAfee, " was more obstinate. They reserved their fire till 
tl'e heads of the columns and the front line on foot had approach- 
ed within a few paces of their position. A very destructive fire 
wa8 then commenced by them, about the time the firing ceased 
between the British aad the first battalion. Colonel Johnson, 
finding his advanced guard, composing the head of his column, 
nearly all cut down by the first fire, and himself severely wound- 
ed, immediately ordered his column to dismount and come up in 
fine before the enemy, the ground which they occupied being un- 
favorable for operations on horseback. The line was promptly 
formed on foot, and a fierce coniiict was then maintained for seveii 



Battle of the Thames — Flight of Proctor. 273 

or eight minutes, with considerable execution on both sides ; but 
the Indians had not sufficient firmness to sustain very long a fire 
■which was close and warm, and severely destructive. They gave 
w^y and fled through the brush into the outer swamp, not, how- 
ever, before they had learnt the total discomfiture of their allies, 
and had lost, by the fall of Tecumseh, a chief in whom were unit- 
ed the prowess of Achilles and authority of Agamemnon. 

" As soon as the firing commenced between the Indians and the 
second battalion, Governor Shelby, who was posted at the crotchet 
in its rear, immediately ordered that part of the front line of in- 
fantry which lay betv;een the first swamp and the crotchet, being 
a part of Colonel Donelson's regiment, to march up briskly to the 
aid of the mounted men. They rushed up accordingly into Colo- 
nel Johnson's lines, and participated in the con' est at that point. 
This was the only portion of the infantry which had an opportunity 
of engaging in any part of the battle. The (|Overnor also dis- 
patched General Adair, his aid-de-camp, to bring up the brigade 
of General King to the front line ; but before this could be accom- 
plished the enemy had fled from Colonel Johnson, and a scattering, 
running fire had commenced along the swamp, in front of General 
Desha's division, between the retiring Indians and the mounted 
men in pursuit, who were now commanded by Major Thompson 
alone. Colonel Johnson having retired in consequence of his 
wounds. This firing in the swamp continued, with occasional 
remissions, for nearly half an hour, during which time the contest 
was gallantly maintained by Major Thompson and his men, who 
were still pressing forward on the Indians. Governor Shelby in 
the meantime had rode down to the left of General Desha's divis- 
ion, and ordered the regiment of Colonel Simrall, which was post- 
ed on the extreme left, to march up on the right flank of the enemy 
in aid of Major Thompson ; bat before this reinforcement could 
reach the scene of action, the Indians had given up the contest. 

" Soon after the British force had surrendered, and it was discov- 
ered that the Indians were yielding on the left. General Harrison 
ordered Major Payne to pursue General Proctor with a part of his 
battalion ; which was promptly done, and the pursuit continued, 
by the greater part of the detachment, to the distance of six miles 
beyond the Moravian town, some Indians being killed, and a con- 
siderable number of prisoners, with a large quantity of plunder, 
captured in their progress. Majors Payne, Wood, Todd, and 
and Chambers ; Captain Langham, and Lieutenants Scorgin 
Bell, with three privates, continued the pursuit several miles furth- 
er, till night came upon them — but Proctor was not to be taken. 
* * * * # # * 

The pursuers, however, at last pressed him so closely, that he was 
obliged to abandon the road, and his carriage and sword were cap- 
tured by the gallant Major Wood. The prisoners, about 50 iu 
number, were brought back to the Moravian town, where they 

(18) 



274 History of Fort Wax ke* 

were left in charge of Captain M'Afee, with 100 mounted men, 
until Major Gano arrived, about midnight, with a reinforcement of 
150 infliatry. At the head of the town, six pieces of brass artillery 
were taken, three of which had been captured in the revolution, 
at Saratoga and York, and surrendered again by Hull in Detroit, 

" The exact loss which either side sustained in this battle," con- 
tinues Captain M'Afee, '• has never been correctly known. Accord- 
ing to the best information, however, which has been received, the 
total loss of the mounted regiment on that day, was 17 killed and 
30 wounded. The loss of the infantry was much less, though con* 
eiderable also, at the point where they reinforced Colonel Johnson, 
which was the principal theatre of our losses. The Indians left 
thirty-three dead on the battle ground, and had ten or twelve killed 
in different places by their pursuers. The British had 18 killed 
and 26 VvOunded, besides 600 prisoners captured, including 25 
officers. Among our killed was Colonel Whitley, a veteran who 
had been a distinguished soldier in former Indian wars, and had 
been no less conspicuous and serviceable in the present campaign, 
in whcih the accompanied Colonel Johnson. Captain Craig and 
Lieutenant Logan died of their wounds a few days after the battle. 
Col. Johnson and Captains Davidson and Short were also wound- 
ed severely, but recovered. The Colonel was shct through his 
thigh and in his hip, by the first fire of the Indians ; anrl shortly 
afterwards he was shot through his left hand, by a ball which rang- 
ed up his arm, but did not enter his body. He continued, howev- 
er, in front ofhis men, gallantly fighting the enemy as long as the 
action lasted at that place. The white mare on which he rode 
was also shot so severely that she fell and expired soon after she 
had carried her rider within the lines of the infantry. 

'• Tecumseh was found among the dead at the point whel^e Col. 
Johnson had charged upon the enemy in person ; and it is gener- 
ally believed that this celebrated chief fell by the hand of the 
Colonel.* It is certain that the latter killed the Indian with his 
pistol who shot him through his hand, at the very spot where Te- 
cumseh lay ; but another dead body lay at the same place, and 
IMr. King, a soldier in Captain Davidson's company, had the honor 
of killing one of them. 

'• From the best information that has been received, it appears 
that there was no material difference in the strength of the two 
armies in this battle. The troops under Harrison had been great- 
ly reduced in number by detachments left as guards and for other 
l^urposes, and by those vi^ho were sick and otherwise unable to 

•■?^- The question as to who killed Tecumseh ? has never been decided, brake, in his 
intero!itinj;!irc of this iioted chief, devotes some twenty pages to the solution of this long- 
unanswered rjuestion, but only to arrive at the sage "conclusion, that somebody killed 
pk^o Shawanoe Ghieftain at the battle of the Thames. 

Wfcilo making a political Ppocch at St. Louis, some years subsequent to the struggles 
of ^S12-U, a voice in the cropcl askfld " who kii'ed Tecumseh 7 " To which Col. JoIid- 
soa replied: " f .oannot tel'; it is Wftbable that I did it, but equally pvobablo that I 
4t(i'e>." 0»e of TOP W'eabeia paeta, ^k^ iste Charks Ai Jones, Esq.> of Cincinnati, Ohi6 



Tribute to Tecumseh. 275 

keep up on forced marches. The distance from Sandwich to the 
Moravian town is upwards of eighty miles, which our ermy march- 
ed in three days and a half, though frequently harrassed by skir- 
mishing and forming in order of battle, and delayed by repairing 
bridges and procuring supplies. A body of undisciplined militia, 
urged along and regulated alone by their patriotism and military 
ardor, would necessarily be much reduced by such a journey. The 
whole of the regulars had been left behind, except the small frag- 
ment of a regiment under Colonel Paul. The brigade of General 
M' Arthur had been left at Detroit to protect the inhabitants against 
the Indians ; and that of General Cass had been left at Sandwich, 
waiting for the baggage of the men, which delayed them so long 
that they were unable to come up with the army before the battle 
had been fought. The whole way from Sandwich to the battle 
ground was filled with scattering parties of the militia. Hence, 
our force at the place of action was believed to be less than 2500 
men, which was very little more than the force actually engaged 
on the part of the enemy. The British part of that force appears 
to have been about 845 strong. Its loss in killed, wounded, and 
captured, was G45 ; and the adjutant-general of the British forces 

some years ago, in the columns of the "Hesperian," paid the following beautiful tribute 
to the great warrior : 

" TECUMSEH, The last King of the Ohio. 

"*' Where rolls the dark and turbid Thames," Art thou a soldier? — dost thou not 

His consecrated wave along, O'er deeds chivalric love to muse? 

Sleeps one, than whose, few are the names Here stay thy steps — what holier spot 

More worthy of the lyre and song ; Couldst thou for contemplation choose 

Yet o'er whose spot of lone repose . The earth becexth is holy ground. 

No pilgrim eyes are seen to weep ; It holds a thousand valiant braves; 

And no memorial marble throws Tread lightly o'er each little mound, 

Its shadow where his ashes sleep. For they art no ignoble graves. 

I 
*' Stop, Stranger, there Tecumseh lies j " Thermopylae and Marathon, 

Behold the lowly resting place Though classic earth, can boast no moro 

Of all that of the hero dies ; Of deeds heroic than yon sun 

The Cffisar— Tuliy — of his race, Once saw upon this lonely shore, 

"Whose arm of strength and lirey tongue, When in a gallant nation's l-ast 

Have won him an immortal name, Ani deadliest struggle, for its owe, 

And from the mouths of millions wrung Tecum e I's fiery spirit passed 

Reluctant tribute to his fame. In bo ,d, and sought his father's throno. 

■*• Stop — for 'tis glory claims thy tear, " Oh, softly fall the summer dew, 

True worth belongs to all mmkind, The tears of Heaven upon his sod, 

And he whose ashes slumber here. For he in life and death was true. 

Though man in form, was God in mind; Both to his country and his god; 

What matter he Was not like thee, For oh, if God toman has given. 

In race or color?— 'tis the soul From his bright home beyond the skies 

That marks man's true divinity — One feeling that's akin to Heaven, . 

Then let not shame they tears control. 'Tis his who for his country dies. 

*' Art tfeou a patriot? — so was he — Rest, warrior, rest — though not a dirge 

His breast was Freedom's holiest shrine; Is thine beside the wailing blast; 

And as thou bendest there thy knee, Time cannot in oblivion merge 
His spirit will unite with thine; The light thy star of glory cast; 

All that a man can give, he gave — ■ While heave yon high hills to the sky. 
His life— the country of his sires While rolls yon dark and turbid river. 

From the oppressor's grasp to save — Thy name and fame can never die- 
In vain — quenched are his nation's fires. Whom Froedom loves will live forever* 



273 History of Fort Waykbl 

soon afterwards officially acknowledged that 204 of those who 
e.^caped had assembled at Ancaster on the 17th of October. This 
calculation is also confirmed by the oflRcial return of the troops at 
Maiden on the lOth of September, which made them 944 in num- 
jtjer — affording an excess of 100 above our estimate to meet the 
losses experienced on tne retreat before the battle. As for the 
amount of their Indian force, when it is shown by their own offi- 
cial papers, captured with the army, that 15,000 rations were issu- 
ed daily to the Indians before the retreat, and that the greater 
part of them accompanied Proctor up the Thames, it is certainly a 
reasonable calculation to estimate them at 15, 18, or even 20 hun- 
dred warriors in the battle. The whole force of the allies must 
hence have been at least considerably above 2000 — yet a large 
portion of that force was captured, and the balance entirely driv- 
en off by the single regiment under Johnson, aided at one point 
only by a portion of the infantry, and making altogether, it is be- 
lieved, much less than half the army. But had our force been 
greatly superior, the nature of the ground, and position of the 
enemy, would have rendered its superiority useless ; for a larger 
force than his could not have been brought efficiently into action, 
had his resistance been so great as to render it necessary. The 
mounted regiment had but 950 men in the battle — hence the force 
of the battalion, which was led into action by Lieutenant-Colonel 
James Johnson, could not have been much more than half as gresit 
as the British force, which it shattered in a moment by its impetu- 
ous charge. 

"Our important and glorious victory, it is evident, was princi- 
pally achieved by the novel expedient of charging through the 
British lines with mounted infantry. ' The measure,' says General 
Harrison, who conceived it at the moment for its execution, ' was 
not sanctioned by anything I had seen or heard, but I was fully 
convinced that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen 
ride better in the woods than any other people. A musket or rifle 
is no impediment to them, being accustomed to carry it on horse- 
back from their earliest youth. I was pursuaded, too, that the 
enemy would be quite unprepared for the sliock, and that they 
could not resist it.' The shock was indeed so unexpected and im- 
petuous that all the resistance thay were able to make amounted 
to nothing. Two or three killed, and a few more wounded, was 
all the execution done by upwards of eight hundred veterans, many 
of whom surrendered without giving a second fir©. ' It is really 
a novel thing,' says Colonel Wood, ' that raw militia, stuck upon 
horses, with muskets in their hands, instead of sabres, should be 
able to pierce British lines with such complete effect, as did John- 
son's men in the affair upon the Thames ; and perhaps the only 
circumstance which could justify that deviation from the loag 
estabhshed rules of the art militaiy, is the complete success of the 
result Great generals are authorized to step aside ©ccasionally— 



Indians to Deliveb their Pkisonebs at Fokt Wayne. 277 

especially when they know that their errors will not be noticed by 
the adversary." 

On the 6th the American troops continued to occupy the battle 
ground, and the Moravian town, about two miles above it, being 
employed in burying the dead and collecting the public property of 
the enemy, of which a considerable quantity was found in different 
places. In addition to the artillerj^ already mentioned, and a great 
variety of military stores, there were at least 5000 stand of small 
arms captured by the American troops and destroyed by the ene- 
my on this expedition. A large proportion of them had been taken 
at the surrender of Detroit, the massacre of the river Raisin, and 
the defeat of Colonel Dudley. Early on the 7th, Gen. Harrison 
left the army under the immediate command of Governor Shelby 
and returned to Detroit ; and in the course of the same day the 
diflerent corps commenced their return home, having embarked the 
greater part of the property they had captured in boats on the 
Thames, and set fire to the Moravian town, which was a very in- 
considerable village, occupied chiefly by Delaware Indians, who 
professed to be of the Moravian sect of religion. On the lOth all 
the troops arrived with their prisoners at Sandwich. It now began 
to snow, and the weather was extremely cold and stormy. For two 
or three days the wind blew down the strait with such violence, 
that it was impracticable to cross it, and the vessels bringing down 
the public property, were greatly endangered, and much of it was 
lost. 

In the meantime, an armistice was concluded by Gen. Harrison 
with the Indians. Before he marched in pursuit of the British, a 
deputation of Ottawas and Chippewas had sued for peace, which 
he had promised them on condition that they would bring in their 
families, and raise the tomahawk against the British. To these 
terms they had readily acceded ; and before his return the Miamies 
and Pottawattamies had solicited a cessation of hostilities from 
General M'Artur on the same conditions. Even the ferocious and 
inveterate Mai-pock, of the Pottav^-attamies, now tendered his sub- 
mission, and an armistice was concluded with seven of the hostile 
tribes, which was to continue till the pleasure of the President was 
known. They agreed to deliver up all their prisoners at Fort Wayne, 
and to leave hostages in security for their good behavior. Sepa- 
rated from their allies, by the American victories on the Lake and 
the Thames, from whom they had received subsistence and council, 
they were now glad to accept the American friendship on any 
terms, which would save them from extermination by famine and 
the sword.* 

On the 12th the storm had so far abated, that the mounted re?d- 
ment crossed over the strait to Spring Wells ; and on the next day 
the Kentucky infantry crossed at the mouth of the river Rouge. 

On the 20th of October, a general order having been issued for 
*M'Afee. 



278 HisTOKY OF FoBT "Wayne. 

the return of the troops to Kentucky, Governor Shelby said : " Al- 
though, in the course of this campaign, you necessarily encountered 
many difBculties and privations, yet they were met with that 
cheerfulness, and sustained with that manly fortitude which the oc- 
casion required. The uninterrupted good fortune which has attend- 
ed us, is a source of the most pleasing reflection, and cannot fail to 
excite the warmest feelings of gratitude towards the Divine Being, 
who has been pleased in a peculiar manner to favor us, and to 
crown with succoss the exertions we have made for our country. 

" In the course of the very active operations which we have 
performed, it is possible that expressions may have dropped, tend- 
ing to irritate and wound the feelings of some who were engaged 
in them. The Commanding General hopes, that with the campaign 
will end every unpleasant sensation, which may have arisen from 
that source, and that we shall return home united as a band of 
brothers, with the sweet solace of having served our country from 
the purest motives, and with the best of our abilities." 

In pursuance of this order, the troops returned to Kentucky, and 
were discharged by Major Trigg, at Limestone, on the 4th of No- 
vember. The mounted regiment was detained a few days at 
Detroit, till the Indians had dispersed, after the armistice, and then 
returned home without any remarkable occurrence. 




I 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

" Sfe ! again, the smoke ia curling- 
From the friemlly calumet. 

And the club of war is buried, 
And the star of slausrhter set," 



?uvther movemeuta of the American Army — Holmes' expedition against the British 
near the old battle-ground — He posts iiis men on a height, and givts the enemy 
battle — The Americans again victorious — Movement against Mackinaw — Expedi- 
tion of GrGneral M'Arthur — Resiajnation of General Harrison — The treaty of 
Grc^enviU'^ — Gliief Pe-con — Durability of tiie old furt — Succession of comnuMulers 
here — Destruction of the old tort and building of a new one — Peaceful attitude of 
the Indians after tlie wai' — Spirit of order and desire frr peace among tlie Indians 
— Their close observation and intuition — New-comei-s— An incident — J&mes Pel- 
tier, the interpreter, and the Indian. 



LTHOUGH the defeat of tlie British at the battle of the 
Thames had virtually terminated the struggles in the north- 
iWest, yet there was a determination to push the war still 
further. In February following, (1814,) an expedition was 
formed under Captain Holmes, to invade Canada, the enemy 
having, in the month of January, again taken a position at the point 
of Proctor's defeat, against which Holmes aimed to direct his expe- 
dition ; but learning that the British were advancing with a superior 
force, he tools his position upon an elevated point a few miles from 
the old battle ground, and at once, proceeded to fortify himself. 
Here he was now soon attacked with much vigor, but after 
considerable loss, the British were again forced to retreat. 

The next was a movement against Mackinaw, which had first 
been proposed soon after the battle of the Thames, but the unfa- 
vorable condition of the weather prevented the safe navigation of 
the lakes, and the ]5urpose was abandoned. Ih the following April, 
however, the plan was again proposed, and put into execution for 
the double purpose of destroying some vessels the British were 
supposed to be building at (iloucester Bay, and to capture Mackin- 
aw ; which, through some misunderstanding, resulted in a fruitless 
effort, and was at length abandoned. It was again revived, lute 
in the month of July following, from further information received 



280 HisTOKY OF FoKT Wayne. ^ 

relative to the building of vessels at Gloucester Bay. Failing at 
leno-th to reach the point in question, the vessels sailed to St. 
Joseph's, where a trading house was destroyed, and the goods 
thereof seized. A portion of this fleet at once sailed for Mackinaw, 
and on the 4:th of August made a landing upon the west side of the 
Island, where a rather spirited action occurred, in which Captain 
Holmes and 11 others were killed, which induced an abandonment 
of any further attempt to capture Mackinaw. The British were now 
somewhat successful in several efforts against the ilmericans. 

M'Arthur, on the 26th of October, with seven hundred and twenty 
mounted men, left Detroit, Soon reaching Oxford, he proceeded 
to Burford, whence, instead of joining General Brown, at Fort Erie, 
as had been previously proposed, he moved towards the lake, by 
the Long Point road, and there defeated a body of militia, who 
had thou°Qht to stop his further march ; destroyed also some five 
or six mills, and then made his retreat along the lake shore towards 
Sandwich, pursued by a body of regulars, nearly double his own 
number, arriving at Sandwich, on the l7th of November, with a 
loss of but one man; and this closed the struggles in the North- 
west. 

Gen'eral Harrison, feeling, for certain manifest reasons, that the 
Secretary of War entertained a dislike for him, resigned his position 
as commander-in-chief of the western forces, on the 11th of May, 
1814. Prior to his resignation, however, he had arranged for a 
treaty at Greenville, where, on the 22d of July, with General Cass, 
on behalf of the United States, they had met the friendly Wyan- 
dotts, Delawares, Shawanoes, Senecas, and concluded a peace with 
the Miamies, Weas, and Eel liiver Indians, and certain of the 
Pottawattamies, Ottawas and Kickapoos ; all of whom had engaged 
to join the Americans, should the war continue. On the 24:th of 
December, the treaty of Ghent having been signed, by the rep- 
resentatives of the two governments, the difficulties ended, and 
the proffered aid of the Indians was no longer required. 

The treaty of July, 1814, at Greenville, was one of the largest 
treaties that had ever been held with the tribes. Pe-con,* the 
successor of Little Turtle, as the representative of the Miamies, 
with one hundred and thirteen others, were signers to this treaty. 

The old Fort, as originally built by order of General Wayne, in 
1794, had withstood the ravages of time and the efforts of the 
Indians to destroy it, remarkably well. From the period of Gen- 
eral Hamtramck's occupation of it, after the departure of General 
Wayne, to its final evacuation, in 1819, it had been in charge of 
many commandants. After the resignation of Captain Eay, in 
1812, Captain Hugh Moore, assumed command, who, in 1813, was 
superseded by Jos. Jenkinson. In the spring of 1814, Major Whist- 
ler became its commandant, who in turn was superseded by Major 

ni* ^^i'^-^i'^^"*^'^" *^'<^<^ 60on after tins troaty, near the old residence of his successor, 
thief Kichardville, some four or five miles"up the St. Mary's river. 



Peaceable Chabacteb of the Indians, 281 

Josiah H. Vose, in 1815, who continued in command until its final 
evacuation, I9th of April, 1819. 

At the close of the struggles in 1814, soon after the arrival of 
Major Whistler, to assume command here, it was feared that the 
Indians might again make an effort to capture the post, and being 
much out of repair, and most uncomfortable for the garrison in 
many respects, Major Whistler applied to the War Department for 
permission to rebuild it, which was granted by General x\rmstrong, 
and the main structure was replaced by new pickets and other 
necessary timber for the rebuilding of the oificers and other quart- 
ers within the enclosure. 

Though many Indians continued, for several years after the war 
of 1812 to congregate here for purposes of trade ; to receive their 
annuity ; and also from a feeling of sympathy and attraction for 
the scene of their old home and gathering-plac-e, aside from some 
petty quarrels among themselves, in which they would often kill 
each other, nothing of a war-like nature was ever again manifest 
between the Indians and the whites. 

Dm-ing 1818, a year remarkable for the congregation of many 
Indians here, the red man is referred to as presenting a general 
spirit of order and love of peace, not surpassed by many of the 
whites of the time, and well worthy of emalation in many in- 
stances. It was no uncommon thing in their visits to Ke-ki-on-ga, 
seeing a new hut, to enquire whether the new-comer was quiet — if 
he "make no trouble for Injun," &c. And their intuition and 
close observation were presented very often in the most striking 
and remarkable light. 

On one occasion, about this period, an elderly Miamie had come 
to the village to trade a little. Soon meeting his old friend, Jas. Pel- 
tier, the interperter, his observing eye, in looking about the place, 
soon fell upon a hut near, that had but recently been built. " Ugh ! " 
ejaculated the Indian ; " new wigwam ! " He now became most anx- 
ious to know if the white man was peaceable — whether he come to 
make trouble for Injun? The two now soon entered the hut of the 
new-comers, and shook hands with the inmates. The Indian at once 
began to look about him, and to enquire how many warriors (chil- 
dren) they had, &c. Eyeing the matron of the house or squaw, as the 
Indian called her, and observing that she was quite sad, the Indian 
became anxious to know what was the matter with her — he was 
sure she was sick. The woman averred that she was not sick. 
But the Indian knew she was. Turning to his old friend P. again, 
after looking at the woman and striking his hand upon his breast, 
exclaimed, " White squaw sick at heart ; " and was anxious to 
know if she had not left something behind, at the settlement from 
which they came to Fort Wayne. In response to this, the 
woman quickly rephed, that she had left her onl}'- son, by her first 
husband, at Piqua, and that she was anxious to have him with her, 
but her present husband did not want him to come. " Did'nt I tell 



282 HisTOEY OF FoET Wayne. '• 

you white squaw sick at heart .'"replied the Indian, much elated; and 
he at once proposed to go to Piqua and bring her sou to her, if Mr. 
P. would give liim a blanket — which was readily agreed to. Ke- 
ceiving a note from the mother, the next morning early, with two 
Indian ponies, the generous red man was on the road to Piqua; and 
in five days from that time returned with the boy ! The woman's 
heart was eased, and as the faithful Indian gazed upon the happy 
meeting of the mother and the son, his heart warmed within him, 
and turning to his friend Peltier, he exclaimed: " Is'nt that good 
medicine for the white squaw ! " 

The Indian now became the faithful protector and friend of the 
woman and her son, assuming the special guardianship of the lat- 
ter — telling the husband that if he ever heard a word of complaint, 
either from the son or mother, as to ill treatment, " he would have 
his hide, if he had to lay in the Mauniee river until the moss* had 
grown six inches on his back." 

For six or seven years the Indian continued his visits to the hut of 
the new-comers, always bringing them supplies in the form of 
venison, and animals of different kinds ; and the boy very often ac- 
companied his kind benefactor to the forest in pursuit of gauie. f 

*It was acnstom ■witli the Indians in warfnre, vv'hen seeding to revenge tliemselves 
upon some one, often to cover their baelcs witli moss or weeds, and thus Lo creep from 
point to point, surprising and killing their opponents. 

tAs related by J as. Peltier to his bod Louis Peltier, from whom the writer received 
Ihe narration. 




CHAPTER XXV. 

" Broad plains — blue waters — hills and valleys, 
That ring with anthems of the free ! " 



Fort Wayne regarded as an object of marked value to the country — Commandini^ offi- 
cer's and soldiers' garden — Main road and general scenery from the tort — Burial 
grounds — Exhumation of Indian bones, (fee. — Hospitality of the garrison — Early 
navigation of the St. Mary's and Maumee — The general landing-place — Dams and 
mills — The fur-trade — "Packs" — Richardville — His wealtli — French traders — 
Treaties at St. Mary's, Ohio — Occupants of the fort in May, 1814 — Return of cliiof 
Richardville to Fort Wayne in 1814 — His refusal to attend the treaty of Greenville 
— Rebuilding of the fort — Early traces — The " Big Elm" — A fourthof-Ju!y party 
— Arrival of the mail — Removal of Major Whistler, and appointment of Major J. 
H. Vose and Lieutenant Clark— ^Abandonment of the garrison — Loneliness of the 
settlers — Captain James Riley's visit to and e?rly impressions of Fort Wayne and 
vicinity — Early buildings — Settlers of 1815 — Army contractors — Admission of In- 
diana as a State — The convention at Corydon — Vincennes the seat of government 
for the Indiana Territory — What is now Allen County, early formed a part of Ran- 
dolph County on the south, of which Winchester was long the county seat — Large 
gathering of Indians at Fort Wayne — How they drew their rations — The old 
Council-house and well — Letter of Major B. F. Sfcickney — Early traders— Visit 
here of General Cass and H. R, Schoolcraft — Formation of State Districts and elec- 
tion of Representatives. 



S WITH the heat of summer and the frost of winter, so the 
effects and agitated state of the war element only gradually 
Si'n^ disappeared, again leaving the atmosphere of the general 

?mind in a state of comparative passivity and reconciliation. 
Still remote from the " settlements," Fort Wayne continued 
as in former years, to exist as an object of special interest to the 
nation, not knowing what trials and conflicts might sooner or later 
call it into action again, in defence of the northwest ; and for some 
years after the achievements of 1812-14:, the soldier still continued 
to stand guard at its portals. 

Attached to the fort, running west to about where the " Old Forfc 
House " is located, and where David Comparet's warehouse stands, 
embracing about one acre of ground, was an excellent and well 
cultivated garden, belonging to the commanding officer, always 
filled, in season, with the choicest vegetation. Still to the west of this 
was the company's garden, extending to about where the Hedekin 
House now stands, which was also well tilled. The road then main- 



284 HiSTOEY OF FOKT WaYNB. 

ly used, extended westward from the fort alono: what is now the 
canal, to the corner of Barr and Cohimbia streets. 

In general appearance, in the summer of 1814, looking out upon 
the surrounding scene from the fort, the country and vicinity was des- 
cribed as of the rarest beauty. Nature everywhere wore an aspect 
of grandeur. The surface, as cleared by order of General Harrison, 
in 1812, to thwart the efforts and designs of the Indians, was now 
formed, here and there, with beautiful lawns of tall blue grass, of 
the finest growth, undisturbed, from season to season, save by the 
tread and hunger of a few stray ponies. 

Just to the south of the fort, m what is now " Taber's Addition," 
was located the burial-ground of the garrison ; and where also were 
deposited others not immediately connected with the fort. Lieu- 
tenant Ostrander, mentioned in a former chapter, wdio had un- 
thoughtedly fired upon a flock of birds passing over the fort, had 
been repremanded by Captain Eay, and because of his refusal to 
be tried by a court-martial, was confined in a small room in the 
garrison, where he subsequenily died, was among the number 
buried in this old place of interment. Another place of burial, 
where also a number of Indians were interred, extended along the 
northwest corner of Columbia and Clinton streets, and to the ad- 
joining block. Many bones were, removed from this point some 
years ago, in digging cellars, and laying the foundations of build- 
ings. 

In 1846, in the progress of excavating for a foundation wall, 
immediately to the west of the northwest corner of Main and 
Calhoun streets, ^Yere dug up and " removed the remains of an In- 
dian, who had long before that been buried, with a gun excellently 
mounted, some trinkets of silver, and a glass pint flask of whisky, 
which liquid was still preserved in at least as good a state as >vhen 
buried. The hair was also in a fair state of preservation, though the 
skull was much decayed, as were the gun mountings carroded."* 

Another burial ground, used ])rincipally by the Indians, within 
the recollection of some of the early settlers here,extended from abo,ut 
where Messrs. Hill c& Orbison's warehouse stands, across the basin 
to the brewery, and beyond. And often had been seen, years ago, 
swinging from the bough of a tree, or in a hammock stretched be- 
tween two trees, the infant of the Indian mother ; or a few^ little 
log enclosures, where the bodies of adults sat upright, with all their 
former apparel wrapped about them, and their trinkets, tomahawks, 
&c., by their side, could be seen at any time for many years, by the 
few pale faces visting or sojourning here. 

In those hospitable periods in the northwest, when it was the 
pride as well as pleasure of every one to freely help his neighbor, 
in any way that each could be serviceable to the other, the appear- 
ance of a stranger at the fort, from the settlements, or any part of 
the country, was a treat not to be lightly considered : and such an 
»'jFort Wayne Times," 1853. 



Early Navigation — The Fub Trade. 285 

arrival vi^as always hailed with unbounded pleasure by all, and en- 
tertained with the freest and most gratifying hospitality. 

One of the principal ways by which Fort Wayne was reached at 
this period, was by water, either byway of the St. Mary's or Maumee 
rivers, usually in flat boats and what was then known as pirogues, 
embarking at St. Mary's,Ohio,when coming by way of the St. Mary's 
river. The boat landing was just below the fort, about where the 
Maumee bridge is, and in the bend of this river — a road leading 
obliquely down the embankment from the fort to the landing ; and 
up to 1838, it was no uncommon thing to see pirogues andflatboats, 
laden with various articles of merchandise, whisky, flour, furs, &c., 
land and unload, and re-load, at this point. But many dams hav- 
ing been subsecjuently erected along the St. Mary's, with a view 
to the establishment of mills, navigation at length became impeded, 
and finally abandoned altogether. Among the early mills built 
•along the St. Mary's and near Fort Wayne, was one erected by 
Captain James Kiley, in 18r22, at a point familiarly known as the 
" Devil's Race Ground," or v/hat is now Willsliire, Ohio ; in 1824-5 
Samuel Hanna and James Barnett built a mill some three miles 
from Fort Wayne, now known as " Beaver's mill." 

Great quantities of hides and peltries arriving here on horses, 
familiarly called " packs," or by water, across by portage,* from 
the Wabash, &c., were placed in pirogues, and re-shipped to Detroit, 
and other points below. And this business was for many years 
the principal commerce of the place — in fact, the coin itself, by 
which notes and " promises to pay," were usually Hquidated ; and 
it was through these that goods of various kinds were generally 

»TIiis business of the portage or transporting of goods and furs to and from the waters 
of the Maumee and Wabash,- had, before the erection wf the fort, become of considerable 
importance. For some time previous to about the year 1800, it had been pretty much 
monopolized by the mother of the late chief Richardville, who usually employed a 
considerable number of men — Indians — and horses for that purpose. The extent and 
profit of the business was such, tiiat the Indians, upon .the grant of a tract of land on 
Little river, at the treaty of Greenville, endeavored to have reserved to themselves the 
exclusive right of transportation across the portage, a portion of which was included 
in the grant ; and it was stated that as much as oneliundred dollars had been yielded 
from this source in one day. It is quite certain that this woman amassed a consider- 
able fortune at the business. Afterwards, Mr. Louis Bourie, of Detroit, who had a tra- 
ding house here, principally carried on this business, from about the year l803,tol8U9. 
His clerk here, who usually employed a number of men and horses for the purpose, ac- 
ted also as a kind of forwarding merchant for the traders. Upon the deposit of goods 
in their absence, he issued regular receipts for the same, and paid off the charges of freight 
and duties at the post of Miami. The traders would purchase their goods in Detroit 
or Canada, usually in tlie suuimer or fall ; transport them in pirogues, in case of pur- 
chase from the former, to Detroit or Post Miami, where they paid duties ; thence they 
ascended the Maumee river, by the same road to the portage at Foi-t Wayne ; crossed 
the same by pack horses to the head waters of the Wabash, and down the same by pi- 
rogues to their respective establishments In the spring they returned, in the same 
manner with the furs they had collected in winter, to the marts of Detroit and Canada, 
whence they were sent to Europe. We can scarcely conceive, at this day, of the im- 
mense quantities of furs, consisting principally of beaver, bear, otter, deer, and coon, 
which were formerly collected on the Wabash and Illinois rivers, and nearly all of which 
passed over tin's portage. They were the principal stayde of the country, and among 
the traders the only currency — v/hon debts were contracted, or payments to be made. 
Botes were ueuBliy dr*wn payable in furs. SKoh nofcee are found eatending back ia 



286 



HisTOET OF Fort Wayne, 



obtained in exchange— such as dry goods, boots, shoes, hardware, 
(Sr'c—which were sold at exorbitant prices to the Indians, and others, 
and by which means, and the early purchase of lands, at a very 
low iigure, many in after years became very wealthy. Kichard- 
ville. The late chief of the Miamies, who was licensed as a trader 
with'the Indians at this point, as early as 1815, amassed an immense 
fortune, mainly by this trade and the sale of lands. Schoolcraft 
estimated his wealth som.e years prior to his death at about ^200,000 
in specie ; much of which he had had so long buried in the earth 
that the boxes in which the money was enclosed, had mainly de- 
cayed, and the silver itself greatly rusted and blackened. 

In 1818, several French traders came here, but not meeting with 
such inducements as they had desired, passed on, after a few days, 
to the more remote regions of the West, where furs were supposed 
to be more abundant. 

In this year there were also a number of treaties held with the ^ 
Indians at St. Mary's, Ohio, on behalf of the United States, under' 
the direction of Governor Jennings and Benjamin Farke, of Indi- 
ana, and General Lewis Cass, of Michigan ; at one of which, on 
the 0th of October, a purchase of a considerable body of land 
lying south of the rivers St. Mary and Wabash, was effected. 

When Major Whistler assumed command of the garrison, in 
May, 1814, aside from the little band of soldiers here, were the two 
daughters of the commandant, Mrs. Laura Suttenlield,* George 
and John E. Hunt ; Lieutenant Curtiss, and William Suttenlield, 
husband of Mrs. L. Suttenlield. Soon after the war broke out, with 
many other members of the tribe, including his family, Chief 
Richardville, made his way to the British lines for protection, and 
with a view, doubtless, to render some aid to the enemy ; for, as 
the reader already knows, but few among the tribes of the northwest 
remained neutral, or failed to give aid in some Avay to the British 
cause. At the. close of the troubles in 1814, he again returned 
to this point, and soon passed on up the St. Mary's, about three 
miles from Fort Wayne, where he encamped.f Major Whistler, 
desiring to see him, at once sent an interpreter to him by the name 
of Crozier, requesting him to come immediately to the fort, with 
whicli he readily complied. The treaty of Greenville, already re- 
ferred t*, was now about to take place, and the Major desired 
that the chief should be present, and so requested him ; but liich- 
ardville was very indifferent about the matter, hesitated, and soon 
returned to his camp again. A fevf days subsequently, however, 
he came back to the fort, where he was now held as a hostage for 
some ten days, when he at length consented to attend the treaty, 
and was soon after accompanied thither by Chief Chondonnai, of 

date from 1810 to as early as 1738 ; at which latter period Kaslcuskia was the empori 
um of the trade of theWest.- C. B. Lasselle, from Fort Wayne Democrat, Feb. 20th lfci67. 

*See sketch of her in back part of this volume. 

+lt was not, far from this point where the government, a few years later, built liitn a 
vei-y neat brick houSu, in which he resided for several years afterwards. 



Rebuilding of the Foet. 28T 

one of the lower tribes, (who had been a party to the Chicago mas- 
sacre,) Ivobert E, Forsyth, and Wm, Suttenfield. 
* Mach of the season of 1815, was spent in rebuilding the fort ; 
and when completed, as with the first erected in 1T94, was a most 
substantial affair. The timber w^ith which it had been built, was 
obtained principally from v/hat is now the east end, about where 
stands the dwelling of H. B. Taylor, James Embrj^, and the late 
Samuel Hanna — the pickets consisting of timber, some twelve and 
a half feet in length, " in sets of six, with cross pieces, two feet 
from the top, let in and spiked, and a trench dug, two and a half 
feet deep, into \Yliich they were raised."* As the old pickets were 
removed, the new ones took their place. 

At this early period, the roads leading from the fort were mere 
traces ; one leading to Fort Recovery, and known as the " Wa^ne 
Irai-e," passing through what is now Allen County, thence into 
Adams, to the north of Monmouth ; from thence passing not far 
from Wiilshire to " Shane's Crossing," and so on. There was also 
a trace to Captain Well's place, on the banks of Spy Run ; two 
traces led dovai the Maumce on either side ; and one extended in 
the direction of Fort Dearborn, (Chicago ;) between whicli point 
and Fort Wayne, no house was then visible, nor indeed, in any other 
direction, v/ith, perhaps, one or two exceptions, short of the settle- 
ments in Ohio. The tvco common fording places at that time and for 
some years lafeer, were above and below the Maumee bridge — the 
one below the bridge v/as better known as '° Harmer's Ford," both 
of which are now most entirely obliterated. 

It was below this latter ford, near a path leading towards Detroit, 
mider the cheerful shade of what was then and long after known as 
the " Big Elm," on the 4th of July, iSiO, that Captain Ray and a few 
others from the fort, were enjoying themselves most agreeably, 
partaking of a dinner, in honor of the glorious occasion, when an 
express came up the trace from Detroit, with the private mail and* 
Government despatches. Here Captain Ray took possession of 
the " mail matter," all gathering around to receive their favors, 
which vv^ere then duly distributed by first Postmaster Ray ; and the 
old Elm was thereafter known as " the Post Office." What haa 
become of this " old familiar tree " — whose o'erhanging bows 
formed the shadov/ of the first post ofiice in the region of Fort 
Wayne, is now unknown. Perhaps some unsparing axeman long 
since cut it down. 

It was by way of Fort Wayne at this period and some years after 
that the troops at Chicago and Green Bay received their regular 
mail by military express. 

Major Whistler, in 1817, being removed from this point to what 
is now St. Charles, Mo., Vv\as succeeded by Major J. IT. Vose, of 
the 5th regiment of regulars, who held command until permanent- 
ly evacuated, in April, 1819. The departure of the troops is 

« " Fpvt Wayne TimeBj" 18S3. 



288 HisTOKY OF FoET Wayne. 

said to have "left the little band of citizens" then here "extreme- 
ly lonesome and unprotected. The cessation of the therefore daily 
music of the troops in the fort was supplied by the stillness of 
nature, almost overwhelming. The Indians were numerous, and 
their camp fires and rude music, the drum, made night more dread- 
ed ; but to this the inhabitants of Fort Wayne soon became famili- 
arized." "The punctilio of military life was gradually infused 
into the social circle, and gave tone to the etiquette and moral 
habits of the citizens of" the fort.* 

It was in this year, about the 24th of November, (1819,) that 
Captain James Riley, the surveyor, paid a visit to Fort Wayne. 
The following are some of his impressions as then dotted down. 

" At every step, in this country," said he of General Wayne 
and the fort, "every unprejudiced mind will more and more admire 
the movements and achievements of the army, conducted by this 
veteran and truly wise and great commander, (General Wayne.) 
By occupying Fort Wayne, the communication between Lake Erie 
and the Ohio, through the channels of the Maumee and the Wabash 
(which is the shortest and most direct water route from Buffalo to 
the Missisippi river,) was cut off, or completely commanded." He 
also suggested the importance of a canal, by way of the portage, 
from St. "Mary's to Little river, £.nd said such "might very easily 
be cut six miles long, uniting the Wabasli to the St. Mary's, a little 
above its junction ; and from what I saw and learned from others," 
said he, " it is my opinion that the swamp might afford water suffi- 
cient for purposes of Canal navigation. 

" The country around Fort Wayne," he continued, " is very fertile. 
The situation is commanding and 'healthy, and here will arise a 
town of great importance, which must become a depot of immense 
trade. The fort is now only a small stockade ; no troops are sta- 
tioned here, and less than thirty dwelling houses, occupied by 
•French and American families, from the settlement. But soon as 
the land shall be surveyed and offered for sale, inhabitants will 
pour in from all quarters, to this future thoroughfare, between the 
East and the Mississippi river." 

A year later, November, 1820, Captain Riley, writing to Hon. 
Edward Tiffin, surveyor-general, said he " was induced to visit this 
place for curiosity, to see the Indians receive tlieir annuities, and 
to view the country." It was at this period that he levelled the 
portage ground, from the St. Mary's to Little river, and presented 
also some very practical suggestions, which, in after years, came 
to be highly serviceable. Every freshet at that time, brought 
many boats down the St. Mary's, which had, for some years, been 
quite common. This, (Fort Wayne,) said he, is " a central point, 
combining more natural advantages to build up and support a town 
of importance, as a place of deposit and trade, and a thoroughfare, 
than any point he had seen in tlie western country." 

At this period, he remarked, there were about one thousand 

* " Forfc Wayne Timc-s," 1B58. 



Account of Captain Riley — Trade with the Indians. 289 

whites here from Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and New York, trading 
with the Indians dnring the payment season, who had brought a 
great abundance of whisky with them, and which they dealt out 
to tjie Indians so freely as to keep them continually drunk, and un- 
jBt for business; horse-racing, drinking, gambling, debauchery, 
extravagance, and waste were the order of the day and night; and 
that the Indians were the least savage, and more christianized ; 
that the examples of those whites were too indelicate. to mention; 
all of which he thought could be remedied by a speedy survey of 
the lands, and then to dispose of them as soon as possible, from 
the mouth of the Maumee to Fort Wayne ; and from thence down 
the Wabash, which would superinduce a rapid settlement, and 
give spur and energy to agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; 
and further suggested that; the place should be laid out in lots, and 
sold, the money to be applied by the i^resident, giving a place and 
lands on v^-hich to erect buildings of a public character for " this 
future Emporium of Indiana.''^ And he finally purchased, this 
year, at the Piqua Land Office, a number of tracts of land at the 
Kapids of the St. Mary's, (Willshire,) where he soon moved his 
family, laid off a town, and, two years later, (1822,) built a grist 
mill, and surve3^ed all the country, on both sides of the St. Mary's, 
embracing Fort Wayne, and also about twenty townships, of six 
miles square, between the St. Mary's and the Maumee. 

Such were the prophetic words — such the spirit and energy of 
that Stirling pioneer. Captain James Riley. And he will certain- 
ly long live in the memory of the people of Fort Wayne. 

The trade with the Indians now constituted, for some years after 
the organization of the county, in 1824, the main life and business 
activity of the place, the principal features of vvhich have been most 
fully presented in the foregoing, by Captain Riley. 

As illustrative of what Captain Riley has said of the adventur- 
ous sptrit of the time, on one occasion, at a later period, in the 
history of this old carrying-place, an Indian had come to Fort 
Wayne, upon a very fair pony, and alighted in front of a little 
grocery and liquor store, which then stood on the west side of 
what is now Calhoun street, a little north of the north-west cor- 
ner of Main and Calhoun streets. The Indian wanted money, and 
offered to sell his pony for a moderate sum, to a white man stand- 
ing near the point at which he stopped. The man looked at the 
pony somewhat scrutinizingly, and said to the Indian that he would 
" like to ride him up the street a piece, and if he liked him, would 
buy the pony." The Indian assented, and the man sprang upon the 
animal and rode towards Wayne street. At that time, and for 
some years subsequent, the old jail, a rather substantial, though 
rough-looking log building, stood on the south-west corner of the 
the present enclosure of the court-house. Coming to this old edi- 
fice, the man turned the corner, eastward, pissed the jail, and put- 
titig whip to the pony, was soon bevond the iimits of tlie town 1 The 



290 History of Fort Waynb. 

pony was gone. None could tell liim of the rider; and tlie Indian 
never saw liim more. 

In 1815, a few houses began to appear some distance from the 
fort, but usuall}' in range of the bastions, so that, in case of atta<jk, 
they might easily be destroyed, or the enemy driven away. One 
of these was built about the centre of what is now Barr street, near 
the corner of Columbia, which, some years afterwards, being re- 
moved from its former locahty, formed ti part of the old Washing- 
ton Hall building, on the southwest corner of Columbia and Barr 
streets, destroyed by fire in 1858. 

Among those who came to this point in 1815, were a Mr. Bourie, 
grandfather of L. T. Bourie ; Dr. Turner, Dr. Samuel Smith, from 
Lancaster, Ohio, and John P. Hedges returned here from Cincin- 
nati, M-hither, and to Bowliiig Green ^ Ky., he had gone after tho 
battle of the Thames. The following year Dr. Trevitt came. 
-John H. Piatt, of Cincinnati, beginning with 1812, furnished 
supplies to the army here, with whom, in 1814, became associated 
Andrew Wallace. This contract was subsequently disposed of to 
Rob't Hugh Glenn and Jacob Fowles, who, in turn, disposed of it 
(in l8l7,)^to Major Wm. P. Rathbone, of Kew York City. 

In 1816, Indiana having been admitted as a State, in compliance 
with an act of Congress, a Convention was held at Corydon, "with 
a view to the formation of a State Constitution, in whicJi body this 
part of the State, then a portion of Knox county, was represented 
by John Badolet, John Beneiiel, John Johnson, Wm. Polk, and 
Benjamin Parke, all now deceased. 

The seat of government of Knox county w'as at Yincennes, 
which had for several years been the seat of government for the 
Indiana Territory ; and all judicial matters relating to the vicinity 
of Fort Wayne, were settled at Vincennes up to 18l8, when this 
portion of the State, extending to Lake Michigan, was embraced in 
Randolph County, of which Winchester was the county seat, up to 
the formation of Allen County, in 1823. 

During 1815, after the declaration of peace, the Indians began 
to gather here in large numbers, to receive their rations, &c., as 
per treaty stipulations, at Greenville. 

Being admitted into the fort, on such occasions, in parties of six 
or eight, the Indians would present a little bundle of short sticks, 
to represent the number of rations they wished to draw. The coun- 
cil-house which had been destroyed by the siege of 1812, was 
rebuilt in 18 IG, upon the site of the old one, which w'as again oc- 
cupied by the former Indian agent here. Major B. F. Stickney. 
The same well that was used at thei time of its occupancy at this 
early period, is still used by Mr. Iledekin, whose residence now 
occupies the site of this old edifice. 

The year following the rebuilding of the old council-house, (1817,) 
Major Stickney addj-essed the following letter to Thomas L. M'Kiu- 



Lkttek of Major B. F. Stickney. 291 

ney, then superintendent of Indian Affairs. Tliis letter bears date 
" Fort Wayne, Angust 27th, 1817," and at once presents to the mind 
of tlie reader the true condition of the Indians here at that period. 
Said Mr. Stickney : 

"I shall pa>^ every attention to the subject of your letter, developing the exalted 
▼iews of philanthropy of tiie Kentucky Baptist Society lor propagating the gospel 
among the heathen. The civilization of the Indians is not a newsubject to me. I 
have been, betvreen five and six years, in the habit of daily and hourly intercourse 
•With the Indians northvT-est of the Ohio, and the great question of the practicability 
of civilizing them ever before me. That I might have an opportunity of casting in 
my mite to the bettering of the condition of these uncultivated human beings, and 
the pleasure of observing the change that might be produced on them, were the prin- 
cipal inducements to my surrendering the comforts of civilized society. 

" Upon my entering on my duties, I soon found that my speculative opinions 
■were not reducible to practice. What I had viewed, at a distance, as flying clouds, 
proved, upan my nearer approach, to be impassable mountains. Notwithstanding 
these discouraging circumstances, I am ready to aidyowr views by all proper means 
within my power; and, in so doing, believe I embrace the views of the government 
of wjiich I am agent. * « * it will be proper for me to be more particular, 
and give you something of my ideas of the nature and extent of the obstacle to be 
met. 

"i^/r*!'.— The great, and, I fear, insurmountable obstacle is. the insatiablk 
THIRST FOK INTOXICATING LiQuoiiS that uppcars to be born wi th all the yellow-skin in- 
habitants of America; and the thirst for gain of [som^ of] the citizens of the Uni- 
ted States appears to be capable of eluding all the vigilance of the government to 
stop the distribution of liquor among them. When the Indians can not obtiin the 
means of intoxication within their own limits, they will travel any distance to ob- 
tain it. There is no fatigue, risk, or expense, that is too great to obtain it. ^ In soilc 
caseb, it appears to be valued higlier than life itself. If a change of habit in this 
can be etfected, all other obst.icles may yield. But if the whites can not be re- 
straiiKid from furnishing them spiiituous liquors, nor they from the use of them, I 
fear all other eiforts to extend to them the benefitsof civilization will prove fruitless. 
The knowledge of letters serves as the medium of entering into secret arrangements 
with the whites, to supply the me-ins of their own destruction, and, wiihintiie lim- 
its of my intercourse, the principal use of the knowledge of Utters or civilized lan- 
guage has been for them to obtain liquor for themselves and others. 

'' Secondli/. — The general aversion to the habits, manners, customs, and dress 
of civilized people ; and, in many cases, an Indian is an object of jealousy for 
being acquainted with a civilized language, and it is made use of as a subject of re- 
proach against him. 

" Thirdli/. — General indolence, connected with a firm conviction that the life of a 
civilized man is that of slavery, and that savage life is mMuhood, ease and indepen- 
dence. 

" Fourthly. — The unfavorable light in which they view the chai-acter of the citi- 
zensof the United S'ates — believing that their minds are so occupie i in trade and 
speculation, that they never act from any other motives. # * * Their opinion 
of the governmeuiof the United States is, in some degree, more favorable; but 
secr(?tly, they view all White people as their enemies, and are extremely suspicious 
of every thing coming from them. 

" All the Miamies, and Eel river Miamies, are under my charge, about one thou- 
Band four hundred in number; and there are something more than two thousand 
PottawMtt'imies who come within ray agency. The pruporiion of children can not 
be ascertained, but it must be less than'ainong the while inhabitants of the United 
States. They have had no schools or missionaries among them since the time of the 
French .Jesuits. They have places that are commonly called villages, but, perhnps 
not correctly, as they have no uniform plac^ of residence. During the fall, winter, 
and p irt of the spring, they are scattered in the woods, hunting. The respective 
bandj assemble in the spring at their several ordinary places of resort, where some 
hive rude cabins, made of squiU ligs, covered wilhbavk; but morecommonly. s^orae 
po:3S stuck in the ground and tied together with pliant slips of baik, and covered 
ifitb large sheetB of bark, or s, kind of mats, mada ot flags. 



293 



HisTOEY or FOKT Wayis'e. 



" Near these places of resort, they plant some corn. There are eleren of these 
places of resort within my agency. The Miamies and Eel river Miamies reside, 
principaly,on the Wabash, Mississincwaand Eel river, and at the head of White river. 
The Pottawattamies [reside] on the Tippecanoe, Kankakee, Iroquois, Yellow river, 
St. Joseph of Lake iMichigan, the Elkhart, Miami of the lake, the St. Joseph emp. 
tying into it, and the St. Tklary's river. They all believe in a God, as creator 
and governor, biit have no idea of his will being communicated to man, except as it 
apjeirs in the creation, or as it appears, occasionally, from his providential gov- 
ernment. Some of them had been told of other communications having been made 
to the white people a long time since, and that it was written and printed ; but they 
neither have conception nor belief in relation to it. Their belief in a future existence is 
a kind of transubstantiation — a removal from this existence to one more happy, with 
.similiar appetites and enjoymen'ts. They talk ofabad spirit, but never express any 
apprehensions of his troubling them in their future existence." 

Among- those engaged in the Inditin trade at this point and at 
what is now South Jiend, in 1821, were Francis Comparet, with the 
Pottawattamies, at the latter place, and Alexis Coquilla'rd, with the 
Miamies, at the fornier. Wm. G. and Geo. W. Ewing arrived here 
in 1822, and began to trade with the Indians. 

En route for the Mississippi, General Lewis Cass and the histori- 
an, H. R. Schoolcraft, made a short stop at this point in June 1822, 
reaching here in a canoe by way of the Maumee, from Detroit, 
whence this little vessel was hauled across the portage to Little 
river, from whence they proceeded on their journey to the Father of 
"Waters. 

The following year, (1823,) the State being divided into two 
Congressionel Districts, John Test, of Dearborn county, was selec- 
ted representative from the district, then embracing Allen, &c., at 
which period there were but about hfty votes polled in the whole 
north part of the State of Indiana. 

/ 




CHAPTER, XXVI. 

Scenes varied — new life — 
New acts in the drarfia ; 
Still ijn the " forest deep and wild. 



Establishment of a land office at Fort Wayne, and sale of lands — Purchase of Ban' and 
McCorkie— The original plat--Donation of ground for burial purposes, and upon 
which to erect a ineeting house and seminary— Purchase of Judge Hanna— The 
first school-house of Fort Wayne---Early school-teachers- --Great abundance offish 
in the Maumee— Vlanufaeture of oil-- What the Indians thouglit--Bui]ding3 and 
business of 1819---Store of Samuel Hanna and James Barnett---Api>earanceof the 
country in 1819— Scarcity of settlers — The Quakei- trace— Settlers between Fort 
Wayne and Riclimond, Ind. ---Recollections of John Striitten---Early purchasers 
of land here— The Wells ]ire-emption— Organization of Allen County--First Ma- 
sonic organization here— First plat of Fort Wayne recorded at Winchester- 
First election of county officers — First meeting of tlie County Board— County offi- 
cers — First Justices of the pe?nce--Eaily tavern rates-- Taxation--Renorfon taxa- 
ble property— Wolf-scalp certificates- First circuit court— First grand jury— First 
case on docket- --First application for divorce— Tavern license— A|)plication for citi- 
zenship--Pay of otRcer8---Meeting of court---Attorney's device for seal— Miles C. 
Eggieston- -Associate JudgeS"-Report of Grand Jury---The coTinty jail---Impris- 
onment for debt— Court sessions-- First will of Allen County — Murder by an In- 
dian Chief, (Big Leg)— His trial--First restraining case--Term of 1831- -County 
officers--Judge Hanna and John Right--Judge Right and Pat. McCarty---Daniel 
Worth— Organization of Delaware County— The three per cent fund--Grant of 
land by Congress for canal purposes— Action of the land office- -Cession of land 
to the State of Ohio --Canal stipulations-— Canal commissioners— Hon. Oliver H. 
Smith— Trip to Fort Wayne, by Mr. Smith, Judge Eggieston, and James Rariden 
-Election of John Test and Jonathan ivIcCarty--Election of Mr. Worth, of Ran- 
dolph County-— Formation of Randoljih, Allen, Delaware, and other territories, 
adjoining into a senatorial district- -Re-election of Mr. Worth— Election of Mr. 
Holmon— Allen, Randolph, St. Joseph, Elkhart, and Delaware counties formed 
into a senatorial district— Election of Messrs, Worth, Hanna, Crawford, and 
Colerick- -County Board of commissioners— County addition— Taber's addition--- 
First Probate Court— Letters of administration— Court terms—Estate of Chief La 
Gross--- Appointment of W. G. Ewing- Judge McCulloeh— Lueien B. Ferry- - 
Elections and appointments— Abolition ot the Probate Court and organization of 
the Common Pleas Court— Election of Judge Borden— Organization of a Crimin- 
Court— Marriage records. 



^ HROUGH an act of Congress, approved by the President of the 
^) United States, May 8th, 1822, a land office was established at 
^-j) Fort Wayne. By this act the district for the sale of lands at this 
^ point was also defined, and the President appointed Joseph Hol- 
^ man, of Wayne county, Register, and Captain Samuel C.Vance, 



294 History of Fort Wayne. 

of Dearborn county, Receiver. After the survey of the lands, the 
President issued a proclamation for their sale, to the highest bidder, 
the minimum price being $1.25 per acre ; and the sale began on the 
22d of October, 1 823, at the fort. Considerable rivalry having been 
awakened, touching that portion which embraced the town and 
immediate settleme'nt — some forty acres, in the immediate locality 
of the fort, being reserved for the use of the Indian Agent— the 
most extensive purchasers thereof were Barr, of Baltimore, Md., and 
McCorkle of Piqua, Ohio. This portion of the city is marked on 
the city maps " Old Plat to Fort Wayne," and originally designa- 
ted as "''the north fraction of the south-east quarter of section two, 
township thirty, north of range twelve east ;" and it was on this that 
Messrs. Barr and McCorkle laid off the original plat of the " Town 
of Fort Wayne," as surveyed by Kobert Young, of Piqua, Ohio. 
This plat was embraced in one hundred and eighteen lots.* 

In this plat, Messrs. Bacr and McCorkle set apart and donated, by 
deed, a body of ground, some four rods square, as a free place of 
burial, with tlie privilege to any denomination, that might form a 
first organization here, to build a Churcli thereon. They also set 
apart a lot, of similar dimensions, and adjoining the foregoing, 
upon which to erect an educational institute or seminary. 

But all marks of these donations have long since been destroyed — 
the pointf alone remaining lo remind the reader of the thoughtful 
character of the dunors. 

In subsequent years. Judge Hanna having purchased all the Barr 
and McCorkle claims here, and the lots donated, as in the foregoing, 
being laid ofl' by Mr. Hanna as a part of the place, for general 
building purposes, the dead of the grave-yard, were, in 1838-9, re- 
moved, at public expense or by loved friends, to the general ceme- 
tery, west of Fort Wayne. 

Of the seminary or school-house erected on the donation of Barr 
and McCorkle, the "Fort Wayne Times," as late as 1858, in some 
sketches of the place by the editor, says : " In this old school- 
huose, many of those, then young, but now past middle life who 
yet live here, many dead, and others absent, had their early train- 
ing for usefulness ; and many there experienced that joy only once 
to be enjoyed in aliie-time; while, perhaps, nearly every teacher, 
who there disciplined the youthful mind, has gone to his final ac- 
count, and soon here to be entirely forgotten. ' * * * This 
old school-house was built of brick, in 1825, and was then quite 

• Running north to Water street, on the bank of the slough, where the 
irater from the City Mills now discharges, south to the alley south of the 
first Presbyterian Cluircli, west to Calhoun stre.-t, and east to a line running 
just east of Bai-r street. The reason, for the peculiar direction of the streets, as variant 
*rora a north and south line, is tliis, tliat some buildings had been put up by the set- 
tle 8 and temporary streets thus adopted, which caused tlie proprietors to adopt thesur- 
Yev to the ciinvenience of those squatters, who would, it was thouglit, buy the lots on 
Trhif^'i then- i.nprovements slu)uld happen to fall.—" Fort Wayne Times,'" 185S. 

f Just w>.-st of the county jail, on Calhoun street, and north of what is now Water 



Gkkat Quantities of Fish in the Maumek. 295 

large enough for all needed purposes. * '* * It was only- 
one story in height, and served, for many years, not only as a school- 
house, but as the place of religious worship, town meetings, Ma- 
sonic installations, political speeches, 6:c." 

J. P, Hedges, who still survives as " one of the old ones of the 
old ones," of Fort Wayne, was among the first teachers in this 
old pioneer school-house. In the winter of 1826, he had it plas- 
tered at his own expense, that it might be the more comfortable 
and neat. A Mr. A. Aughinbaugh also taught in this old school- 
house at an early period. Mr. A., previous to 1833, had charge of 
the county seminary, at which latter period, it is presumed he took 
charge of a school in the old brick school-house. It will not be 
out of place here to remark that the old county jail, which, up to 
1847, stood on the south-west corner of Calhoun and the court-house 
square, was used for some time as a school-room, in which Henry 
Cooper, Esq., taught ; and Mr. Cooper is claimed as the first school- 
teacher of the place. 

The Indians, perhaps for centuries, had been accustomed to look 
to the streams here for much of their food in the form of fish, so 
abundant were they from Lake Erie to this point, and for some 
distance up the St. Mary's and St. Joseph. During seasons of fresh- 
ets, in great quantities, and some of them very large, they would 
find their way up the Maumee from the lake, and w^hen the high 
water subsided, they were often so numerous, that it was difficult 
to ride a horse or drive a team across the streams here without the 
animals or the wheels of the vehicles running over some of the finny 
tribe ; and some years ago, a company from Cincinnati began, and 
for several years carried on, the manufacture of oil from the fish 
caught here. Many boys and Indians made very good wages by 
catching the fish for the company. The Indians had always been 
of the belief that the Great Spirit had thus filled these streams with 
fish for tlieir special benefit, and when, a few years subsequent to 
the period in question, a dam was built near the mouth ot the 
Maumee, at the Lake, and the fisii prevented from getting into this 
stream, as their number gradually diminished, and the company 
compelled to cease its 0])erations thereby, the Indians expressed 
great displeasure, and considered it a direct encroachment upon 
their rights, and the designs of the Great Spirit. 

Among the buildings erected here in 1819, was a log house, by 
Samuel Hanna, at the north-west corner of Barr and Columbia sts., 
where his brick block was some years ago erected, and still stands.* 
In this log edifice, he and James Barnett opened a considerable 
store, for wholesaleing to traders, in which business and building 
they continued for several years — their goods reaching here from 
the east, by way of Detroit, Toledo, and the Eapids of the Maumee, 
from which point they arrived here in pirogues, a kiud of" dug out," 
though usually quite long, and of one solid tree. 

• See stetch of Mr. Hanna in latter part of this volume. 



296 HisTOEY OF FoET Wayne. 

At this period, the north-west was yet a comparative wilderness. 
On the Wayne trace, already alluded to on a former page, not a 
house was to be met with between this and " twenty-four mile 
Creek." At this point, there resided a man by the name of George 
Ay res, near Willsbire. By the St. Joseph trace, the nearest was 
the house of a Colonel Jackson, on Elk Hart Prairie ; and it was 
not until a few years later, that a house appeared, in which Joel 
Bristols lived, about three miles south of Wolf Lake, in what is 
now Noble county. At a later period, about four miles north of 
Kendallvillo, a man by the name of Norris settled ; where Lima is 
now located. On v/ha't Avas known, at an early day, as the " Quaker 
trace," a lew miles this side of 1 Richmond, Indiana, there was an 
occasional house to be seen ; an:an by the name of Robinson lived 
on the Wabash^ about thirty miles south of Fort Wayne ; and a few 
Quaker missionaries had a small settlement at the forks of the Wa- 
bash, where they' gave the Indians instructions, as at Wa-pa-kon- 
netta, Ohio, in the art of agriculture.* 

At the sale of lands at the fort, as already mentioned, " the south 
half of the south-east quarter of the section referred to, and im- 
mediately south of that on which the original town was laid off, 
was also purchased by Barr and McCorkle, running to the section, 
line, and also the south-west quarter of section one, just on the 
east of the fort ; while Alexander Ewing got the east half south- 
west quarter of section two — same on which Ewings' and Rockhill's 
addition were laid out afterwards. * * The section of land over 
in the forks of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph, known as the ' Wella 
pre-emption,' had been, by an act of Congress, May 18th, 1808, 
set apart as a pre-emption to Captain Wells, who was authorized 
to enter it, when adjacent lands should be offered at $1.25 per 
acre ; but having lost his life, as the reader has already seen, in 
1812, his heirs were thereafter authorized to, and entered it, at this 
land sale, at $1.25 per acre."t 

By an act of the legislature of 1823,J the present county of Allen 
was organized, as then forming a part of Randolph and Delaware 
counties; and James Ray, of Indianapolis, W. M. Conner, of Ham- 
ilton county, and Abaithes Hathaway, were commissioned to deter- 

* John Stratten, Esq , now residing somfsix miles north of Fort "Waj'ne, came here 
nbout 1824-5, from Wayne county, near Richmond, mainly by way ot the Robinson 
trace, wiih a load of boots and shoes, which he then sold to theMeesri. Ewing, tra- 
ding here. At that time, he says, there were not more than six or eight houses to be 
seen between Fort Wayne and Riclimond.and the best house to be seen here at that period 
was a hewed log house, one and a half stories high, kept as a tavern ; besides which, he 
eays, there were but about eight ordinary pole cabins. Besides the Ewings, he met 
Peter Kis'"r here at that time, who is still a goodly citizen of Fort Wayne, and, as for 
many years past, still engaged in the sale of Dry Goods, Groceries, &c. 

t "FoitVv'ayne Times," 18.'i8. 

i The first Masonic organization here was formed in this year, fl823) and known as 
"Wayne Lodge, No. 25, F. A. M." The place of meeting was within the pickets of 
the fort, in the room of General John Tipton, at which place the order regularly n«% 
until iinally removed to the old Washington Hull building, on the southweit corner of 
Columbia and Barr streets. 



First County Officers of Allex County. 297 

mine upon the county seat, which they agreed upon in the early 
part of 1824.* 

In the last week of May, in this year, the first election for county 
officers occurred ; and the first session of the " County Board" was 
held on the 31st of May, the same month; the Board was consf-itu- 
ted of the following persons ; Wm. Kockhill, James Wyman, and 
Francis Comparet. 

The county oflicers were : Anthonj'- L. Davis>, Clerk ; AUen 
Hamilton, Sherifi'; Samuel Hanna and Benjamin Cushman, Asso- 
ciate Judges; Joseph Holman, Treasurer; H. B. McKeen, first 
Assessor; Lambert Cushoois, first Constable of Wayne township, 
then embracing the entire county; VV. T. Daviss, Overseer of the 
Poor ; li. Hars, Inspector of Elections ; Israel Taylor, Joseph Trout- 
ner, and Moses Scott, Fence Viewers ; Samuel H-anna, lioad Su- 
pervisor for the township. 

At the first se&sion of the Board, an election for three Justices 
of the Peace, for the township, was ordered, which resulted in the 
choice of Alexander Ewing, Wm. N. Hood, and Wm. Rockhill, 
who then assumed the position, ex o-fficio, of the "Board of Justices," 
taking the place of County Commissioners. Their first session was 
held October 22d, 1824, at which time the commissioners gave 
notice of the location of a " State Road from Vernon, in Jen- 
nings county, by wav of Greensburgh, Rushville, and New Castle, 
to Fort Wayne." 

The following were the tavern rates at that early period : Keep- 
ing horse, night and day, 50 cts ; Breakfast, Dinner and Supper, each 
25 cts. ; Lodging, per night, 12^ cts.; whisky, per quart, 121 cts. ; 
Brandy, per quart, 50 cis.; Gin, per quart, 37^ cts. ; Porter, per 
bottle, 37^ cts.; Cider, per quart, 18f cts. 

In matters of taxation, the rates were arranged as follows : For 
every male, over 21 years of age, 50 cts. ; for a horse, gelding, or 
mare, over 3 years old, 37^ cts. ; eYQvj work ox, ISf cts. ; stallion, 
prices ot the season; gold watch, §1.00; silver watch, 25 cts. ; 
pinchback, 25 cts.; four-wheeled pleasure carriages, $1.00. The 
report of Mr. Holman on taxable property for 1824, Was $112.62, 
embracing delinquents, errors, &c. 

The State, at this period, and for some years later, granted cer- 
tificates ol bounty on all wolf scalps taken, which certificates 
were received by the collector for taxes. " So small was the tax," 
it is said, " that the State revenue due from this county, was near- 
ly all paid off in these certificates, which were usually sent up to 
Indianapolis by the representatives." f 

The first circuit court held in Alleii county, was on the 9th of 
August, 1824, which then embraced what is now Adams, Wells, 

* The original plat of Fort Wayne, aa laid out in this year, was duly recorded at 
Winchester, in Randolph county, which, as the records of the Recorder's office here 
exhibit, were subsequently transferred to Allen. 

+ " Fort Wayue Timeis," 1858. 

\ 



298 HiSTOKT OF FOET WaTNJ!, 

Hunting:ton, and Vhiiley counties. C. W. Ewing, was at this time 
prosecuting Attorney. Joim Tipton was made foreman of the 
grand jury, which was composed as follows: Paul Taber, William 
Suttenfiefd Alexander Ewing, James W. Hackley, Chales Weeks, 
John Davii^s, Wm. Probst, Horace Taylor, Jamea Wyman, Jamea 
Conner, Cyrus Taber, and W.N. Hood, Peter Felix being discharg- 
ed. The first case found on the docket was that of Eichard Swain, 
vs. Joseph Troutner, for trespass ; and continued. At this time, W. 
G. Ewing was admitted to the bar a3 a practitioner at law. 

The first application for a divorce in the county, occurred during 
the first sessjon ol this court. The names of the party were A. 
Canada and Nathaniel Canada; which was continued. The near- 
est paper at that time, in which such matters received publicity, 
was the JRichmond, Ind., iLnijuirer^ about one hundred miles from 
Fort Wa^'ne. 

Two applications for license, to open taverns here, were also 
m.ade at this term of the court, by Wm. Suttenfield and Alexander 
Ewing — the former on the corner of Barr and Columbia streets ; 
the latter on the southwest corner of Barr and Columbia. An ap- 
plication was also made for citizenship, during this term, by Fran- 
cis Aveiine, or St. Jule, as then known, Mher of Francis A Ave- 
line ; v/hich was granted. The St. Jule family, (French) came 
from Vincennes to this place. 

Some indictments were found against parties for selling liquor 
without license, &c., at this term of the court — each being fined 
$3 and cost. In one instance, for gambling, a man was fined $10. 
The first master in chancery of this Court, was Charles W. Ew- 
ing, then a young lawyer of much ability. " To show the differ- 
ence, between the manner of allowances of that day and this, 
when six times as much service was rendered in a given time, 
* * * the records show that Rob't Hood,* (well remem- 
bered by our old citizens.) was allowed 75 eta. per day for three 
days' service as baihffto the Circuit Court ; Allen Hamilton $16.G6 
for four months service as Sheriff of Allen county ; and Charles 
W Ewing, for his services as Prosecuting Attorney, for the term, 
$5. This court after a session of three days, adjourned on the 12th 
of August, 1824, to convene again as the Court in course."f The 
following year, 1825, the Board of Justices appointed W. G. Ewing 
county treasurer ; and the second term of the circuit court was 
convened at the residence of Alexander Ewing, on the 6th of 
June — Hon. P. Morris, of the fifth judicial circuit, a resident of 
Indianapohs, presiding — Judge Hanna officiating in the capacity 
of Associate Justice. James Rariden, and Calvin Fletcher were 
admitted as practitioners of law at this term — both men of consid- 

* A very kind hearted man, alwaj's ready, in tLose early days, to entertain thestran- 
ger and aid toe -n-estern mover, when ever occasion presented ; and many -were the in- 
tercBting arlventiires and laughable storicB he related to his old friends and the many 
Ktrangers then often gathered about the big fire of the log-eabin in Avintor. 

t" Fort Wayne Timee," 16E8. 



COUKT SffiSSIOHS. 299 

arable distinction in after years. Henry Cooper, a man of many 
estimable qualities, long since deceased, was also admitted to the 
bar, at this term of the court, which continued only live days. 
The third term of this court was convened at the house of Wm. 
Suttenfield, on the 21st of November, 1825, Judges H anna and 
Cushman presiding ; and it was at this term that a device for a 
seal was reported by Charles W. Ewing. Calvin Fletcher 
having presented his commission, was also sworn as Prosecuting 
Attorney at this time. 

The term which convened 13th February, the year follovvdng, 
1826, was held at the residence of Alexander Ewing, Judges Han- 
aa and Cushman presiding, Hiram Brown, of Indianapolis, and 
Moses Cox, being sworn in as attorneys, and Calvin Fletcher re- 
ceiving the appointment of prosecuting attorney. 

But two indicttnents were issued by the grand jury at this term 
— one against an Indian, knov/n as Sa-ga-naugh, for murder, and 
the other against a man by the name of Elisha 13. Harris,* familiar- 
ly known as '• Yankee Harris," for larceny, neitjier ot which, how- 
ever, came to trial. 

At the next regular sitting, August 13th, of this year, Hon. 
Miles C. Eggleston, of Madison, then pronounced one of the best 
Qiisi pri'us judges of the west, presented his commission at the 
court here, as president judge, was sworn in, 'and presided over 
the third term, Benjamin Cushman acting as Associate Judge, 
Cyrus Taber, (afterwards of Logansport,v/here he died some years 
ago,) sheriff, and Amos Lane, of Lawrenceburgh, father of Hon. 
James H. Lane, of Kansas, w^as sworn in as prosecuting attorney. 

The report of the grand jury, at this session, of v/hich John P. 
Hedges, now among the last of the old pioneer stock yet remain- 
ing, was foreman, relates to the county jail, and runs as follows: 

" We, the grand jury, erapannelled for the county of Allen, and State of Indiana, 
after examining the county jail, are of tht opinion that the criminals' rooms are not a 
place of safety for persons committed thereto; that the debtors' room, upper department 
t)f said jail, is not in a anitable condition for the reception of debtors, irom the want of 
locks, floor, and bedding. "John P. Hkdges, Foreman." 

As this report clearly attests, imprisonment for debt was a com- 
mon custom at this period, and continued for some years alter to 
be a common law in the land. At this session. Judge Eggleston 
presented a report relative to the mode of keeping a marriage record 
by the clerk. No marriage record having been previously kept, it 
was thereafter determined to keep such a register. 

The next session met at Wm. Suttenfields', August 27th, 1827, 
Messrs. Eggleston, Hood and Cushman, presiding, Abner Gerrard, 
acting as sheriff, Oliver H. Smith, being sworn in as prosecuting 

* Harris was a siagular character. He lived on the St. Mary's, about seven miles 
from Fort Wayne. Had early adopted for his life's motto — "To be as honest as the na- 
ture of the circumstances would permit." He seems to have possessed a considerable 
amount of common sense, buthismuin failing was, toengageiii as many law suits ai? 
possible, and ir th»t way, in part, gained a very unenviable reputation. 



300 HisTOKY ov Fort WAy:>fK. 

attorney. Atthistime,Wm.QiiarIes, of Indianapolis, was licensed 
to practice as an attorney. 

The next term began May ISth 1828, at the residence of Ben- 
jamin Archer, and was presided over by .Judges Hood and Cush- 
man, at which time, Charles H. Test, and Andrew Ingram were 
sworn in as attorneys, and Mr. Test, late Secretary of State, re- 
ceived the appointment of prosecuting attorney for the term. 

It was at this session that the first will was recorded in Allen 
county. The party thus recording, vv^as Abrara Burnett. 

At the next term, November 10th, 18-J8, Messrs. Hood and 
Cushman, presiding. David Wallace,subsequent]y Governor of the 
State, was sworn in and appointed special prosecutor. It was at 
this term that the first conviction of felony occurred — the State 
vs. Joseph Doane, who was sentenced to the penitentiary lor three 
years. 

The next term began May llth, 18-29, Judges Eggleston and- 
Hood presiding; Martin M. Ray sworn in as prosecuting attor^- 
ney. At this term Joseph Carville, for larceny, was sentenced (or 
three years to the state's prison. During the vacation that fol- 
owed, Anthony L. Davis having resigned the clerkship, on the 
14th ofOctober, 1829, the Associate Judge met and appointed Jo- 
seph Holman thereto, but to which position Robert Hood was 
subsequently elected, to assume the duties of the office from Febru- 
ary 15th, 1830. On the 10th of May, of this year, G. H. Test, 
presenting his commission as President Judge, began the term of 
I8o0, with Wm N. Hood, Associate Judge ; Robert Hood as Glerk ; 
James Perry as prosecuting attorney; Thomas J. Fivans being 
sworn in as attorney, while David H. Colerick, Esq., was sworn 
in as attorney, ex gratis, for the term. 

At this term a case of murder came up for trial. A Miami In- 
dian, known as Ne-w^e-ling-gua, or (Big-Leg,) being the accused.. 
A half Indian and negro woman, whom he claimed as his slave, 
had been in the habit of entering his cabin during his absence, 
and taking his meat. Afler repeatedly warning her to desist, he 
at length told her that if she disobeyed him again, he would kill 
her. From her residence among the clan, of which Big- Leg was 
chief, whose village Was on the Wabash, a few miles from Fort 
Wayne, with a view to escape the fate that she knew must befall 
her, after a further disregard of the commands of the chief, the 
woman came to Fort Wayne, and was soon employed by some of 
the citizens. 

Shortly after her departure. Big Leg came to town, too, and 
wandering about, he soon discovered her washing, at a house then 
standing about what is now the southeast corner of Clinton and 
Columbia streets. Stealing suddenly upon her, wilh his long 
knife ready for her destruction, he plunged it into her with such 
force, that it is said the blade passed through her body, and she 
fell dead at his feet; whereupon he proudly ejaculated, "was'nt 



Tkial of Big-Leg. 301 

that nice ! " Though no uncommon thin^, at that period, for the 
Indians visiting here to kill each other, and for which no 
redress* had ever been sought by the authorities, the citizens here, 
who were then largely outnumbered by the Indians of the region, 
were greatly incensed at this terrible procedure of Big-Leg, and the 
civil authorities at once had the chief arrested, and placed in the 
old county jail. 

His main plea was that the woman belonged to him — was his 
property, and that he had a right to do what he pleased with her. 
When told that he was to be hanged for the offense, he could not 
comprehend it, but seemed to get the idea that it was some such 
operation as that he had often witnessed in the use of the old 
steel yards by the traders in weighing venison, &c., and concluded 
that he was to be weighed until hevjas dead] which fact soon be- 
came commonly UAiderstood among the Indians o£ his tribe and 
the region here ; and as he was a chief much regarded by his 
clan, they early sought to exchange him for one of their number, 
whom they considered rather worthless ; but without avail. 

Having received some explanations as to his probable fate by 
hanging, or weighing, as he understood it, which he seemed to re- 
gard as fixed, he, with his iriends, thought to have the experiment 
tried upon a dog, in order to see how the animal would act. Ac- 
cordingl}^, while the chief was still confined in the jail, a number 
of his Indian friends collected about the outside of the prison, in 
view of a small opening, where the chief could look out and see 
the action of the canine as his Indian friends proceeded to execute 
him. Placing a rope around the animal's neck, and suspending 
him from a pole that had been arranged for the purpose, at 
the height of a few feet from the ground, by means of crossed 
stakes driven into the earth, the dog was soon dangling in the air. 
Observing the animal very closely through the grates of 
the jail, the violent throes and contortions of the dog at once gave 
him a great aversion to hanging, or being thus iveighed till he was 
dead; and when thejailor again made his appearance,he urged that 
he might be shot, rather than be killed by such a process as that 
he had seen tried on the dog.f 

When his trial came on, John B. Bourie and chief Rich- 
ardville acted as interpreters. He was convicted, but being re- 
commended to mercy by the jury, the governor subsec^uently 
granted him a pardon; and in 1848, with a body of Miamies, he 
removed to Kaiisas. 

The first restraining case that came before the court of Allen 
county, was that of Maria Casw^ell, vs. Wra. Caswell, to prevent 
the latter from selling certain property during the pendency of a 

* Indian usage guaranteed the right to kill one another, if they saw proper, as a mat- 
ter of revenge,"or for other nasons, without any other punishment than that often 
sought lobe inflict ;d bj^ way of common retaliatioa for the miirder of friends. 

+ R«dolleotiona of T. W. Hood, 'Squire John Dubois, and rfthera, then residing heres 



302 History of Fort Wayije. 

suit for divorce. This case came up at the September term, 1830, 
Judges Hood and Oushman presiding. 

But little was now done in court matters until the latter partof 
1831, when Judges Test, Hood, and Lewis G. Thompson, (the lat- 
ter of whom had then but recently been elected,) presided as 
Judges. Allen Hamilton was now clerk, and David Pickering, 
sherirf". As clei'k, Mr. Hamilton had been commissioned for sev- 
en years, beginning with June 14th, 1831, all of which period he 
served. David H. Ooierick wras also again sv/orn in as attorney 
for the term. 

The ' first case, that of H. Cooper, vs J.Wheeler, sent down 
from the ISupreiue Oourt, occurred at this time. The case had 
been reversed. 

The spring term of 1832 began April 0th, and was presided over 
by Judges Hood and Thompson, W. J. Brown acting as prosecut- 
ing attorney. Gustavus A. Everett, and John S. Newman ap- 
peared as attorneys, and David H. Colerick, Esq., having produced 
a license, signed by Judges Test and Morris, was then fully ad- 
mitted as a practitioner at the bar. 

In 1820, bamuel Hanna was elected a representative to the Leg- 
islature, the district then being composed of Randolph and Alleu 
counties — Jay, Adams, Wella, and Delaware, having since been 
formed out of these, the limits of Allen then embracing the terri- 
tory of about all of these latter counties, V\''est to the Illinois line. 
Mr. Hanna's opponent, at this time, was John Right,* of Winches- 
ter, formerly a representative from Randolph, and the adjoining 
district. As representative Mr. Hanna nov*' served but one term. 

Daniel Worth, of Randolph county, was the successor to Mr. 
Hanna. 

During this legislative term of Judge Hanna, Delaware county 
was organized ; and a considerable region of country then lying 
between Randolph and Allen counties received the name of 
"Adams," but was not organized a-s a county until 1836. At that 
period the three per cent, tund, amounting to about ijoOO for each 
couniy, was appropriated by the State, to the use of the different . 
counties, for tiie purpose of opening roads. The territory then 

* In those Pioneer days, when log cabins of various dimensions, served for the gen- 
eral purposes of dwelling, court-room and tavern, wherein, in the latter case, many 
often slept in the same room, and not unfrequently,when vervmuch crowded, two and 
Uiree in a bed, Mr. Right, while attending court in this (iistriet, of v/hich, at tlie 
time, he was Judge, the landlord of the house in wliich he was stopping, being very 
much crowded, requested the Judge to receive a bed-fellow for the night in question, 
that all might be accommodated. Being averse to '• strange bed-fellcTws." the Judge 
was by no means favorable to the proposition of the landlord ; but being assured that 
the niau was a very clever fellow, a good-natured Irishman, by tlie name of McCarty, 
— the Judge at length consented, and the two were soon " in the one bed," with a few 
oTHta BEDS IN THK SAME ROOM, all as fuU as that occupied by the Judge and his friend 
McOarly. Awakening " bright and early" the next morning, the Judge began to quiz 
his Irish friend. " Pal," said the Judge,'" I guees you'd have lived a long time in the 
old ox)untry before you'd have had the honor of sleei)ing with a Judge." 

'•Yes, bejabers," quickly replied Pat ; '-and if you'dlired in hvla'nd, it wouldbiT© 
liosTi s najgtity long timo before you'd ut hid the honor of being a judge." 



COMMKNOEMENT OF THS WabASH AND EkIE CaNAL. S03 

embraced within the boundaries of Allen, was so extensive, that 
the sum allowed her for road purposes, was consideredof little val- 
ue in carrying out the design of the appropriation; and Judge 
Hanna drew the amount coming to Allen county, and bestowed i^ 
upon what was afterwards called and organized as Adams county. 

In the following year, (1827,) on the 2d of March, by an act of 
Congress, "every alternate section of land, equal to live miles in 
width," on both sides of what is now the Wabash and Erie canal, 
"was granted to the State of Indiana," for the purpose of construct- 
ing " a canal from the head of navigation on the Wabash, at the 
mouth of the Tippecanoe river, to the foot of the Maumee Rapids," 
the same to be commenced at the expiration of the five years fol- 
lowing the passage of the act; " and to be completed within twen- 
ty years" from that time. 

Soon after this grant, the Land Oflice Commissioners closed the 
sales and entry of all government lands lying along and embraced 
within the limits of said grant, until such time as "the State should 
select and locate her bounty under the grant," which, for a time, 
had the eiiect to retard, rather than superinduce and encourage set- 
tlement in the northern portion of the State, and along the region 
of the intended line of canal. A large body of this land, amount- 
ing to some two hundred and fifty thousand 'acres, lay in the State of 
Ohio, wJiich w€re eventually ceded to that State, by an act of Con- 
gress and the consent of the State of Indiana, under certain stipu- 
lations, viz: "that the canal should be commenced and completed 
according to the oiiginal grant ; and that it should be sixty feet 
wide on the surface of the water, and five feet deep, instead of 
forty feet wide, and four deep." To adjust this, Hon. Jeremiah 
Sullivan, during 1829, was commissioned to adjust and settle this 
matter. 

"In the winter of 183(> and 1827, a Board of Canal Commission- 
ers was created, whose duty it was to examine into the practicabil- 
ity of a canal route across from the Maumee to the Wabash, and of 
obtaining a supply of water therefor, from the St. Joseph, St. Mary's, 
Maumee, or \Vabash, or all of them ; for which purpose $500 
were appropriated, and Samuel Hanna, of Fort Wayne, David Burr, 
of Jackson county, and Robert John, of Franklin county, were 
elected Commissioners. It was very difficult to get this Board to- 
gether, but finally it was convened by Governor Ray, on the 14:th 
of July, 1828, at Indianapolis, and there received from him, plats, 
maps, survej^s, profiles, notes &c., of a report made by a corps of 
Government Engineers, under instructions of the Engineer's De- 
partment, from the mouth of Little river, — at which point a prior 
survey had been suspended in 1826 — thence down the Wabash, and 
from the summit at Fort Vv'^ayne down the Maumee river. This Board 
of Commissioners met at Fort Wayne in the summer of that year, 
(1828,)and being without a level or any instrument to work with, and 
having no engineer, and the $500 of appropriation being insuffi- 



304 



History op Fort Wayke* 



cient for any practical purpose, Judge Hanna agreed to procure 
the instruments, and was thereupon dispatched to Detroit, which 
place he reached, on horse, in two days, then proceeding to N. York, 
procured the- instruments, and returned in an extraordinary quick 
time for that day. The Board then proceeded, by the aid of John 
Smyth, of Miamisburgh, Ohio, (an engineer) early in September, 
to gauge the St. Joseph, St. Mary's, and Wabash, at the forks. 
Dunnglhese observations, Smyth was taken sick, and left the Board 
(none of whom were engineers,) to carry on the M'ork as best as 
they could. From the 10th to the 23d of September, they spent 
the time in examining the St. Joseph river, and the adjacent coun- 
try, for the purpose of locating the Feeder for the canal, and final- 
ly succeeded in locating the clam and Feeder-line to the summits, 
making their own estimates of this, and adopting the estimates, 
&c., orColonel Moore, under whose directions former surveys had 
been made, down the Wabash and Maumec rivers ; which, in the 
meantime, had been received from the War Department, enab- 
ling the Commissioners, after the most diligent work, night and day, 
to present a report of their labor on the 26th of December, later 
than was intended by law creating the commission. So exhausted 
was Colonel Burr, by constant fatigue, in caluclation, &c., that for 
a time his mental powers were overcome, and hence it devolved 
on .Juge Hanna to report; as he did — a report replete with liberal 
suggestions, and sound sense. This report was concurred in, and 
from that day went on a work which has proved so great a benefit 
to Indiana. In this capacity Judge Ilanna served three years. 
TJie canal lands were located by commissioners, under act of Jan- 
uary 25th, 1829, and platted, and a sale opened at Logansport, af- 
ter some delay, in October, 1830, and an ofiice opened in the first 
week of October, 1832, at Fort Wayne."* 

The sale at Logansport was attended by a large number of per- 
sons, and much land was then sold in Cass and adjacent counties, 
which resulted in the attraction of quite an influx of emigrants to 
that section and contiguous parts of the State. " But," says C 
B. Lassclle, Esq., " owing to the length of credit given on the pur- 
chase, availed but little in affording means for the prosecution of 
the construction of the canal. It was, therefore, found necessary 
to appeal to the means of the State. Accordingly a bill was in- 
troduced in the Legislature during the sessions uf 1831-2, for ef- 
fecting a loan upon the faith of the State, predicated upon the mon- 
eys arising from the sales, with interest thereon, together with the 
tolls and water rents of the canal. The bill met with fierce oppo- 
sition upon the part of many prominent men in the Legislature; 
but it finally passed. Its success was duly celebrated by the citi- 
zens of Logansport." 

The " Cass County Times," of March 2d, 1832, gave the follow- 
ing interesting account of the meeting of the commissioners, and 
commencement of the work on the canal at Fort Wayne : 

* " FWrt. Wayne Tm^;" I>^<?etnber 1 6th , 1 i?SS. 



Canal Celebkation of 1832. 305 

" The Commissioners of llie Wabrish and Erie canal met at Fort 
Wayne t>n the 22d ult., for the purpose of carrying' into efiect the 
requisition of tlie hite law of the Legislature of this State, provid- 
ing for the commencement of said work, prior to the 2d day of 
March, 1832, whereupon the Commissioners appointed the anni- 
versary of the birth of the Father of his country as the day on 
which the first excavation should be made on said canal, and b}' an 
order of the Board, J. Vigus, Esq., was authorized to procure the 
necessary tools and assistance, and repair to the most convenient 
point on the St. Joseph Feeder-line, at 2 o'clock, on said day, for 
the purpose aforesaid. 

"The intention of the Commissioners having been made known, 
a large number of citizens of the town of Fort Wayne and its vi- 
cinity, together with a number of gentlemen from tlie valley of the 
Wabash, convened at the Masonic Hall, for the purpose of making- 
arrangements for the celebration of this important undertaking ; 
whereupon Henry Rudisill,Esq., was called to the chair, and David 
H. Colerick appointed secretary. * * * * * 

"The procession, having been formed agreeably to order, proceed- 
ed across the St. Mary's river, to the point selected, when a circle 
was formed, in whi'h tlie Commissioners and Orator took their 
stau'J. Charles W. Ewing, Esq., then rose, and in his usual happy, 
eloquent manner, delivered an appropriate address, which was re- 
ceived with acclamation. J. Vigus, Esq., one of the Canal Com- 
missioners, and the only one present, addressed the company; ex- 
plained the reason Vvdiy his colleagues were absent — adverted to 
the difficulties and embarrassments v^'hichtho friends of the canal 
had encountered and overcome,' noticed the importance of the wo:'k, 
and tlie advantages which Avould ultimately be realized ; and then 
concluded by saying, ' 1 am now about to commence the Wabash 
and. Erie canal in the iiam.e and by the authority of the State of 
Indiana^ Having thus said, he ' struch the long suspended hlov: ' 
— broke ground — while the company hailed the event v;ith tlireo 
cheers. Judge Hanna and Capt. Murray, two of the able and con- 
sistent advocates of the canal, in the councils of the State, nextap- 
proached and excavated the earth ; and then commenced an indis- 
(U'iminate digging and cutting. The procession then marched back 
to town in the manner it went forth, and dispersed in good order." 

Hon. Oliver H. Smith, at the period in question, a resident of 
Connersville, Ind.,in 1826, was elected a representative to Congress, 
and took his seat at the session of 1827. His opponent was Hon. 
John Test. Allen County then gave Mr. Smith but ten votes. In 
his " Early Indiana Trials," Mr. Smith presents the following inter- 
esting account of a trip to Fort Wayne, in company v/ith Judge 
Eggleston and James Rariden, in 1825: 

The fall term of the Circuit Courts, 1825, found Judge Egglesion nnd myself weU 
niouJited, once more on t!io Circuit. Tlie Judge upon his pacing Indian pony; the 
same thit [ afterwards role through au olectioneerlDg Congressii^nai camoaign ; I 

(20) 



30G History of Foet Wayne. 

then rode my gray " fox."' We were joined at Centerville by James Rarlden, mount- 
ed oil "Old Gray," one of the finest animals T have ever seen. Our Court was Id 
be held on the next Monday at Fort Wayne. We reached Wincliester late in the 
evenino- and took lodgings at the hotel of Paul W. Way, but no newspaper heralded 
the arrival. How different was the circumstance that occurred when I was in the 
Senate of the United States. Silas Wright, Thomas H. Benton and James Buchan- 
an, for recreation, ran up to Philadelphia ; the next day the Pensylvanian an- 
nounced that Senators Benton and Buchanan had arrived in that city, and taken 
lodgings at the United States Hotel. A few days after the three distinguished Sena- 
tors were in their seats. I sat at tlie time in the next seat to Gov. Silas Wright; 
turning to the Gov., "I see by the papers that Mr. Benton and Mr. Buchanan have been 
in Philadelphia and taken lodgings at tlie United State;) Hotel ; how did it happen 
that your name was not announced, as you were with them ? " " I did not send 7in/ 
name to the printer." So it was with us. 

After early breakfast we were once more upon our horses, with one hundred miles 
tlirongh the wilderness before us. There were two Indian paths that led to Fort 
Wayne, tlie one by Chief Francis Qodfroy's on the Salamonia river, the other in a 
more easterly direction, crossing the Mississenewa higher up and striking th« 
•' Quaker Trace," from Kichmond to Fort Wayne, south of the head waters of the 
Wabash river. After a moment's consultation, Mr. Rariden, who was our guide, 
turned the head of "Old Gray" to the eastern path, and oil' we started, at a brisk 
traveling gait, in high spirits. The day passed away ; it was very hot, and there 
was no water to be had for ourselves or horses. About one o'clock we came to the 
Wabash river, nearly dried up, but there was grass upon the bank for our horses, 
and we dismounted, took off the saddles, blankets and saddle-bags, when the ques- 
tion arose, should we hold the horses while they grazed, tie them to bashes, spancel 
them, or turn them loose ? We agreed that the latter Avas the best for thehorBesand 
easiest for us, but I raised the question of safety, and brought up the old adage, 
"Safe bind safe find." Mr. Piariden. — "Y6u could not drive Old Gray away from 
me." Judge Eggleston. — "My Indian pony will never leave me." I made no prom- 
ise for my "Grey Fox." Tlie bridles were taken otf, and the horses turned loose to 
graze. A moment after. Old Gray stuck up his head, turned to the path we had 
just come, and bounded off at a lull gallop svfarming with flies, followed by tho 
pacing Indian pony of the Judge, at liis highest speed. Fox lingered behind, but 
soon became infected with the bad example of Jiis associates, and away tliey all 
went, leavingus sitting under the shade of a treethat stood for years afterwards on 
the bank of the Wabash. Our horses were, a week afterwards, taken up at Fort Defi- 
ance, in Ohio, and broucfht to us at Wincliester on our return. It took us but a 
moment to decide what to do. Ten miles wouldtakeusup to Thompson's on Town- 
isend's Prairie. Our saddles and blankets were hung up above the reach of the 
vrolves. Facli took his saddle-bags upon his back, and we started nt a quick step — 
Itariden in the lead, Judge Eggleston in the centre, and I brought up the rear. 
The heat was intense. None of us had been much used to walking. I am satisfied 
we must all have broken down, but most fortunately there had fallen the night before 
a light rain, and the water lay in the shade in the horse tracks. We were soon on 
our knees, Avith our mouths to the water. — Tell me not of your Croton, ye New 
"iorkers, nor of your Fairmount, ye Philadelphians, here was water, "what was 
water." Near night we reached tlie prairie worn down with heat and fatigue. Tho 
thunders were roaring and the lightnings flashing from the black clouds in tlie west. 
A Htorm was coming up on the wings of a hurricane, and ten minutes after we ar- 
rived at Mr. Thompson's it broke upon us im all its fury, and continued raining in 
torrents during the night. We were in a low, one story log cabin, about twenty 
feet square, no floor above, ■::7itha clapboard roof. Supper, to us dinner, was soou 
ready. Three articles of diet only on the plain walnut table, corn-dodgers, boileti 
Bquirvcls, and sassafras tea. — Epicures at the 5 o'clock table of the Astor, St, 
Nicholas, Metropolitan .and Revere, how do you like the bill of fare ? To us it wan 
pumptuoHS and thankfully received. Supper over, we soon turned in, and such a 
night of sweet sleep I never had before or since. The next morning our saddles 
.Aird blankets were brought to us from the Wabash. The landlord provided us with 
ponies and we set forward at full speed, arrived at Fort Wayne that nicht, and took 
Jodgings at the hotel of William N. Hood. In the morning'court met, Judge Eggle- 
eton, President, and side judges, Thotap.soa and Ciishman on the bench. Fovt 



Case of Cikoumstantial Evidence 307 

Wayne coatained about two hundred inhabitants, and the County oi' Allen some fifty 
voiei'S. There were nocaseson docketto try ofa criminal character. Court adjourned 
early, and ■we all went up the St. Mary's river, to Chief Richardville's to see an 
Indian horse race. 

The nags were brought to the ground, a gray pony, about twelve hands high, and 
a roan, rather Larger, like Eclipse and Henry, to contest the superiority of stock 
between the bands of Miamies and Pottawattamies. Six Indians were selected as 
judges — two placed at the starting point, two at the quarter stake, and two at the 
coming-out place. "Riders up — clear the track," and away they went under whip 
and spur. The race over, the judges meet, the spokesman, a large Miami, says 
" Race even, Miami grey take first quarter, Pottawattamie roan take last quarter," 
and all are satisfied. In the evening the grand-jury brought in a bill against Elisha 
U. Harris far stealing an Indian pony. Judge Eggleston. — "Any more business 
before you, Mr. Foreman ? " Gen. Tipton. — "None sir." "You are discharged." 

Judge Eggleston. — " There is but one case on the docket for trial, an appeal case, 
damages claimed five dollars. I feel quite tired, and will be obliged to my associate!? 
to try the case." Judge Cushman. — "Certainly." The case was called. Henry 
Cooper for the plaintiff, and lliram Brown for the defendant. Case submitted to che 
Court. The action was for damages, five dollars claimed, for killing the plaintiff's 
dog. The witness swore that he saw the defendant running with his rifle across his 
yard ; saw him lay it on the fence ; saw the smoke; heard the crack ; saw the dog 
fall ; went to where the dog lay, and saw the bullet-hole just behind the fore leg. 
Here Cooper rested with a triumphant air, and indeed, to a common eye, the case 
seemed beyond hope, but to the mind of the skillful advocate, capable of drawing the 
distinction between positive and circumstantial evidence, a different conclusion was 
come to. — Breckenridge's Miscellanies, and Phillip's Evidence, stating the danger 
of listening to circumstantial evidence, and enumerating many lamentable cases of 
convictions and executions for murder upon circumstantial evidence, when the con- 
victs were afterwards proved to be entirely innocent, had been widely circulated 
and extensively read by courts and lawyers until the tendency of the courts was to 
reject circumstantial evidence. My friend, Mr. Brown, an ingenious attorney, of 
fine talents, and, by the way, rather waggish, said: "A single question, Mr. Wit- 
ness — Can you sWearyousaw the bullet hit the dog ! " "I can swearno such thing." 
" That's all, Mr. Cooper ; a case of mere circumstantial evidence, your Honors." 
Cooper's cou'.itenance fell ; defeat stared him in the face ; the case was submitted to 
the Court without further evidence. Judge Cushman. — "This is a plain case of 
circumslantial evidence. Judgment for the defendant." Cooper, withgreatindigna- 
i ion, with his eye upon Brown : — "When I die I wish it engraved upon my tombstone, 
liere lies Henry Gooper^an honest man." Brown, rising as quick as thought : — 
" Pope says an honest man is the noblest work of God. There have been Atheists 
in this world — Bolingbroke of En gland, Voltaire of France, and Tom Paine of Ameri- 
ca, with a host of other infidel writers who may be named: they have all done noth- 
ing against the Almighty. But let Henry Cooper be holdup in the mid heavens, by 
UtTi angel, for the whole race of man to look upon ; and let Gabriel, with his trumpet, 
.■innounce to gazing worlds, this is God's nohlest worlc, and all the human race would 
become Atheists in a day." We returned to Winchester on ourborrowed ponies, took 
our horses that had been brought from Defiance, and reached the Wayne Circuit 
Court in good time. 

At the expiration of Mr. Smith's term, in 1828, Hon. Jolm Test, 
then of Brookviile, Ind., was elected from the same district, for the 
term of 1229-30, and was succeeded by Jonathan McCarty,* of Fort 
Wayne ; the latter taking his seat in 1831. 

* Mr. Worth, of Randolph county, was elected State Senator, and 
Anthony L. Davis, of Allen, Representative, in 1829, during which 
year the counties of Allen, Randolph and Delaware, including also 
the territory north thereof, was formed into a senatorial district ; 
while Allen, Cass, Randolph, and Delav/are, were organized into a 

* Mr. McCarty had previously been receiver of public money at the land office heiv, 
at which time Captain Robert Brackenridge was register in said office. 



30 S History of Foet Wayke. 

Repi-GsentativG District. In 1830,*- Mr. Worth was agvAn elected 
a Senator, and Joseph Holman chosen a Kepresentative from the 
foregoing district, at which session, Allen, Kandolph, St. Joseph, 
Elkhart and Delaware -\vere formed into a senatorial district, from, 
which, in the following year,(lS31,t) Mr. V/orth was again elected 
State Senator, and Samnel Hanna, irom tlie district at this tinie 
formed out of Allen, Elkhart and St. Joseph, was chosen a Repre- 
sentative. The following year, (1832,) Samuel Hanna, of Allen 
county, was selected State Senator, and George Crawford, of Elk- 
iiart, 'Representative. Tiie following year, I\Ir. Hanna was re-elec- 
ted Sena'tor, and David ll. Colerick, i'Jsq., chosen Representative. 
" The " Board of Justices " having, in 1829, been changed to that 
of " County Board of Commissioners," consisting of James Piol- 
man, Wm. Caswell, and N. Colenlan, on the 29th of September of 
this year, it having been previously presented that two-thirds of the 
Citizens of Fort Wayne were in favor ot incorporating the place, 
the Count}'- Commissioners ordered an election of Trustees, the 
following gentlemen being chosen tJierefor : John S. Archer, W. 
G. iilvv'ing, Hugh Hanna, Dr. L. G. Thompson and John P. Hedges. 
In the month of November following, tlie iirsfc meeting oi this 
Board took place. 

By an act of Con<>Tess of May 31st, 1830, the associate judges of 
Allen county were authorized to enter some twent}^ acres of land 
oh" the west side of the fort reserve, at §'1.25 per acre, which was 
complied with and patented to them March 31st, 1831. Having 
previously been transferred to the agent, and for the use of Alien 
county, by order of the County Board, these twenty acres were laid 
oif, platted, and Hied Nov. 3d, 1830, and designated " County Addi- 
tion." 

The remains of tlie fort reservation, by an act of Congress, v/as 
set apart for the benefit of the canal, and, with other public lands, 
at Logansport, Ind., was subsequenty olfcred at ])ublic auction, and 
purchased by Cyrus Taber, who, April loth, 1835, portioned it oil* 
into forty lots, which have since been known as " Tabers Addition." 

**Afc this p?ri<>d there were but 252 males, orer 21 years of age, in Allen county. 

t The winter of this year, (ly^-l,) was a most ivui;irkuble one. As early as the latter 
part of November, snow L)eg^n to tali, and continued io lie upon the ground until the 
middle of iluroa following ; and the eettlers, during this long season of snow, with 
their roughly-constnieted ])o!e " jumiiers," together with frolieliing ujon tht-i.;e of the 
adjacent streams, sougiit to, and did enjoy tlieniselv>s most frei-lj" and haj.pii}-. So in- 
tense, !iiueh of the time, was the cold and great the depth of the snow during thi<) 
long winter, that — though the settlers suffered but little Irom luck of food, and the gen- 
eral uecc: saries of life-ihe animals of tlu forest were ttrought to the greatest Inmger ; 
and the Wolves, of whieh tiiere were still vast nuniiiers throughout the northwest, and 
wnicli o:uy disappeared from the country, as the red raan receded--W(.re brought to 
such a Htite of hunger, that tlieir fieree bowlings were nigiitly heard t)y the citizens 
of tlie j,daee ; and it was long unsafe for the seiti^rs to venture far beyond tlie liujits of 
tne Iowa. The Indians also suffered greatly this winter for food, and several of them 
Were killed and eaten by the wolves. So reduced were the Indians, in some instar.ces, 
iliat thny actually ate dead carrions that had lain upon the ground lor mouths. What 
Was nniat peculiar with the Avoives, during this long winter, whieh exiiibited largely 
the nat'.ve insi.inet of this animal, they would never make a direct attack upoCrnauoV 
bv.(.ust, unless their numbers were bu:Seieiitto insAiro tbeir &\icvt.fS. 



Succession of Judges. ,^09 

Previous to 1S25, tlie associatej.udges of the different counties 
in the State also exercised probate jurisdiction, the clerk thereof 
acting also as clerk of the Circuit Court, v/liile the sheriff acted for 
both.^ 

ItM'as in tliis year, (1825,) November 1-ith, that the organization 
of the first Court for Probate purposes occurred, Vv'hicli met at. the 
Old AYashington Hall, and was presided over by Samuel Hanna 
and Benjamin Cushman. 

On the 23d of May, (1825,) in a small book, some six inches 
spuare, the first eKtry of letters of administration was made. 

The next term of this court, February 12tb, 1826, was opened at 
the residence of Alexander Ewing, and closed at that of Wm Sut-' 
tenfield. The third term, August 13th, 1826, was presided over by 
.Judge Hanna and W. N. Hood, A. L. Davis, Esq., acting- as clerk. 
At the term of 1828, May 5th, Samuel Hanna, executor of A. Buv- 
nett, received the first order for the sale of land made to diim. This 
sale consisted of two sections reserved to Burnett at the Indian trea- 
ty of 1826 — one lying at Winnemac prairie, on the northwest side of 
the Wabash, and the other just opposite the mouth of Deep Creek, 
or Vvdiat is now Delphi, in Carroll county, Ind. At the next term, 
Nov. 1828, " letters of administration " wore issued to Joseph Hol- 
man, upon tlie estate of the then late principal war chief of the 
Miamies, known as La Gross,* who had previously been poisoned 
and died at the fort here, near which he was buried. La Gross had 
exercise 1 a very conspicious part among the Indians here as ear- 
ly as ITyi, and was esteemed as a very good man. 

At the next term of the Probate Court, May 3d, 1830, Yf. G. Ew- 
ing' presided as Judge, katlno previously been commissioned t6 
serve in thi-^ capacity for seven years,'from September lOth, 1829, 
the duties of which ofiice he is said to have discharged with marked 
ability, till 1833, when he resigned in favor of Hugh 'B. 
McOalloch, who became his successor, also to hold the ofiice ■& 
seven years, from June 7th, 1834 ; but Mr. McCulIoch resigned the 
position after one session, in 1835, to take charge of the Branch of 
the State Bmk of Indiana ; after which, Governor Noble appointed 
Thomas Johnson to fill the vacancy of Mr. McCulioch. Wr. John- 
son presided as Probate Judge until Angiisi', 1836, when, by gener-' 
al election, Lucien P. Ferry f was commissioned to discharge the 
duties of the ofiice for seven years, from 5ihof October, 1836, but, 
having resic:;ned, he v,^as superseded, February lOth, ISIO, by 

*It^'a3 after this cliief that tiie tovrn of La Gi'oss, in Wabash county, in this Stat^, 
was named. 

t Dnrin.^ Septeuibor, 1S43, Mr. Ferry, accompanied by Thomas JohiLson, Esq., eaid 
to have bepn a vpry estimable man and a good citizeTi, returning lata one ereninL', 
from Bluffton, Wells county, in this State, wliither they had been on court business, 
t he niajht overtook them, and a h?avy r.sin coming up, they mistook their Avp.y, and got 
^'erv wet, from the effects of which Mr. Johnson died two days after. Mr. Ferrj-, who 
also boretiie repiit-.ition of a most intelligent and worthy citizen, died in August of tliC 
f ollowingyear, 1844, at tiie age of thirty-tlirco. Judge George JohnsoBj estecriic<l ga a 



;]10 History of Fort Wayne. 

Kciil)en J. Dawson. Mr. Dawson continued bufc a few months, and 
was followed by Samuel Stophlet, November 9th, 1840, who held 
the position till 18M, when, resigning, he was followed by George 
Johnson, appointed by Governor Whitcomb, who held the position 
till the period of election, in August, 1844, when he was elected 
to the office, and held the judgeship till 1847, when he resigned, 
and v,ras succeeded by Nelson McLain, April I2th, 1 847, who was 
appointed to this position, but in the following August r/as elected 
to the office, and held the position until this court was abolished 
by provisions of the new constitution of 1853, when Hon. James 
W. Borden was elected Judge of what is now the District Court of 
Common Pleas, embracing Allen, Adams, Wells and Huntington 
counties, with probate jurisdiction, whose first term began Novem- 
ber 3d, 1853. Since this period, the Courts have undergone no 
special change. In the early part of 18G7, a Criminal Court was 
created here, to preside over which, in the month of April, of this 
year, Governor Baker appointed Hon. James H. Fay, Judge, R. 
S. Taylor, Prosecuting Attorney ; and in the month of October 
following, by election, Hon. J. W. Borden assumed the judgeship 
of this court. 

Of marriage records, previous to October, 1834, there had been 
no record of marriage licenses presented here, nor any return made 
of the solemnization thereof in the county of Allen. Up to 1824, 
Avhile what is now Allen county still formed a part of Randolph, all 
such licenses had to be procured at the Clerk's office in Win- 
chester, the county-seat of Randolph. 

The first record of marriage here, occurring in 1834, was that 
of George Withmer to Eleanor Troutner. For some years prior to 
the issue of this first license here, it was a custom for officers of 
the army to solemnize marriage without license ; some were also 
married upon license issued from the Clerk's office in Miami coun- 
ty, Ohio ; while others were procured at Vincennes, ^ in Knox 
county, Indiana ; and many came together and lived very agree- 
able without any license at all. 

most -n'orthy and intelligent young man, wliile attending a|cour3e of theological studies 
at Gambier Ohio, iu December, IbSO, lost his life by the accidental dischargeof a gun. 



CHAPTER XXVIL 

still moving forward — onward over ! 

St ■Jp ^ ^it T(t -iK vK 

" The foiir first acts already past, 

The fiftli shall close the drama with the day ; 
Time's noblest offspring is her last." 



The first conrt-honse — Treasurer's, Auditor's, Cleric's, and Recorder's oftiees — The old 
jail — The present court-house — Post office and post-masters — Mails — The old poud 
— Sliawanoe run — Au incident — Sketch of Chief Eichardville — The old sand-hill 
— Exhumation of Indian bones and relics — Steady improvement of the place — 
Population at different periods — Recollections of an early resident — Commanding 
])osition of the place — Roads — Buildings — General business — Manufacturing inter- 
ests — The World's fiitui-e great commercial city — ^Raih'oad interests — Arrival of 
the first locomotive — First pi-inting office — ISfames and number of papers now 
published in Fort Wayne — Churches and educational relations — The Future. 



(^|HE FIRST edifice erected for court and g-cneral public pur- 
raj)poses,was a two-story brick building, built by S. Edsall, in 1847. 
■srjsgThis edifice stood upon the site of the present substantial 
^^:^court building. The original court building v/as of slender 
build, and after a few years use, it became evident that its 
longer occupancy would be attended y\dth danger, and a one-story 
building was subsequently erected on the south-east corner of 
court-scjuare, with a side-room for jury and other purposes fronting 
on Berry street, which was also torn down a few years after its 
erection. At the time of the occupancy and use of this build- 
ing, the Treasurer's and Auditor's ofiices were in a small edifice 
on the northeast corner of court-scjuare ; the Clerk's olfice on 
the northwest corner; and the Recorder's office on the sontli- 
Yv^est corner of the same. 

At the time of the erection and during the occupancy and use of 
the first court-house, built by Mr. Edsall,